EW  A  R  D 


, — fi__fL_n, 


REESE  LIBRARY 

;  in 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWAKD: 


AN  AUTOBIOGRAPHY 


180  X  to  1834. 


MEMOIR  OF  HIS  LIFE,   AND  SELECTIONS 
FROM  HIS  LETTERS. 

1831-1846. 


FREDERICK  W.  SEWARD 


* 


-  i-'BfV/r 

OF  THE      '' . 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


NEW  YORK: 

DERBY  AND  MILLER,  149  CHURCH  STREET. 
1891. 


REESE 

COPYRIGHT  BY  D.  APPLETON  A  CO.,  1877. 


Entered,  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  ninety, 

BY  FREDERICK  W.  SEWARD, 
In  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED. 


PUBLISHERS'  ANNOUNCEMENT. 


The  story  of  the  personal  experiences,  the  daily  life  and  con 
versation  of  one  who  has  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  the  world's 
history,  is  the  most  effective  and  interesting  way  of  presenting  a 
picture  of  the  era  in  which  he  lived.  Valuable  as  historic  records 
are,  they  grow  wearisome  to  the  reader,  when  confined  to  dry 
detail  of  public  events.  But  the  tale  of  human  life  and  endeavor, 
in  the  past  or  present,  is  one  that  never  lacks  interest  and  never 
grows  old ;  because  it  is  one  in  which  all  are  always  taking  part. 

Hence,  the  publishers  have  found  that  there  is  a  demand  for  a 
new  edition  of  this  volume,  which  bears  the  same  relation  to  the 
history  of  the  State  of  New  York  and  of  the  Union,  in  the  early 
portion  of  the  century,  that  the  subsequent  volumes  of  "&EWARD  AT 
WASHINGTON"  do  to  the  period  of  the  struggle  for  Emancipation, 
the  Civil  War,  and  Reconstruction.  All  the  leading  events  of  each 

'  O 

period  are  set  forth,  in  due  order,  not  as  they  may  seem  to  remote 
observers,  now;  but  as  they  looked  to  those  actually  participating 
in  them,  then. 

The  three  volumes  are  similarly  bound  so  as  to  make  a  uniform 
series. 

DERBY  AND  MILLEB. 

November,  1891. 


117899 


CONTENTS. 
* 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 

1801-1816. 

Birth  and  Parentage.— Colonel  John  Se ward.— School-Life  in  Orange  County.— Witches. — 
The  Great  Eclipse.— The  Eighteen  States.— War  with  England.— Downfall  of  Napo 
leon.— Kitchen  and  Parlor.— A  Boy's  Impressions  about  Slavery  .  PAGE  19 

1816-1818. 

First  Steamboat  Journey.— Chancellor  Kent.— College-Life  at  Schenectady.— The  Mohawk 
Trade.— Dr.  Nott.— Wayland.— Welcome  to  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  .  .  29 

1818-1819. 

A  College  Escapade.— A  Coasting-Voyage.— Six  Months  in  Georgia.— Kindly  Patrons.— The 
Union  Academy. — Planters  and  Slaves. — Law-Studies. — Eeturn  to  College. — Adelphio 
and  Philomathean. — A  Secession. — Trial  and  Defense. — Commencement  Honors  36 

1820-1824. 

Studying  Law.— John  Duer.— John  Anthon.— The  Forum.— Edward  N.  Kirk.— Ogden  Hoff 
man.— Chief-Justice  Spencer.—"  Bucktails  "  and  "  Clintonians."— Constitution  of  1821. 
—Admitted  to  the  Bar.—"  Going  West."— Partnership  with  Judge  Miller.— Choosing 
Church  and  Party  ..........  47 

1824. 

Stage-Coach  Excursion  to  Niagara.— First  Meeting  with  Thurlow  Weed.— Buffalo.— New 
York  and  the  Western  Trade.— Benjamin  Rathbun.— Origin  of  Parties  in  the  United 
States.— Their  History  and  Character.— Presidential  Election  of  1824.—  Struggle  over 
the  Electoral  Law. — Adams  and  Jackson. — Marriage  .  .  .  .  .55 

1825-1828. 

President  Adams,  Clinton,  and  Clay.— A  Southern  Combination.— The  "  National  Repub  - 
lican  "  Party.— A  Night-Ride  with  Lafayette.— Pageants  in  his  Honor.— Visit  to  De 
Witt  Clinton. — Adhering  to  Adams. — Rejection  as  Surrogate. — A  Resolution  about  Of 
fice.— Death  of  Clinton.— Presidency  of  Young  Men's  Convention  at  Utica  .  .  6S 


PORTRAITS  ON  STEEL. 


PAOB.  PACK. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,       Frontispiece.  HORACE  GREELBY,       .  .    534 

THURLOW  WEED,         ...      66  GEKRIT  SMITH,          .       .       .  594 

FRANCES  A.  SEWARD,        .        .        260  JOHN  QUTNCY  ADAMS,  .        .  .672 

DANIEL  WEBSTER,       ...    839  HENRY  CLAY,     ....  732 


6  CONTENTS. 

-1828-1829. 

The  Convention.— Abduction  of  Morgan.— Popular  Excitement.— The  Antimasonic  Party. 
— Solomon   South  wick. — Smith   Thompson   and    Francis  Granger. — Van  Buren  and 
Throop. — Congressional  Nomination. — A  Coalition  and  an  Explosion. — General  Jack 
son's  Election. — Auburn  Projects. — Working  for  a  Competence. — Buying  a  House. 

PA&E  69 

1830. 

'  Popular  Elections.— The  Evening  Journal.— A  Fourth-of-July  Demonstration.— Henry 
Dana  Ward. — The  "  Working-men." — Granger  for  Governor. — National  Convention. — 
Thaddeus  Stevens.— Judge  McLean.— Myron  Holley.— Elected  to  the  Senate  .  76 

1831. 

'  Legislative  Life.— First  Experience  in  Debate.— Militia  Eeform.— A  Dream  of  William 
Morgan.— Albert  H.  Tracy.— William  H.  Maynard.— N.  P.  Tallmadge.— Imprisonment 
for  Debt,— Calhoun  and  Van  Buren.— General  Jackson  and  the  United  States  Bank.— 
Breaking  up  of  the  Cabinet.— The  "  Albany  Begency."— The  Eichmond  Junto.— 
National  Policy 80 

1831. 

,/  Oration  at  Syracuse. — Eailroads  and  Canals. — Visit  to  John  Quincy  Adams. — Baltimore 
Convention.— Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  and  Chief-Justice  Marshall.— William  Wirt 
for  President. — Eed-Jacket. — Samuel  Miles  Hopkins. — A  Warning  from  Virginia  88 

1832-1833. 

*  Legislative  Session.— Banks.— Eailroads.— Female  Convicts.— The  Canal  System.— Debate 
on  United  States  Bank.— Van  Buren  rejected.— Court  of  Errors.—"  Citizen  "  Genet- 
Visit  from  Aaron  Burr.— His  Eeminiscences.— A  Long  Chancery  Suit.— The  Cholera.— 
Jackson  reflected.— The  Nullification  Movement  .  .  .  .  .93 

1833. 

First  Voyage  to  Europe.— The  Letter-Bag.— A  Lost  Sailor.— Liverpool  and  New  York.— 
Chester. — Scenes  hi  Ireland. — The  Merchant's  Widow. — Emmet's  Cell. — Emigrants  to 
America. — Scotland  and  Scottish  Memories. — Edinburgh. — A  Grumbling  Legend. — 
London  Sights  and  People. — Seeing  the  King. — Malibran. — An  American  Charge\ — 
Joseph  Hume. — A  Day  in  Parliament. — Cobbett. — Peel. — Hay. — O'Connell. — Stanley. 
— American  Eeformers. — Indians  and  Quakers. — Paganini. — Thoughts  on  leaving  Eng 
land  ....  104 

1838. 

Crossing  the  German  Ocean.— Traveling  through  Holland  by  Canal.— Dutch  Towns  and 
Thrift.— Amsterdam  and  the  Hague.— Broeck.— The  Children's  Patron  Saint.— Meeting 
an  Army.— A  Woman' s-Eights  Question.— Diisseldorf  and  Cologne.— The  Ehine.— 
Coblentz. — Bingen. — Mayence. —  Frankfort. — Heidelberg. — Among  the  Swiss  Moun 
tains. — Young  and  Old  Eepublics. — A  Tavern  Adventure. — Berne. — Lausanne. — Ge 
neva,— An  Unhappy  Man.— St.-Gervais  .  .  .  .  .  .116 

1833. 

Chamouni.— Mont  Blanc.— En  Voiture.— Politics  in  the  Coupe".— Paris.— Scenes  of  Eevolu- 
tionary  Changes.— The  Tenants  of  the  Tuileries.— Lafayette  in  the  Chamber  of  Depu 
ties.— Trying  the  Guillotine.— Napoleon's  Old  Soldiers.— The  Orleans  Family.— The 
Pantheon. — La  Chapelle  Expiatoire. — Josephine's  Cottage  ....  125 


CONTENTS.  7 

1833. 

A  Visit  to  La  Grange.— Lafayette's  Affection  for  America.— His  Family.— His  Conversation 
and  Habits.— His  Description  of  the  Revolution  of  1830.— Views  of  French  Politics,  Past 
and  Future  .  '  '  ffl  " .'  .',.'!  ?iti  rts~.'  -ofj  i(  .  p^eg  184 

1833-1834. 

Home  again.— Colonel  Swartwout. — Protecting  Settlers  in  the  Court  of  Errors. — Jackson's 
Progress. — Edward  Livingston. — Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  West  Indies. — Coloniza 
tion  and  Antislavery  Movements. — Removal  of  the  Deposits. — Dissolution  of  the  Anti- 
masonic  Party  ..........  141 

1834. 

/Laet  Year  in  the  Senate.— Speech  on  Removal  of  the  Deposits.— The  Six-Million  Loan.— A 
Warm  Debate. — Honest  John  Griffin. — Land  Distribution. — Improvement  of  the  Hud 
son  River. — Beginning  of  the  Whig  Party. — Eulogy  on  Lafayette. — Searching  for  a 
Candidate  under  Difficulties.— Nomination  for  Governor.— Where  Great  Men  live.— 
Silas  M.  Stilwell  .  .  149 


MEMOIR,  AM)  SELECTIONS  FROM  HIS  LETTERS. 

CHAPTER  I. 
1831. 

Home  at  Auburn. — Journey  to  Albany. — First  Experiences  of  Legislative  Life. — Sketches 
of  Character. — Aaron  Burr. — Citizen  Genet. — Maynard. — Tracy. — Granger. — Weed  161 

CHAPTER   II. 
1831. 

Albany  Society. — Dinners. — Parties  and  Visits. — Governor  Throop. — Samuel  Miles  Hop 
kins.— Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge.— Levi  Beardsley.— Millard  Fillmore.— Philo  C.  Fuller. 
— Lobbying. — Election  of  Marcy  to  the  United  States  Senate. — Speech  on  Militia  Re 
form. — Troy  and  Schenectady. — Mad  Dogs. — Reading  Novels  .  .  .  174 

CHAPTER  III. 
1831. 

Visit  to  the  Shakers.— Presidential  Candidates.— Callioun.— Chief-Justice  Spencer.— Rural 
Life.— A  Parent's  Responsibilities.— Banks.— Edward  Ellice.— Trip  to  Orange  County. 

183 

CHAPTER  IV. 

1831. 

Maynard's  Eloquence. — Rev.  Edward  N.  Kirk. — Religious  Belief. — John  C.  Spencer. — Bon 
nets.— United  States  Bank.— West  Point  and  "Old  Fort  Put."— Imprisonment  for 

Debt.— Closing  Scenes  of  the"  Session  .  .  .  .  .  .  .1ST 


g  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  Y. 
1831. 

J?ouith-of-July  Orations.— Captain  Seward.— A  Militia  Career.— President-Making.— First 
Bailway-Bide. — Disraeli. — Dr.  Campbell. — Judge  Bronson. — Gerrit  Y.  Lansing. — Abram 
Van  Veohten.— Mrs.  Hamilton  .  .  .  .  .  .  ^  PAGE  192 

CHAPTER  VI. 

1831. 

A  New  England  Journey. — A  Steamboat  Lottery. — Indian  Traditions. — "  Last  of  the  Mo 
hicans." — Providence. — President  Wayland. — Boston. — Revolutionary  Memories  and 
Men.— The  Polish  Standards.— Eide  to  Quincy.— First  Meeting  with  John  Quincy 
Adams. — Down  the  Delaware. — The  Baltimore  Convention. — William  Wirt  .  198 

CHAPTER  VII. 
1832. 

Legislative  Debates. — Speech  on  the  United  States  Bank. — Railroads. — General  Eoot  and 
the  Eegency. — Boyish  Memories. — Ways  of  the  Lobbyists. — The  Address. — The 
Greeks 209 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1832. 

Rural  Fancies. — Rev.  Alonzo  Potter. — The  Fire-King. — Coming  of  the  Cholera. — Maynard's 
Death.— Lieutenant-Governor  Livingston.— Jackson  reflected.— Governor  Marcy.— A 
Weather-Prophet.— Eival  Stages.— The  Price  of  Candles.— Edwin  Forrest.— A  Pre 
monition  of  the  Civil  War  .  .  .  i  .'?'v  f^  .  MI  r;  :;>-  .  .  215 

CHAPTER  IX. 
1833. 

New-Year's  Eeflections.— A  Bound  of  Calls.— United  States  Senators.— Silas  Wright.— N. 
P.  Tallmadge.—  Christian  Faith.— South  Carolina  Nullification.— Speech  defending 
Jackson's  Proclamation.— A  Mother's  Illness.— Voyage  to  Europe  .  .  225 

CHAPTER  X. 

1833-1834. 

Return  Home.— The  Wadsworths.— Dissolution  of  the  Antimasonic  Party.— Debate  on 
Removal  of  the  Deposits.— The  Six-Million  Loan.— Commercial  Distress.— A  Depre 
ciated  Currency.— The  Cholera.— Freeman  the  Artist.— Nomination  for  Governor  280 

CHAPTER  XI. 
1834. 

Campaign  of  1834.— Seward  and  Stilwell.—"  Young  Man  with  Bed  Hair."— The  Whig 
Party. — Election. — "  Mourners." — Journey  with  Gary. — New  York  Hospitalities.— 
Charles  King.— Chancellor  Kent.— New  England  Dinner.— End  of  Legislative  Life. 

236 


CONTENTS.  9 

CHAPTER   XII. 

1835. 

Eeturn  to  Private  Life.— Law  and  Chancery  Practice.— Judge  Miller.— Seward  and  Beards- 
ley. — Political  Speculations. — French  Claims. — Personalities  in  Debate. — Attempt  to 
assassinate  Jackson. — Advice  about  going  West. — Editorial  Life. — "  Optimism." — 
Henry  Bulwer  ,  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  PAGE  248 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

1835. 

A  Summer  Tour.— The  Pennsylvania  Mountains.— The  Susquehanna  Valley.— Harrisburg. 
—Harper's  Ferry.— -The  Valley  of  Virginia.— Weyer's  Cave.— Natural  Bridge.— Slaves 
and  their  Masters  .........  260 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
1835. 

Virginia  Hospitality. — The  Blue  Ridge. — Monticello. — Jefferson. — Fredericksburg. — Mount 
Vernon.— The  Washington  Estate.— The  National  Capital  in  1835.— Visit  to  "Old 
Hickory."— Baltimore  and  Philadelphia.— The  Biddies.— Sully.— Dr.  Physick.— Joseph 
Bonaparte. — Long  Branch  Life. — Old  Memories  and  Traditions  of  Florida. — The 
*«  Moon  Hoax."— Death  of  Mrs.  Miller.— The  "  Neutral  Ground  "  .272 

CHAPTER  XV. 
1835-1836. 

v  Abolitionists. — "  Incendiary  Publications "  and  Riots. — The  Auburn  <fe  Owasco  Canal 
Project. — Harrison  and  Granger. — The  "  Loco-focos." — Webster  and  Clay's  With 
drawal.—  The  Small-Bill  Law.— Town  and  Country  Life  .  .  .  '  .  291 

CHAPTER  XYI. 
1836. 

The  Holland  Land  Company.— Trouble  with  Settlers.— A  Fortified  Land-Office.— Seward 
as  Pacificator.— Life  at  Westfield.— A  Night  Attack.— Geology  and  Science.— Exploring 
Chautauqua  County  .........  301 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
1836. 

The  Year  of  Speculation.— New  York  Schemes.— Auburn  Projects.— A  Complex  Trust- 
Van  Buren  elected  President.— Thanksgiving-Day.— A  Christmas  Sermon  .  315 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1837. 

The  Year  of  Financial  Collapse. — Busy  Times  at  the  Land-Office. — Death  of  his  Daughter. 
—A  Conflagration.— The  Ides  of  March.— Van  Buren.— A  Member  of  the  Episcopal 
Church. — General  Banking  Law. — The  Crash. — u  Shinplasters." — Louis  Napoleon  323 


1$  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

1837. 

Chautauqua  in  Summer. — Discourse  on  Education. — Washington  in  the  Extra  Session.— 
First  Meeting  with  Clay  and  Webster.— Calhoun's  Speech.— New  York  &  Erie  Rail 
road  Convention.— Samuel  B.  Ruggles.— A  Political  Revolution.— Whig  Exultations.— 
Weed  and  the  Clerkship.— The  Canadian  "  Patriot  War."— The  Jeffersonian.— Letters 
to  Children  .........  PAGE  334 

CHAPTER  XX. 

1838. 

Auburn  &  Syracuse  Railroad.— A  Whig  Legislature. — Small  Bills  and  Specie  Payments. 
—An  Ice- Ad  venture. — Ruggles's  Canal  Report. — Charleg  King. — Ocean-Steamers. — 
Over-zealous  Friends.— Granger  and  Bradish  .  .  .  .  .356 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

1838. 

The  Canvass.— Whig  Young  Men's  Convention.—  Whittlesey.— Fillmore  and  Tracy.— The 
Episcopal  Diocese. — Whig  State  Convention. — Nomination  of  Seward  and  Bradish. — 
"A  Speculator."— The  Antislavery  Interrogatories.—  The  Election  .  ..  .  366 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

1839. 

A  Busy  Season.— The  "  Kane  Mansion."— The  Inauguration.— The  Message.— A  Legisla 
tive  Dead-Lock.— State  Officers.— The  Oneidas.— Geological  Survey.— "The  Three- 
Walled  House."— The  "  Atherton  Gag."— Horace  Greeley.— Spencer.— Dr.  Potter.— 
Canadian  Raids. — Secretary  Poinsett. — Foreigners. — Colonel  Worth  .  *  f  379 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
1839. 

A  Levee  in  New  York.— The  Bible.— Habits  of  the  Letter-Basket.— J.  P.  Kennedy.— Hamil 
ton. — First  Diplomatic  Question. — A  Canal-Journey. — Visit  to  the  Prison. — Future 
Railroads. — Animal  Magnetism. — Van  Buren's  Progress. — Fourth  of  July  with  Sunday- 
School  ChUdren  ,.  '  .  .407 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

1839. 

The  Pardoning  Power.— Experiences,  Sad  and  Grotesque.— Going  to  Commencement.— Mrs. 
Clinton. — Henry  Clay  at  Auburn. — President  Van  Buren  in  Albany. — A  Requisition  for 
Three  Black  Men.— Tour  through  the  Northern  Counties.— Conferences  with  Clay.— A 
Clever  Caricature  .........  419 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

1839. 

Visit  to  Western  New  York.— The  Amistad.— The  Virginia  Controversy.— Cole's  Picture. 
—Military  Reviews.— School  Libraries.— Morus  Multicaulis  Fever.— No  Coal-Mines.— 
Church  and  State.— Election  of  a  Whig  Legislature.— Presidential  Tours.— Partisanship 
in  Office  .  .  433 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
1839. 

The  Harrisburg  Convention.—  General  Harrison  nominated.—  Congress  disorganized.—  R, 
M.  T.  Hunter.—  The  Patroon.—  The  Helderberg  War.—  Story  of  a  Youthful  Friendship. 
—David  Berdan.—  Scotchmen.—  Gulian  C.  Verplanck.—  Frankenstein  .  PASB  447 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

1840. 

The  Whigs  in  Power.-—  Appointments.—  Virginia's  Threats.—  Antislavery  Laws.—  The 
Schools  in  New  York.—  The  Old  Writing-Chair.—  The  First  Daguerreotypes.—  Social 
Life.  —  John  A.  King.  —  Stephens.  —  St.  Patrick  and  St.  George.  —  Natives  and  Foreigners. 
—The  "  Higher  Law  "  ........  458 

CHAPTER  XXVIH. 
1840. 

A  Talk  with  the  Onondagas.—  Abraham  Le  Fort.—  New  Railways  and  Canals.—  Registry 
Law.—  The  D'Hauteville  Case.—  Manorial  Tenures.—  Law  Reform.-—  Bankrupt  Law.— 
Silk  Experiments.—  The  Staff  Snuffbox.—  Smoking  .  .472 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 
1840. 

Besults  of  the  Session.—  Embarrassments  of  the  Appointing  Power.—  Six  Thousand  Disap 
pointments.—  The  Rathbun  Forgery  Case.—  Outlook  for  the  Presidential  Contest.— 
Escape  of  Lett.—  Establishment  of  the  Cunard  Line  ....  482 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

1840. 

Cherry  Valley  Centennial.—  The  World's  Antislavery  Convention.—  Georgetown  wanting 
to  get  out.—  The  Sub-Treasury  Law.—  Prison  Bibles.—  Utica  Convention.—  Renomina- 
tion.—  Webster  at  Saratoga.—  Caleb  Cushing.—  Edward  Stanley.—  Case  of  Cornelius 

488 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

1840. 

The  Presidential  Campaign.—  "  Old  Tip."—  Mass-Meetings.—  Speeches  and  Songs.—  The 
Conservatives.—  Bishop  Hughes.—  The  "  Forty-Million  Debt."—  The  Glentworth  Ex 
plosion.—  Reception  at  Albany.—  The  Last  Time  a  Candidate  ...  495 


12  CONTENTS. 

OHAPTEK  XXXII. 

1840. 

Rush  for  Federal  Appointments.— Whig  Jubilations.— Antislavery  Party.— Virginia  Con 
troversy  continued.— Thanksgiving.— Murder  Cases.— The  Electoral  College  PAGE  508 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
1841. 

Second  Inauguration.— A  Prosperous  State.— Burning  of  the  Caroline.— Fox  and  Forsyth.— 
The  Legislature  on  the  Virginia  Question.— The  Colonial  History.— Brodhead's  Search 
among  Dusty  Kecords. — Cabinet-Making. — Granger. — No  Secrets. — Legislative  Fun. — 
John  Duer.— Death  of  his  Brother 516 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

1841. 

New  Administration  at  Washington. — Appointments. — The  McLeod  Case. — General  Scott. 
— Crittenden. — Virginia  Search  Law. — Trial  by  Jury  of  Fugitive  Slaves. — Crisis  at 
Eichmond. — Irishmen  and  Father  Matthew. — Death  of  President  Harrison. — Funeral 
Solemnities  .  .  .  .  .  i.,  , .  .  .  .  \  525 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 
1841. 

Tyler  sworn  in.— Whig  Hopes.— The  Tribune.— The  State  Printing.— The  "  Nine  Months' 
Law."— Sunday-Schools.— The  Public  Schools  in  New  York.— The  Blind  and  Mute.-— 
The  Oneidas. — McLeod's  Arrest. — Correspondence  with  President  Tyler  .  53S 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

1841. 

Proposal  to  stop  Work  on  the  Canals.— Whig  Assembly  turned  Democratic.— Willis  Gay- 
lord  Clark.— The  Senecas.— Tyler's  Message.- The  Georgia  Correspondence.— The 
Anti-rent  Troubles. — Trip  to  New  England. — Bob,  the  Mocking-Bird. — McLeod  Excite 
ment. — Supreme  Court  Decision  .......  541 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

1841. 

Whig  Troubles  at  Washington.— The  Georgia  Correspondence.— Stealing  a  Woman.— Re 
fusal  to  be  a  Candidate.— Extra  Session  at  Buffalo.— Lyell.— Murder  of  Mary  Rodgers.— 
Webster  and  the  McLeod  Case.— The  Vetoes.— Clay  and  Tyler.— Breaking  up  the 
Cabinet  .  554 


CONTENTS.  13 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

1841. 

Spencer  in  the  War  Department.  —  Trial  of  McLeod.  —  An  Alibi.  —  The  Election.  —  A  Demo 
cratic  Victory.  —  Letters  to  Adams  and  Scott.  —  The  Prince  de  Joinville.  —  Lord  Mor- 
peth.  —  Opening  of  Boston  &  Albany  Kailroad.  —  Josiah  Quincy.  —  O'Connell's  Opinion 

PAGE  565 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

1842. 

The  Temperance  Kefonn.—  Opposition  Plans  and  Discords.—  The  Eight  of  Petition.—  Sir 

Charles  Bagot.  —  Dickens.  —  Lord  Ashburton.  —  A  Revolutionary  Reminiscence.  —  Letter 
to  Greeley.—  Battle  between  Senate  and  Governor.—  Expunging  Messages      .  577 

CHAPTER  XL. 

1842. 

A  Mammoth  Petition.  —  Change  of  State  Officers.  —  South  Carolina  Search-Law.  —  The  "  Fis 
cal  Agent."  —  Passage  of  the  New  York  School  Law.  —  Seward's  Policy  adopted.  —  Meet 
ing  of  the  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York.—"  Honest  John  Davis."  — 
General  Herkimer  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  586 

CHAPTER   XLI. 

1842. 

St.  Patnck  and  Father  Mathew.—  Congressional  Temperance  Society.—  The  "Stop-and- 
Tax"  Policy.—  Aldermen  as  Judges.—  The  Liberty  Party.—  Gerrit  Smith.—  Closing 
Scenes  of  the  Legislature.—  Trial  by  Jury  of  Fugitives.—  New  York  Riot.—  Election 


CHAPTER   XLH. 

1842. 

Lord  Ashburton.—  "  The  Dorr  Rebellion"  in  Rhode  Island.—  Prigg  vs.  Pennsylvania.— 
Virginia  Search  Law.—  Protestants  and  Catholics.  -Extradition.—  Jenny,  the  Fawn.— 
Dickens.—  Spencer.—  Wickliffe.—  Hammond  .....  598 


CHAPTER   XLin. 

1842. 

End  of  Rhode  Island  Rebellion.—  Dr.  Vinton.—  "  Notes  on  New  York."—  Opening  of  Cro- 
ton  Aqueduct.—  Collapse  of  United  States  Bank.—  Presidential  Nominations.—  Guber 
natorial  Candidates.  —  Extradition.  —  The  Ashburton  Treaty  .  .  .  608 


14  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XLIV. 

1842. 

The  Extra  Session.— Stoppage  of  Public  Works.— Repudiating  States.— Carlin.— The  Hutch  - 
insons.— The  Millerites.— Webster  and  Adams.— Bradish  and  Bouek.— Address  at  State 
Fair.— Education  of  Farmers  .  .  .  .  v  :  :*  .  4  PAGE  617 

CHAPTER  XLV. 
1842. 

The  Croton  Water  Celebration.— Spencer  and  Tyler.— Election.— A  Whig  Overthrow.— Phi 
losophy  of  Defeat.— The  Murder  of  Samuel  Adams.— Case  of  John  C.  Colt  .  624 

CHAPTER  XLVI. 
1842-1843. 

Lest  Month  in  Office.— Dr.  Sprague.— Colonel  Webb.— A  Christmas  Pardon.— Lewis  Tap- 
pan.— Half  a  Cord  of  Papers.— Case  of  Philip  Spencer  and  Mackenzie.— A  Week  at  the 
Eagle  Tavern. — Governor  Bouck  .......  635 

CHAPTER  XL VII. 

1843. 

At  Home  again. — The  Law-Office. — A  Struggle  for  Independence. — The  Mackenzie  Inquiry. 
—The  Virginia  Question.— The  City-Hall  Portrait 645 

CHAPTER   XL VIII. 

1843. 

War  at  Albany. — "Old  Hunkers"  and  "Barnburners." — Harding. — Abolition  Nomination. 
— Greeley  and  Fourier. — Law  and  Gardening. — Proposed  Constitutional  Convention. — 
Sydney  Smith  on  Repudiation.— O'Connell  on  Slavery  ....  654 

CHAPTER  XLIX. 
1843. 

Weed  in  Europe.— Letters  from  America.— Bunker  Hill  Monument.— Death  of  Legare".— 
Van  Buren,  Cass,  and  Calhoun.— Change  of  Professional  Employment.— Patent  Cases. 
—The  End  of  the  World  668 


CHAPTER  L. 

1843. 

John  Quincy  Adams  at  Auburn. — Prediction  about  Slavery. — Inman  and  Harding. — A 
Friendly  Contest.— Father  Mathew.— Chancellor  Kent.— Opinions  vs.  Commentaries.— 
Weed's  Letters.—"  Hunkers  "  and  "  Barnburners  "  in  Convention  ^  671 


CONTENTS.  15 

CHAPTER  LI. 

1843. 

Van  Buren,  Bouck,  and  Webster.— State  Fair.— A  Dramatic  Scene.— Checks  and  Balances. 
— "  Pusey ism. "—Morse's  Telegraph.— A  Candidate  for  no  Office.— Fillmore  and  the 
Vice-Presidency. — Weed  for  Governor  .  ,  *  ^  .,•  ..  *,  :  f  PAG«  680 

CHAPTER  LII. 

1843-1844. 

Postal  Reforms. — Simultaneous  Repeal  Meetings. — The  Law's  Delay. — Prescott's  "  Con 
quest  of  Mexico." — Mocking- Bird  Moralizings. — Legislative1  Battles. — Clay  Meetings  on 
Washington's  Birthday. — Auburn  Speech. — Fillmore  and  Seward. — The  Texas  Issue. 

688 

CHAPTER  LIII. 

1844. 

Explosion  of  the  "  Peacemaker." — American  Destiny. — Calhoun  and  Annexation. — Native 
American  Movement. — Whig  National  Convention. — Clay  and  Frelinghuysen. — Greeley 
and  Cooper. — Legislative  Address. — Characteristics  .....  695 

CHAPTER  LIV. 

1844. 

The  Law-Office.— Recollections  of  a  Student.— A  Church  Quarrei.— "  Third  Parties."— 
Philadelphia  Riots. — Adams's  Report. — Democratic  National  Convention. — Polk  and 
Dallas 704 

CHAPTER  LV. 

1844. 

The  Presidential  Canvass.— Calhoun' s  Policy.— Texas  and  the  Tariff.— Addresses  at  Union 
and  Amherst. — Whig  Mass  Meetings. — Incidents  of  the  Campaign. — Jealousies  and 
Forebodings.— Ash  and  Hickory.— The  Alabama  Letter.— Clay's  Defeat  .  .715 

CHAPTER  LVI. 

1844. 

Southern  Exultation.— Clay  defeated  by  Abolition  Votes.— His  Letter  to  Seward.— Gerrit 
Smith.— Weed  in  the  West  Indies.— Birth  of  a  Daughter.— Death  of  his  Mother.— 
Stage-coach  Accident.— A  Dislocated  Shoulder.— John  Stanton  Gould  .  .  732 

CHAPTER  LVII. 

1845. 

Convalescence.— At  Work  again.— The  Greeley  and  Cooper  Case.— Folk's  Administration. 
— The  Antislavery  Movement. — Letter  to  Chase. — House  and  Grounds. — Birds  and 
Dogs .  738 


16  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   LVIII. 

1845. 

Trip  to  Lake  Superior. — Cleveland. — Detroit. — Lake  Huron. — The  Chippewas. — The  Mani- 
tou. — French  Missionaries. — Mackinac. — Henry  R.  Schoolcraft. — Sault  Ste.  Marie. — 
Down  the  Kapids.— Wigwam-Life  .  .  .  PAGE  747 

CHAPTER   LIX. 

1845. 

Texas  annexed.— Rumors  of  War.— Policy  of  the  Whigs.— Governor  Throop.— Free  Suf 
frage. — John  Van  Buren. — Fillmore. — Governor  Wright. — Whig  Discords. — Seward, 
Morgan,  and  Blatchford.— The  S.  S.  Seward  Institute  .  .  .  .755 

CHAPTER  LX. 

1845. 

Rural  Cemeteries. — Constitutional  Changes. — The  Anti-Renters. — Organizing  a  School. — A 
Pair  of  Ponies. — The  Telegraph. — Hudson  River  Railroad. — Congress  and  Slavery  Ex 
tension. — Going  to  Washington  .......  762 

CHAPTER   LXI. 

1846. 

Washington  Life. — Causes  in  the  Supreme  Court. — The  Oregon  Question. — Stanley. — 
Washington  Hunt. — The  Adams  Family. — Mrs.  Gaines. — Mrs.  Maury. — John  M.  Clay 
ton. — Judge  McLean. — General  Scott  .......  767 

CHAPTER  LXII. 

1846. 

Trip  to  Richmond  and  Norfolk.— The  Happiest  People  in  the  World.— Benjamin  Watkins 
Leigh.— President  and  Mrs.  Polk.— Mr.  Buchanan's  Ball.— Governor  Marcy  and  the 
Diplomats.— Colonel  Benton.— The  Calhouns.— Mrs.  Madison.— Mrs.  Hamilton.— The 
Oregon "  Notice »  .  .  ...  776 

CHAPTER   LXin. 

1846. 

Wyatt's  Case.— Winter  Journey  to  Florida.— The  Van  Nest  Murder.— A  Bloody  Mystery.— 
Popular  Excitement. — Attempt  to  lynch  Freeman. — A  Solemn  Appeal  .  .  785 

CHAPTER  LXIV. 

1846. 

St.  Patrick  and  his  People.— Convention  Delegates. — General  Taylor  marching  to  the  Rio 
Grande.— Oregon  Compromise.— Webster  and  Adams.—"  54°  40',  or  Fight !  "  .  788 


CONTENTS.  17 

CHAPTER  LXV. 
1846. 

Western  Tour.— Pittsburg.— The  Ohio  River.— Wheeling.— Cincinnati.— Louisville.— Lex 
ington. — Cassius  M.  Clay. — Henry  Clay  at  Ashland. — Southern  Indiana  and  Illinois.— 
Vincennes. — Vandalia. — The  Prairies. — Butler  Seward. — St.  Louis. — Steamboat-Life  on 
the  Mississippi. — Memphis. — New  Orleans. — Volunteers  for  Mexico. — War  proclaimed. 
—Palo  Alto  and  Eesaca  de  la  Palma.— The  Future  .  .  .  PAGE  794 

CHAPTER  LXVI. 

1846. 

The  Trials  for  Murder.— Public  Feeling.— Wyatt.— Arraignment  of  Freeman.— His  Counsel. 
— His  Story. — Sane  or  insane  ? — Witnesses. — John  Van  Buren. — The  Argument. — Con- 
viition  and  Sentence. — Seward's  Epitaph  ......  809 


WILLIAM    H.    SEWARD. 

* 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 


1801-1816. 

Birth  and  Parentage.— Colonel  John  Seward.— School-Life  in  Orange  County.— Witch«s.— 
The  Great  Eclipse.— The  Eighteen  States.— War  with  England.— Downfall  of  Napo 
leon.— Kitchen  and  Parlor.— A  Boy's  Impressions  about  Slavery. 

IT  is  natural  that  you  should  ask  me  to  relate  for  you,  in  my  leisure 
hours,  as  much  as  I  can  recall  of  what  I  have  hitherto  seen,  and  thought, 
and  done. 

I  can  tell  you  little  of  my  ancestors.  I  know  the  fathers  of  my 
father  and  mother  only  by  name  and  tradition.  John  Seward,  of  Mor 
ris  County,  New  Jersey,  has  been  described  to  me  as  a  gentleman  of 
Welsh  descent,  intelligent,  public-spirited,  and  courteous.  He  bore, 
bravely  and  well,  a  colonel's  commission  in  the  Revolutionary  War, 
and  educated  a  numerous  family  respectably.  He  died  in  1799.  His 
wife,  Mary  Swezy,  lived  until  1816.  I  remember  her  as  a  highly- 
intellectual  woman,  pious  as  well  as  patriotic,  although  many  of  her 
relations  had  adhered  to  the  British  cause,  and  consequently  found  it 
convenient  to  seek  an  asylum,  after  the  war,  in  Nova  Scotia  and 
Canada.  Of  my  maternal  grandfather,  Isaac  Jennings,  I  know  only 
that  he  was  of  English  derivation,  a  well-to-do  farmer,  who  turned 
out  with  the  militia  of  Goshen,  and,  more  fortunate  than  most  of 
his  associates,  escaped  the  Indian  massacre  at  the  battle  of  Minisink. 
His  wife,  Margaret  Jackson,  who  was  of  Irish  descent,  survived  him 
many  years.  Her  peculiarity  which  I  most  distinctly  remember  was, 
antipathy  toward  the  Roman  Catholic  religion. 

My  father,  Samuel  S.  Seward,  received  such  a  classic  education  as 
the  academies  of  that  period  furnished,  Columbia  College,  the  only 
one  in  the  colony  of  New  York,  being  disorganized  during  the  war. 
He  was  educated  a  physician,  and  during  my  minority  practised  his 


20  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1801-'16. 

profession,  to  which  occupation  he  added  those  of  the  farmer,  the 
merchant,  and  county  politician,  magistrate,  and  judge,  discharging 
the  functions  of  all  with  eminent  ability,  integrity,  and  success,  and 
gradually  building  up  what  at  that  day,  and  in  that  rural  neighborhood, 
seemed  a  considerable  fortune.  He  represented  Orange  County  in 
the  State  Legislature  in  1804,  and  showed  much  vigor  and  ability  in 
debate.  My  mother,  Mary  Jennings,  enjoyed  only  the  advantages  of 
education  in  country  schools,  but  improved  them.  She  is  remembered 
by  her  survivors  as  a  person  of  excellent  sense,  gentleness,  truthful 
ness,  and  candor. 

I  was  the  fourth  of  six  children,  and  the  third  son,  born  in  1801, 
May  16th.  A  daughter,  older  than  myself,  died  in  infancy;  a  second 
daughter  and  a  son  came  after  me.  I  have  been  told  that  the  tender 
ness  of  my  health  caused  me  to  be  early  set  apart  for  a  collegiate 
education,  then  regarded,  by  every  family,  as  a  privilege  so  high  and 
so  costly  that  not  more  than  one  son  could  expect  it. 

I  remember  only  one  short  period  when  the  schoolroom  and  class 
emulation  were  not  quite  so  attractive  to  me  as  the  hours  of  recess  and 
recreation.  But  this  devotion  was  not  without  its  trials.  My  native 
village,  Florida,  then  consisted  of  not  more  than  a  dozen  dwellings. 
While  the  meeting-house  was  close  by,  the  nearest  schoolhouse  was 
half  a  mile  distant.  It  stood  on  a  rock,  over  which  hung  a  precipitous 
wooded  cliff.  The  schoolhouse  was  one  story  high ;  built  half  of  stone 
and  half  of  wood.  It  had  a  low  dark  attic,  which  was  reached  by  a 
ladder.  They  did  say,  at  the  time,  that  a  whole  family  of  witches  dwelt 
in  that  wooded  cliff  above  the  schoolhouse  by  day,  and  that  they  came 
down  from  that  favorite  haunt  and  took  up  their  lodgings,  by  night,  in 
the  little  attic. 

One  day,  before  I  had  reached  the  age  at  which  I  was  to  take  a 
legitimate  place  in  the  school,  I  went  there  with  my  elder  brothers, 
without  parental  permission.  While  there,  and  "  all  of  a  sudden,"  it 
grew  dark;  the  light  from  the  windows  failing.  The  larger  boys  and 
girls  were  formed  in  a  circle,  round  the  open  door,  to  recite  their  cus 
tomary  lessons.  I  had  no  doubt  that  the  tyrannical  schoolmaster  had 
kept  us  in  school  until  night,  and  I  expected  every  moment  to  see  the 
aerial  inhabitants  of  the  hill  enter  the  schoolhouse,  and  make  short 
work  of  us  all,  for  obstructing  them  in  their  way  to  their  nocturnal 
abode  in  the  garret.  Crying  vociferously,  I  was  discharged  from  the 
school,  and  ran  for  my  life  homeward.  On  the  way  I  met  what  seemed 
to  me  a  great  crowd,  some  of  whom  were  looking  down  into  a  pail  of 
standing  water,  while  others  were  gazing  into  the  heavens  through 
fragments  of  smoked  glass.  In  after-years,  I  came  to  learn  that  I  had 
thus  been  an  observer  of  the  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  which  occurred  in 
the  year  1806.  The  phenomenon  repeated  itself  to  me,  sixty-three 


1801-'16.]  SCHOOL-LIFE.  21 

long  years  afterward,  under  the  sixtieth  parallel  of  latitude,  in  the 
midst  of  the  Indians  of  Alaska. 

I  do  not  know  how  near  I  came  to  losing  my  destined  preferment, 
by  a  failure  to  satisfy  my  father's  expectations  of  my  progress. 

He  placed  me  on  the  counter  of  the  store,  and  directed  me  to  recite 
a  poetical  address,  which  I  had  committed  to  memory,  before  an  audi 
ence  of  admiring  neighbors.  When  I  had  performed  this  task,  amid 
great  applause,  one  of  the  persons  present  asked  me  which  one  of  my 
father's  many  callings  I  should  adopt.  I  had  not  been  unobservant  of 
the  deference  paid  to  the  magistrate.  I  answered  therefore,  innocently, 
that  I  intended  to  be  a  justice  of  the  peace.  When  my  audience  had 
dispersed,  my  father  took  me  severely  to  task  for  not  knowing  that 
the  office  of  magistrate  was  to  be  obtained  through  the  favor  of  others, 
and  not  to  be  ambitiously  usurped.  This  reproof,  however,  did  not 
subdue  my  aspirations;  judicial  preferment  continued  to  be  the  aim  of 
my  ambition  until  an  advanced  period  in  life.  How  often  have  I 
reflected  that,  whatever  care  and  diligence  we  exercise,  our  fortunes  in 
life  are  beyond  our  own  control  ! 

Franklin's  lightning-rod  was  then  a  new  invention.  I  was  engaged 
out-doors  in  making  reservoirs  during  a  summer  shower,  when  I  was 
alarmed  by  a  terrific  peal  of  thunder.  I  gathered  myself  up  and  rushed 
toward  the  house  for  safety,  but,  falling  by  the  way,  a  reflection  came 
over  me  that  the  bolt  always  precedes  the  aerial  report;  that,  conse 
quently,  I  was  safe  already.  From  that  time  until  now,  I  have  never 
been  alarmed  by  a  commotion  of  the  elements  in  that  form. 

At  the  age  of  nine  years  I  was  transferred  to  the  Farmers'  Hall 
Academy  at  Goshen,  where  my  father  had  been  educated.  I  boarded 
there  with  two  affectionate  cousins,  who  were  nieces  of  my  father,  and 
daughters  of  the  brother-in-law  under  whom  he  studied  his  profession. 
You  have  known  those  ladies  well.  I  need  not  tell  you  of  the  endur 
ing  friendship  which  grew  out  of  that  relation.  I  began  then  my  study 
of  Latin,  but  my  rural  training  had  not  prepared  me  for  association 
with  the  ambitious  youth  of  the  county  capital,  some  of  whom  insisted 
that,  as  I  came  from  a  neighboring  village,  I  must  establish  my  right 
by  single  combat  ;  and  all  of  whom  were  disgusted  with  my  refusal  to 
join  them  in  shutting  the  master  out  when  he  required  us  to  attend 
school  on  Christmas-day.  I  cheerfully  retired  in  the  spring  to  private 
life  at  home,  where  a  graduate  of  a  New  England  college  had  been 
employed  in  a  new  academy  which,  in  the  mean  time,  had  been  erected. 

My  preparation  for  college  was  chiefly  made  here.  I  was  not  long 
in  coming  to  the  discovery  that  the  elaborate  education  appointed  for 
me  had  its  labors  and  trials.  My  daily  studies  began  at  five  in  the 
morning,  and  closed  at  nine  at  night.  The  tasks  were  just  the  utmost 
that  I  could  execute,  and  every  day  a  little  more  ;  even  the  intervals 


22  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1801-'16. 

allowed  for  recreation  were  utilized.  It  was  my  business  to  drive  the 
cows,  morning  and  evening,  to  and  from  distant  pastures,  to  chop  and 
carry  in  the  fuel  for  the  parlor-fire,  to  take  the  grain  to  mill  and  fetch 
the  flour,  to  bring  the  lime  from  the  kiln,  and  to  do  the  errands  of  the 
family  generally  ;  the  time  of  my  elder  brothers  being  too  precious  to 
permit  them  to  be  withdrawn  from  their  labors  in  the  store  and  on  the 
farm.  How  happy  were  the  winter  evenings,  when  the  visit  of  a 
neighbor  brought  out  the  apples,  nuts,  and  cider,  and  I  was  indulged 
with  a  respite  from  study,  and  listened  to  conversation,  which  generally 
turned  upon  politics  or  religion  ! 

My  first  schoolmaster  in  the  new  academy,  whose  name  I  will  not 
mention,  must  have  thought  that  I  had  an  intuitive  knowledge  of  the 
art  of  war,  and  an  aptitude  for  unraveling  the  inversions  of  heathen 
poetry.  He  required  me,  unaided,  to  translate  Caesar's  most  terse 
descriptions  of  his  campaigns,  and  to  render  into  English  prose  the 
most  intricate  and  inverted  lines  of  Virgil.  When  I  failed  in  these 
tasks,  he  brought  me  upon  the  floor,  with  the  classic  in  one  hand  and 
the  dictionary  in  the  other,  to  complete  the  work  amid  the  derision  or 
the  pity  of  my  youthful  associates.  This,  although  others  were  served 
in  the  same  way,  was  more  than  I  could  bear.  I  contrived,  ineffectu 
ally,  to  lose  my  Latin  books  in  the  fields  as  I  passed  home  ;  and  the 
schoolmaster,  on  his  part,  reported  me  to  my  father  as  too  stupid  to 
learn.  This  brought  about  the  crisis,  which  was  followed  by  explana 
tions  and  reform.  My  father  excited  my  emulation  by  telling  me  that 
I  might  ultimately  become  a  great  lawyer,  like  Theodore  Frelinghuysen 
and  Joseph  C.  Hornblower,  of  the  neighboring  State  of  New  Jersey  ; 
and  under  that  influence  I  readily  acquired  a  double  lesson  within  the 
time  allowed  for  a  single  one.  The  schoolmaster  no  longer  exposed 
me  to  disgrace,  and  I  found  study  thenceforward  as  attractive  as  it  had 
before  been  irksome  under  his  severe  administration. 

I  cannot  but  think  that,  at  that  period,  when  recollections  of  the 
Revolution  were  quite  recent,  and  the  world  was  engrossed  with  the 
tremendous  Napoleonic  wars  in  Europe,  men  were  more  intensely 
earnest  than  they  are  now.  Of  course,  whatever  thoughts  I  had,  how 
ever  puerile,  took  their  shape  and  complexion  from  the  debates  that  I 
heard  on  every  side. 

The  first  mental  anxiety  which  I  recall  was,  manifestly,  an  effect  of 
the  fearful  presentation  of  death  and  its  consequences,  so  common  in 
the  sermons  and  exhortations  of  the  clergy  at  that  day  ;  I  hurried 
rapidly  past  the  graveyard,  the  monuments  of  which  were  generally 
ornamented  with  a  skull  and  cross-bones  ;  and  I  made  an  especially 
wide  circuit  around  the  reputed  resting-place,  by  the  roadside,  of  a 
man  who  had  taken  his  own  life.  The  murky  theology  of  that  period 
had  filled  the  popular  mind  with  a  belief  that  not  only  the  Evil  One 


180] -'16.]  SCHOOL-LIFE.  23 

himself,  but  hordes  of  spirits  he  had  seduced  and  ruined,  were  lurking, 
prowling,  and  intruding  everywhere  into  human  affairs,  seeking  only  to 
destroy  the  unsuspicious,  and  that  continually.  I  often  was  watchful 
at  night,  through  fear  that  if  I  should  fall  asleep  I  should  awake  in  the 
consuming  flame  which  was  appointed  as  a  discipline  that  allows  no 
reformation.  My  mother  unwittingly  cured  me,  in  a  large  degree,  of 
these  painful  imaginings.  I  overheard  her  earnestly  protesting,  in 
debate  with  some  of  her  orthodox  neighbors,  that  she  could  not  believe, 
would  not  believe,  and  did  not  believe,  that  "  there  were  infants  in  hell 
not  a  span  long."  I  thought  I  was  but  a  little  longer  than  that  meas 
ure  ;  and  I  supposed  my  mother  knew  whereof  she  affirmed  her  faith. 
Reflecting  upon  this  incident,  it  became  an  interesting  study  afterward, 
how  constantly  a  decline  of  imaginary  terrors  in  the  future  state  of 
being  attends  the  progress  of  mankind  in  natural  science.  Think  of 
Dante's  "  Inferno,"  and  of  Milton's  "  Pandemonium  ; "  and  yet  the 
hell  of  both  of  those  great  poets,  while  depicted  with  the  most  vivid 
hues  of  the  imagination,  was  described  with  all  the  sincerity  of  the 
firmest  convictions  of  fact. 

I  can  now  see  that  surrounding  influences  early  determined  me  in 
the  bent  toward  politics.  Addison's  "Cato"  was  presented  in  one  of 
our  school  exhibitions  ;  and,  although  I  was  too  young  to  take  a  part 
in  the  representation,  it  made  me  a  hater  of  military  and  imperial  usur 
pation  for  life.  I  think  it  a  misfortune  that  that  great  drama  has  lost 
its  place  on  the  modern  stage. 

The  opening  of  an  academy  at  Florida  was  attended  by  one  of  those 
efforts  for  local  improvement  which,  too  often,  prove  merely  convulsive, 
as  this  one  did,  but  which  can  seldom  be  injurious.  Too  much  is  ex 
pected  of  them,  and  the  failure  to  realize  all  brings  reaction,  followed 
by  ridicule,  the  most  effective  weapon  of  conservatism.  The  ascent  to 
an  academy,  from  a  school  which  was  of  the  lowest  class,  never  attain 
ing  half  the  stability  or  character  which  belongs  to  the  common  school, 
under  our  present  district  system,  was  abrupt,  and  therefore  impossible. 
Nevertheless  teacher,  parents,  and  pupils,  were  of  one  consent  in  trying 
it.  Very  ludicrous  incidents  occurred.  The  plan  embraced  four  dis 
tinct  measures,  all  of  which  seemed  to  the  pupils  of  my  age,  and  per 
haps  even  to  our  rural  parents,  new  inventions.  First,  we  were  to 
learn  to  "  declaim  select  pieces."  Second,  we  were  to  "  write  original 
compositions."  Third,  we  were  to  have  a  "  debating  society."  Fourth, 
an  annual  or  semi-annual  "  dramatic  exhibition." 

Charles  Jackson,  a  farmer's  son,  I  think  fourteen  years  old,  but  large 
enough  for  eighteen,  dull  and  awkward,  was  called  up  to  open  the  exer 
cises  in  declamation,  with  the  speech  of  Romulus  on  the  foundation  of 
Rome.  At  the  first  attempt,  taking  his  place  in  the  middle  of  the 
schoolroom,  with  arms  hanging  straight  downward,  and  eyes  dropped 


24  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1801-'16, 

to  the  floor,  he  spoke  the  speech  in  a  low  and  perfectly  monotonous 
manner,  and  was  dismissed,  with  the  master's  criticism  that  he  had 
done  very  well  for  the  first  effort,  but,  on  the  next  Thursday,  he  must 
speak  with  head  erect,  and  turn  from  one  side  of  the  audience  toward 
the  other.  With  continual  prompting,  he  managed  to  lift  his  eyes, 
and  roll  his  head  from  right  to  left,  with  regular  alternation,  through 
the  whole  exercise.  This  proved,  to  the  awkward  boy,  a  sad  encourage 
ment,  when  it  brought  the  further  requisition  that,  on  the  third  rehear 
sal,  he  should  gesticulate  with  his  arms  and  change  the  posture  of  his 
feet.  He  honestly  declared  that  he  could  not  understand  the  process, 
nor  the  object  of  the  required  movements  of  his  arms  and  legs.  There 
upon  the  master  opened  a  page  of  "  The  Monitor,"  and  showed  him  a 
diagram,  in  which  the  orator  was  represented  standing  with  head  erect, 
facing  a  dotted  line  drawn  across  the  opposite  wall,  a  similar  dotted 
line  drawn  across  under  his  feet,  one  arm  horizontally  extended  from 
the  shoulder,  with  a  dotted  line  extending  from  the  end  of  the  thumb 
to  the  wall,  and  the  other  arm  raised  at  an  angle  of  45°,  with  a  dotted 
line  from  the  thumb  of  that  hand  stretching  also  diagonally  to  the  wall. 
The  diagram  only  confused  the  pupil  still  more.  The  master  cleared 
up  the  affair,  by  taking  a  stand  and  going  through  the  motions  indi 
cated  by  the  diagram,  shifting  his  feet,  first  to  one  side  and  then  to  the 
other,  lifting  one  arm,  then  the  other,  and  thus  showed  how  easily  it 
could  be  done.  Thereupon  Charles,  thus  instructed,  took  the  master's 
place,  and  aiming,  as  well  as  he  could,  at  the  points  designated  on  the 
wall,  and  turning  his  head  to  the  right,  lifted  his  right  arm  out,  straight 
and  stiff  ;  then,  suddenly  dropping  that  arm  and  turning  his  head  to  the 
left,  he  lifted  the  other  to  the  same  position,  and  so,  with  the  regular 
ity,  precision,  and  quickness  of  a  clock-pendulum,  sawed  the  air,  and 
meanwhile,  with  a  drawling  intonation,  addressed  the  people  of  the 
newly-established  city  of  Rome  in  a  manner  that  Livy  never  dreamed 

of: 

"  If  all  the  strength  of  cities  (sawing  with  right  arm) 
Lay  in  the  height  of  their  ramparts  (sawing  with  left  arm), 
Or  the  depth  of  their  ditches  (sawing  with  right  arm), 
We  should  have  great  reason  to  be  in  fear  (sawing  with  left  arm) 
For  that  which  we  have  now  built "  (sawing  with  right  arm). 

Charles  Jackson  I  think  was  discouraged.  He  certainly  never  be 
came  even  a  stump-orator  or  a  Methodist  exhorter. 

It  was  mine  to  lead  off  in  the  second  great  exercise — that  of  "  ori 
ginal  composition."  Not  having  the  least  idea  of  what  was  wanted, 
or  how  it  was  to  be  done,  I  moved  to  the  side  of  Robert  Armstrong,  a 
young  man  eighteen  years  old,  self-possessed  and  capable  of  instruct 
ing  me,  because  he  had  already  been  a  pupil  at  the  famous  academy  of 
Mendham,  New  Jersey.  He  told  me  nothing  was  easier.  "  You  are," 


1801-'16.]  FOURTH    OF  JULY.  25 

said  he,  "first  to  take  a  subject,  and  then  all  you  have  to  do  is  to 
write  about  it." 

"  But,"  said  I,  "  what  is  a  subject  ?  " 

He  replied,  "  It  is  anything  you  want  to  write  about." 

"  But,"  said  I,  "  I  don't  know  of  anything  that  I  do  want  to  write 
about.  I  wish  I  could  see  a  composition." 

"  Well,"  said  he,  "  if  you  won't  tell,  I  will  show  you  an  old  one  of 
mine,  that  I  wrote  at  Mendham." 

Having  bound  myself  to  secrecy,  he  showed  me  a  composition, 
which  was  after  this  sort  :  "  On  Drunkenness"  (A  heavy  black  line 
was  drawn  under  this  caption.)  "  Drunkenness  is  the  worst  of  all  vices." 
Then  followed  an  argument  which,  I  think,  well  sustained  the  proposi 
tion  thus  confidently  announced.  I  do  not  know  why,  perhaps  because 
I  was  constitutionally  an  optimist,  I  decided  instantly  that  I  would  not 
choose,  for  my  subject,  anything  that  was  naughty,  bad,  or  wicked. 
So  I  said,  "  I  will  choose  a  different  subject,  and  will  show  the  com 
position  to  you  when  it  is  written."  He  promised  me  his  help.  I 
wrote  with  great  labor  my  essay,  brought  it  and  submitted  it  to  him. 
It  began  :  "  On  Virtue.  Virtue  is  the  best  of  all  vices  !  "  My  success 
in  my  department  seemed  as  hopeless  as  Charles  Jackson's  in  his. 

The  "  dramatic  exhibition  "  was  abandoned  after  a  single  perform 
ance.  "The  Debating  Society"  continued,  with  interruptions,  sev 
eral  years.  I  profited  by  the  debates,  although  I  think,  from  diffidence 
or  some  other  cause,  I  did  not  participate  in  them.  The  debate  was  at 
that  day  a  prominent  feature  of  college  societies.  If  I  were  required 
now  to  say  from  what  part  of  my  college  education  I  derived  the  great 
est  advantage,  I  should  say,  the  exercises  of  the  Adelphic  Society.  It 
was  under  this  conviction  that  I  afterward  cheerfully  associated  myself 
with  debating  societies,  during  the  studies  of  youth  in  Goshen,  New 
York,  and  Auburn. 

There  was  of  course  an  annual  or  nearly  annual  celebration  of  the 
Fourth  of  July.     My  first  conception  of  the  dignity  and  destiny  of  our 
country  arose  out  of  these  rural  festivities.     In  one  of  them,  a  skiff 
was  brought  from  the  neighboring  mill-pond,  mounted  on  a  wagon, 
over  a  carpet,  which  covered  the  wheels.     Four  horses  were  harnessed 
before  it.     In  the  stern  stood  my  elder  brother,  who  personated  Colum 
bus,  listening  intently  to  Miss  Fanny  Bailey,  a  farmer's  pretty  daugh 
ter,  who   stood  by  his   side,  as  the  Genius  of  America,  and  point e 
toward  scenes  "  by  distance  made  more  attractive."     Two  village  lad 
representing  boatmen,  plied  their  busy  oars  above  the  carpet.     I 
among  the  curious  and  anxious  crowd  of  boys  who  clustered  around 
wagon,  as  it  moved,  to  the  measured  strains  of  martial  music,  along  t 
road  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  which  is  crowned  by  the  village   chu 
and  thence  made  its  way  up  the  lawn  in  front  with  a  graceful  swelp 


26  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1801-16. 

and  over  many  hillocks  beneath  which  "the  rude  forefathers  of  the 
hamlet  sleep."  The  eventful  barge  came  to  a  stop,  and  the  great  dis 
coverer,  with  his  guardian  genius,  alighted  upon  an  island  extemporized 
for  the  occasion,  by  sods,  plants,  and  trees,  and  inhabited  by  one  stuffed 
fox,  three  or  four  chained  gray  squirrels,  and  a  painted  and  alarmed 
Indian  chief,  crouching  in  the  foliage,  the  whole  revealing,  to  his  won 
dering  and  fascinated  eyes,  the  island  of  San  Salvador,  the  earnest  of  a 
New  World,  which  was  now  to  be  added  to  the  kingdom  of  Castile 
and  Leon.  I  was  much  older  before  I  appreciated  the  wit  with  which 
the  village  attorney  travestied  the  ode  that  was  sung  on  the  memora 
ble  occasion  by  the  village  choir  : 

"  Columbus  sing ;  for  it  is  he 
Can  poise  the  globe  and  bound  the  sea, 
Can  boldly  sail  through  waves  unseen, 
And  find  an  island  on  the  green.1' 

There  were,  at  that  time,  only  eighteen  members  of  the  American 
Union.  At  the  next  anniversary  their  greatness  and  felicity  were  sym 
bolized  by  eighteen  boys,  whom  their  mothers  had  carefully  dressed  in 
white  muslin  coats  and  trousers,  with  white-paper  caps  on  their  heads 
and  pretty  blue  sashes  around  their  waists,  and  the  neatest  blackened 
shoes  possible.  These  formed  in  procession,  each  carrying  a  green- 
bordered  white  banner,  upon  which  was  printed  the  name  of  some  one 
of  the  renowned  civil  and  military  founders  of  the  republic.  It  was 
my  part  to  personate  my  native  State,  by  no  means  then  the  "  Empire 
State,"  and  on  my  banner  I  bore  the  pure  and  chivalrous  name  of  "  La 
fayette."  I  have  loved,  honored,  and  lamented  the  gallant  French  hero 
since  that  time,  and  I  suppose  I  shall  die  loyal  to  New  York,  and  to  the 
Federal  Union. 

While  these  patriotic  experiences  were  going  on,  war  was  pro 
claimed  by  the  United  States  against  Great  Britain.  The  village  uni 
formed  artillery-company,  to  the  number  of  forty  swords,  came  out 
upon  the  green,  and  fired  a  salvo,  which,  according  to  my  thinking, 
gave  the  enemy  notice  of  what  he  might  expect.  Just  in  the  moment 
when  I  was  listening  for  the  news  that  General  Hull  had  conquered 
Canada,  and  annexed  it  all,  with  Gaspe  and  Newfoundland,  to  the 
United  States,  came  the  astounding  disappointment  of  that  unfortunate 
general's  surrender  and  capitulation,  at  Detroit,  without  the  discharge 
of  a  single  musket!  Then  quickly  came  the  recruiting-lieutenant,  with 
i  cockade  in  his  hat,  and  red  trimming  on  his  coat  ;  then  came  the 
.eparture  of  the  artillery  to  New  York  for  the  defense  of  the  city  ; 
ijen  the  draft.  The  long  and  sad  story  of  military  failures  was  relieved 
!>„  the  brilliant  achievements  in  the  campaign  of  Scott,  on  the  Canada 
frontier,  and  the  glorious  naval  victories  on  the  lakes  and  the  ocean. 


1801-'16.J  KITCHEN   AND   PARLOR.  2T 

I  took  new  courage  and  new  hope  from  these  achievements,  and  the 
victory  at  New  Orleans  compensated  me  for  the  defeat  and  overthrow 
of  Napoleon,  which  caused  me  to  weep,  because  I  had  come  to  regard 
him  as  an  ally  of  the  United  States.  I  had  already  become  old  enough 
to  understand  that  a  domestic  party  which  continues  to  oppose  and 
assail  the  government,  when  engaged  in  a  foreign  war,  becomes, 
though  indirectly  and  unintentionally,  an  ally  of  the  enemy.  It  was 
not  until  long  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Federal  party  that  I  became 
able  to  believe  its  members  as  loyal  to  the  country  as  their  opponents 
on  the  issue  newly  raised  between  them. 

In  later  life,  when  our  militia  system  was  falling  into  disuse  and 
ridicule,  men  wondered  at  the  personal  vanity  which  they  supposed  I 
manifested  by  continuing  to  hold  and  fill  its  offices.  A  remembrance 
of  the  War  of  1812,  and  of  its  losses  and  sufferings,  increased  by  reason 
of  inadequate  military  preparation,  determined  me  to  adhere  to  and 
uphold  the  reviled  militia  system,  which  a  republican  government,  if  it 
means  to  endure,  must  always  substitute  in  time  of  peace  for  the  stand 
ing  army.  Even  at  this  late  day,  when  many  of  the  different  titles  of 
honor  allowed  by  our  form  of  government  have  descended,  as  if  in  a 
copious  shower,  upon  me,  I  am  not  at  all  ashamed  when  one  of  the 
surviving  veterans,  whom  I  commanded  before  going  into  the  higher 
departments  of  civil  life,  accosts  me  in  the  presence  of  visitors  from 
distant  States  or  countries  with  the  now  obsolete  title  of  "  general," 
"  colonel,"  or  "  captain." 

There  was  existing  at  that  time  a  social  anomaly,  which  I  long  found 
a  perplexing  enigma.  Besides  my  parents,  brothers,  and  sisters,  all  of 
whom  occupied  the  parlor  and  the  principal  bedrooms,  there  were  in 
the  family  two  black  women,  and  one  black  boy,  who  remained  exclusive 
tenants  of  the  kitchen  and  the  garret  over  it.  The  kitchen  fireplace 
stretched  nearly  across  the  end  of  the  room.  A  grown  person  need 
hardly  stoop  to  get  under  the  mantel.  The  supply  of  wood  was  pro 
fuse,  and  the  jambs  at  the  side  of  the  fireplace  were  not  only  the 
warmest  but  the  coziest  place  in  the  whole  house.  The  group  that 
gathered  round  this  fireplace  could  be  enlarged  by  merely  sweeping  a 
new  circle.  Turkeys,  chickens,  and  sirloin,  were  roasted  ;  cakes  and 
pies  were  baked  at  this  noble  fire.  Moreover,  the  tenants  of  the  kitchen, 
though  black,  had  a  fund  of  knowledge  about  the  ways  and  habits 
of  the  devil,  of  witches,  of  ghosts,  and  of  men  who  had  been 
and,  what  was  more,  they  were  vivacious  and  loquacious,  as  well 
affectionate,  toward  me.  What  wonder  that  I  found  their  aparti 
more  attractive  than  the  parlor,  and  their  conversation  a  relief  frc 
severe  decorum  which  prevailed  there  ?  I  knew  they  were 
though  I  did  not  know  why.  If  my  parents  never  uttered  befoi 
word  of  disapproval  of  slavery,  it  is  but  just  to  them  to  say  tl 


28  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1801-'16. 

never  uttered  an  expression  that  could  tend  to  make  me  think  that  the 
negro  was  inferior  to  the  white  person.  The  few  rich  families  in  the 
neighborhood  had  as  many  as  or  more  than  we  ;  others  had  only  one. 
While  the  two  younger  of  my  father's  slaves  attended  school,  and  sat 
at  my  side  if  they  chose,  I  noticed  that  no  other  black  children  went 
there.  After  a  time  I  found  that  the  large  negro  family  of  a  neighbor 
were  held  in  disrepute  for  laziness,  drunkenness,  and  disorder;  and  that 
they  came  under  suspicion  of  having  stolen  anything  that  either  was 
lost  or  was  supposed  to  be.  Zeno,  a  negro  boy  in  the  family  of  an 
other  neighbor,  was  a  companion  in  my  play.  He  told  me  one  day 
that  he  had  been  whipped  severely,  and  the  next  day  he  ran  away.  He 
was  pursued  and  brought  back,  and  wore  an  iron  yoke  around  his  neck, 
which  exposed  him  to  contempt  and  ridicule.  He  found  means  to  break 
the  collar,  and  fled  forever.  In  the  mean  time,  both  of  my  father's 
female  servants  were  seduced  and  disgraced  ;  and  the  third,  a  boy, 
followed  Zeno  in  his  flight.  I  regarded  all  this  immorality  and  wicked 
ness  just  as  inexcusable  and  ungrateful  toward  their  masters  as  it 
would  have  been  in  me  to  bring  dishonor  upon  my  parents  ;  nor  had  I 
any  distinct  idea  of  any  difference  between  the  relations  of  children  and 
slaves.  A  black  woman  died  in  the  neighborhood  at  the  age,  it  was 
said,  of  one  hundred  years.  She  had  been  imported  when  young  ;  and 
she  died  asserting  a  full  belief  that  she  was  then  going  back  to  her 
native  Guinea.  How  could  such  a  superstition  be  accounted  for? 
How  could  the  ignorance  and  vice  of  these  black  people,  living  in  the 
midst  of  a  moral  and  virtuous  community,  be  accounted  for  ?  I  early 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  something  was  wrong,  and  the  "  gradual 
emancipation  laws "  of  the  State,  soon  after  coming  into  debate,  en 
abled  me  to  solve  the  mystery,  and  determined  me,  at  that  early  age,  to 
be  an  abolitionist.  Shall  I  not  stop  now  to  say  that,  while  the  family  of 
which  I  was  a  member  has  increased,  until  it  numbers  more  than  eighty 
persons,  all  of  whom  hold  respectable  positions  in  society,  and  some 
one  or  more  of  whom  are  to  be  found  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe — 
the  descendants  of  that  slave  family  in  my  father's  kitchen  now  number 
but  seven,  and  these  have  their  only  shelter  under  a  roof  which  I  pro 
vide  for  them  ? 

So  time  went  on,  and  I  went  on  with  it,  closing  my  preparatory 
^  studies  in  a  new  term  of  six  months  at  the  old  academy  in  Goshen, 
with  little  variation  of  habit  or  occupation,  except  that  my  parents 
occasionally  permitted  me  to  attend  them  in  their  social  visits  at  New- 
burg.  These  excursions  gave  me  the  only  glimpses  I  then  had  of  life 
outside  of  the  sweet  little  valley  in  which  I  was  cradled. 


1816-'18.]  ALBANY   IN    1816.  29 


1816-1818. 

First  Steamboat  Journey. — Chancellor  Kent. — College-Life  at  Schenectady. — The  Mohawk 
Trade.— Dr.  Nott.— Wayland.— Welcome  to  Daniel  D.  Tompkins. 

I  THINK  I  am  six  years  older  than  the  first  steamboat  on  the  Hud 
son.  But  my  first  sight  of  a  vessel  of  that  kind  was  when  I  embarked 
on  one,  at  night,  to  ascend  that  river  on  my  way  to  college.  What  a 
magnificent  palace  !  What  a  prodigy  of  power,  what  luxury  of  enter 
tainment,  what  dazzling  and  costly  lights  !  More  than  by  all  these 
was  I  struck  with  the  wondrous  crowd  of  intelligent  passengers,  among 
whom  some  youthful  acquaintances,  newly  made,  pointed  out  many  of 
the  eminent  men  of  the  day.  But  no  one  was  able  to  identify  Chan 
cellor  Kent,  who  was  said  to  be  on  board.  At  noon  there  was  what  I 
thought  to  be  an  alarm  of  colliding  with  some  other  vessel,  or  running 
upon  a  rock,  or  encountering  an  enemy.  The  vessel  certainly  scraped 
against  something  that  obstructed  her  speed.  The  captain  had  mounted 
a  bench  on  deck,  and  was  objurgating  violently  with  somebody  on  the 
level  of  the  water  below.  I  climbed  up  behind  the  crowd,  and  saw 
that  we  were  running  against  upright  poles,  which  had  been  stuck  into 
the  river-bottom  by  the  fishermen.  A  short,  thick-set,  cheery -looking 
man  leaped  upon  the  bench,  and,  seeing  at  a  glance  the  state  of  the 
case,  cried  out  in  a  loud  voice,  heard  by  all:  "That's  right,  captain! 
that's  right !  bring  those  fellows  into  my  court,  and  I'll  take  care  of 
them  ! "  This  was  Chancellor  Kent,  the  great  judge,  who  was  uphold 
ing  the  steamboat  monopoly  conferred  by  the  State  of  New  York  upon 
its  citizens,  Fulton  and  Livingston,  against  the  no  less  great  and  finally 
overruling  authority,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  The 
monopoly  was  lost  ;  the  inventors  died  unrewarded  ;  but  the  public 
gained.  On  my  first  passage  I  paid  eight  dollars  fare.  We  now  make 
the  entire  voyage  of  the  navigable  Hudson  for  fifty  cents.  Chancellor 
Kent  was  the  most  buoyant  and  cheerful  of  men.  When  he  afterward 
lost  his  great  office  and  its  dignity,  he  told  me  that  he  had  never  ex 
perienced  any  disappointment  worth  grieving  over.  "A  gentleman 
wants,"  he  said,  "  only  a  clean  shirt  and  a  shilling,  every  day,  and  I 
have  never  been  without  them." 

Have  I  ever  seen,  in  after-life,  a  city  so  vast,  so  splendid,  so  im 
posing  as  Albany,  that  then  loomed  up  before  me  ?  Not  Paris,  not 
Benares,  not  even  Constantinople,  inspired  me  with  so  much  awe.  And 
then  the  figure  of  blind  Justice,  with  her  sword  and  scales,  that  sur 
mounts  the  little  red-stone  Capitol.  What  patriotic  pride  it  inspired^ 
While  the  stages  were  coming  up,  I  ran  stealthily  up  into  Pearl  St 
and,  looking  through  the  fence,  I  fed  my  wondering  eyes  with  a 
of  the  house  in  which  the  loyal  and  patriotic  Governor  Tompkins 


30  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1816-'18. 

But  it  was  not  my  destiny  yet  to  see  the  chief  magistrate  of  my  native 
State. 

The  country  between  Albany  and  Schenectady,  slightly  rolling,  was 
then  a  sandy  and  almost  sterile  plain,  without  culture  or  dwellings, 
except  the  frequent  taverns  on  the  broad  turnpike-road.  This  road, 
roughly  paved  at  first,  had  been  renderd  nearly  impassable  by  heavy 
wagons.  In  the  stunted  pine-woods  on  either  side  were  huts  or 
hovels  of  a  vagrant  race  called  "  Yancys,"  who  had  the  habits  of  gyp 
sies,  and  were  said  to  be  a  mixture  of  debased  whites,  vicious  negroes, 
and  Indians.  I  do  not  know,  nor  have  I  ever  heard,  in  what  way  they 
disappeared. 

At  Schenectady  I  alighted  on  the  bank  of  the  Mohawk  River,  then 
navigated  with  "bateaux."  I  think  that  ideas  of  material  improve 
ment  come  to  us  later  than  those  belonging  to  every  other  form  of 
social  progress.  I  had  found  the  Hudson  River  gay  with  canvas,  the 
intermediate  turnpike  crowded  with  freight  and  emigrant-wagons  ;  and 
I  now  found  the  narrow,  shallow  Mohawk  filled  with  flat-bottomed 
produce-boats.  It  was  not  yet,  nor  indeed  until  a  much  later  period, 
that  I  was  to  conceive  my  first  idea  of  the  commercial  and  political  im 
portance  of  this  great  thoroughfare. 

It  has  been  my  habit  always  to  distrust  my  capacity  and  qualifi 
cations  for  every  new  enterprise.  Mr.  Givens  gave  me  a  generous 
breakfast  at  his  hotel,  and  cheered  me  with  the  recollections  of  his 
acquaintance  with  my  father  when  he  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly 
at  Albany  ;  but  I  had  no  heart  for  either  of  these  enjoyments.  I 
climbed  the  College  Hill  with  a  reluctant  and  embarrassed  step,  to 
offer  myself  for  an  examination  at  which  I  feared  I  might  not  pass.  I 
called  at  the  office  of  the  register,  Mr.  Holland,  and  by  him  was  imme 
diately  introduced  into  the  presence  of  the  Professor  of  Mathematics 
and  Natural  Philosophy.  The  college  catalogue,  which  I  had  carefully 
read,  described  him  as  the  Rev.  Thomas  McCauley,  Doctor  of  Divinity 
and  Doctor  of  Laws.  I  wondered  at  my  presumption  in  coming  into 
so  high  a  presence.  The  professor  inquired  which  of  the  classes  I  sup 
posed  myself  prepared  to  enter.  I  summoned  boldness  to  answer  that 
I  had  studied  for  examination  to  enter  the  junior  class.  He  immedi 
ately  put  me  through  a  series  of  questions  for  half  an  hour,  in  several 
preparatory  class-books,  and  pronounced  me  more  than  qualified.  He 
then  asked  my  age,  and  on  receiving  the  answer,  "  fifteen,"  he  replied 
that  my  studies  had  carried  me  beyond  my  years  ;  the  laws  of  the  col 
lege  making  sixteen  the  age  for  entering  the  junior  class.  I  did  not 
regret  the  decision.  Life  at  college  seemed  very  attractive  ;  and  my 
previous  excess  of  preparation  would  make  my  studies  easier.  Long 
before  night  my  "  chum  "  was  chosen,  my  room  supplied  with  the  cheap 
furniture  which  the  college  regulations  required,  and  I  sat  down  to 


1816-'18.]  COLLEGE-LIFE.  31 

meditate,  with  self-complacency,  on  the  dignity  of  my  new  situation. 
I  was  duly  matriculated  as  sophomore  ;  and  these  two  large  words 
signified,  for  me,  a  great  deal,  because  I  had  not  the  least  idea  of  the 
meaning  of  either.  Within  a  week  my  habits  of  life  were  established. 
The  class  competition  required  diligent  but  not  excessive  study;  while 
I  felt  a  conscious  self-satisfaction  in  being  trusted  to  pursue  my  studies 
and  govern  my  conduct  without  the  surveillance  of  parent  or  teacher. 
The  companionship  of  intelligent  and  emulous  classmates  harmonized 
with  my  disposition,  while  I  cherished  in  my  secret  thoughts  aspira 
tions  to  become,  at  the  end  of  my  three  years,  the  valedictorian  of  my 
class.  In  college-life,  if  one  looks  beyond  that  distinction  at  all,  it  is 
only  with  the  full  belief  that  unto  him  who  obtains  that  honor  all 
other  honors  shall  come  without  labor  or  effort. 

Union  College,  founded  in  1795,  was  now,  in  1816,  at,  or  near  the 
height  of  its  prosperity.  The  President,  Dr.  Nott,  ranked  with  the 
most  popular  preachers  of  the  day  ;  while  his  great  political  talents  se 
cured  him  the  patronage  of  all  the  public  men  in  the  State.  The  dis 
cipline  of  the  college  was  based  on  the  soundest  and  wisest  principles. 
There  was  an  absence  of  everything  inquisitorial  or  suspicious  ;  there 
were  no  courts  or  impeachments  ;  every  young  man  had  his  appointed 
studies,  recitations,  and  attendance  at  prayers  ;  and  a  demeanor  was 
required  which  should  not  disturb  the  quiet  or  order  of  the  institution. 
If  he  failed  or  offended,  he  was  privately  called  into  the  presence  of 
the  president  or  professor,  remonstrated  with,  and  admonished  that 
repeated  failure  would  be  made  known  to  his  parents  for  their  consid 
eration,  while  habitual  insubordination  would  be  visited  with  dismissal. 
What  notices  were  given  to  parents  was  never  known  to  any  but  them 
selves  and  their  son  ;  nor  was  any  offender  ever  disgraced  by  a  public 
notice  of  his  expulsion.  I  think  I  know  of  no  institution  where  a  man 
lier  spirit  prevailed  among  the  under-graduates  than  that  which  distin 
guished  the  pupils  of  Dr.  Nott.  I  cannot  speak  so  highly  of  the  system 
of  instruction.  There  was  a  daily  appointment  of  three  tasks,  in  as 
many  different  studies,  which  the  pupils  were  required,  unaided,  to 
master  in  their  rooms,  the  young,  the  dull,  and  the  backward,  equally 
with  the  most  mature  and  the  most  astute.  The  pupil  understood  that 
he  performed  his  whole  duty  when  he  recited  these  daily  lessons  with 
out  failure.  With  most  of  us  the  memory  was  doubtless  the  faculty 
chiefly  exercised ;  and  where  so  much  was  committed  mechanically  to 
memory,  much  was  forgotten  as  soon  as  learned.  It  was  a  consequence 
of  this  method  of  instruction,  which,  I  think,  was  at  that  day  by  no 
means  peculiar  to  Union  College,  that  every  study  was  not  a  continu 
ous  one,  but  consisted  of  fragmentary  tasks,  while  no  one  volume  or 
author  was  ever  completed.  The  error,  if  it  be  one,  is,  I  suppose,  inci 
dental  to  our  o-eneral  svstem  of  education,  which  sacrifices  a  full  ^nd 


32  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1816-'1S. 

complete  training  of  the  individual  to  the  important  object  of  af 
fording  the  utmost  possible  education  to  the  largest  number  of  citi 
zens. 

My  first  session  in  college  was  not  without  its  mortifications.  When 
1  came  to  write  what  are  called  compositions,  I  found  that,  having 
rarely  practised  it,  I  wrote  with  difficulty,  and  confusedly,  and  it  seemed 
to  me  that  difficulty  was  incurable,  because  I  had  no  general  supply  of 
facts  or  knowledge.  The  first  time  I  rose  to  speak  I  encountered  a 
general  simper,  which,  before  I  got  through,  broke  into  laughter.  On 
carefully  inquiring  the  reasons,  I  found  I  had  a  measured  drawl.  More 
over,  the  dress  which  I  wore  was  not  of  sufficiently  fine  material,  hav 
ing  been  awkwardly  cut  by  the  village  tailor,  who  came  annually  to 
my  father's  to  prepare  the  wardrobe  for  the  whole  rustic  family.  The 
former  difficulty  was  so  far  surmounted  as  to  save  me  from  future  morti 
fication  ;  the  latter,  which  did  not  depend  upon  any  efforts  of  my  own, 
was  only  surmounted  by  my  early  falling  into  debt  to  the  accomplished 
tailors  of  Schenectady  ;  and  this  was  the  beginning  of  many  and  seri 
ous  woes.  There  was,  moreover,  a  third  difficulty.  I  conceived  a 
desire,  not  merely  to  acquire  my  lessons,  but  to  understand  them  as 
well.  I  had  not  yet  learned  either  to  suspect,  or  to  be  suspected  of,  dis 
honor.  Finding,  in  my  Latin  author,  passages  too  obscure  to  be  solved 
unaided,  I  went  freely,  though  meekly,  to  the  tutor,  and  obtained  his 
assistance  during  the  study-hours.  Soon  afterward  the  leading  mem 
bers  of  the  class,  with  the  support  of  the  rest,  determined  to  oblige  the 
accomplished  tutor  to  give  them  shorter  lessons,  and  more  frequent 
holidays.  They  attempted  to  effect  this  by  throwing  asafcetida  on  the 
heated  stove,  and,  when  this  proceeding  failed,  one,  bolder  than  the 
rest,  standing  behind  the  tutor,  pulled  him  by  the  hair.  Of  course  he 
found  out  the  offenders,  and  of  course  they  were  punished.  The  whole 
class  suspected  an  informer;  and  who  could  the  informer  be  but  myself, 
who  excelled  them  all  in  the  recitations,  who  refused  to  go  into  the 
general  meeting,  and  who  was  seen  daily  going  to  and  from  the  tutor's 
room  upon  some  errand  unexplained  ?  This,  I  think,  was  my  first  ex 
perience  of  partisan  excitement.  I  need  not  say  that  I  never  afterward 
offended  my  classmates  by  seeking  to  obtain  special  instruction  or  aid 
from  my  teachers. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  I  first  came  to  be  personally  known  to 
the  president,  Dr.  Nott.  My  tutor  in  Homer  was  then  known  as  Mr. 
Wayland,  afterward  the  distinguished  and  learned  Rev.  Dr.  Wayland, 
author  of  an  excellent  treatise  on  "  Moral  Philosophy,"  and  President 
of  Brown  University.  He  seemed  to  be  much  abstracted.  Our  class, 
though  it  was  large  enough  to  form  two  or  three  sections,  nevertheless 
recited  together.  It  happened,  of  course,  that  any  one  lesson  would 
be  exhausted  in  going  one-third  through  the  class.  The  tutor  invari- 


1816-'18.]  DR.  NOTT    AND   DR.  WAYLAND.  33 

ably  began  each  new  recitation  at  that  point  in  the  class  where  he  had 
stopped  the  previous  day.  The  members,  knowing  by  this  practice  the 
days  on  which  they  would  not  be  called  upon  to  recite,  contracted  the 
habit  of  carrying,  with  their  Homer,  novels,  or  other  light  literature, 
into  the  hall  to  occupy  them  during  the  recitation.  Bolder  than  the 
rest,  I  carried  my  book  of  amusement  without  a  Homer,  making  no  dis 
guise  of  it.  My  next  neighbor  in  the  class  was  a  simple-minded,  in 
offensive,  dull  young  man,  who  was  seldom  if  ever  prepared,  but  who 
depended  on  me  to  help  him  through  by  whispering.  The  tutor,  desir 
ous  to  correct  so  objectionable  a  practice  as  that  into  which  the  class  had 
fallen,  one  day  skipped  from  one  end  of  the  class  to  the  other,  and 
called  up  this  unfortunate  friend  of  mine.  He  had  a  novel  concealed 
by  his  Homer.  Taken  all  aback,  he  asked  me  what  he  should  do.  I 
was  surprised  by  the  tutor's  adopting  this  mode  of  correcting  his  previ 
ous  mistake  ;  and,  moreover,  I  knew  that  my  companion  would  be  quite 
unable  to  recite  the  lesson  with  any  help  I  could  give  him.  I  told  him, 
therefore,  in  a  whisper,  to  answer  that  he  was  not  prepared.  He  did 
so.  The  tutor  insisted.  In  a  more  earnest  and  louder  voice  I  instructed 
my  companion  to  say  that  he  could  not  recite.  Some  one,  however, 
found  the  place  for  him,  and  he  got  through  badly  enough.  The  tutor 
then  said,  "  The  next,  Mr.  Seward."  I  had  already  committed  myself 
to  insubordination  by  the  instruction  I  had  given  to  my  unfortunate 
neighbor,  and  I  answered  that  I  declined  to  recite  to-day.  "  What  is 
the  reason  ?  "  I  replied,  "  I  do  not  know  that  I  am  prepared."  He 
said,  "I  thought  you  might  assign  that  reason;  and,  therefore,  I  have 
called  you  to  recite  to-day  from  the  book  which  one  of  your  classmates 
now  offers  you — the  very  lesson  which  you  recited  only  yesterday,  from 
memory,  without  any  book  at  all."  I  answered  with  decision,  "  I  shall 
not  recite  to-day."  "Then,  sir,  you  will  please  leave  the  room."  I 
obeyed.  That  night  I  received  a  summons  from  the  teacher  to  apologize 
to  him  for  my  insubordination.  I  declined  to  comply,  unless  the  tutor 
would  at  the  same  time  apologize  to  me  for  having  resorted  to  a  sur 
prise  which  exposed  me  to  the  class,  instead  of  having  given  me  notice 
privately,  or  the  class  some  notice  publicly,  of  his  desire  to  change  his 
system  of  examination.  He  declined  to  do  this.  The  next  day  when 
I  came  to  the  recitation  my  name  was  omitted  in  the  call  ;  and  a  like 
omission  of  my  name  occurred  in  all  the  recitations.  I  left  the  college, 
and  took  up  my  lodgings  in  the  city,  upon  this  implied  hint  that  I  was 
suspended.  After  two  weeks  Dr.  Nott  sent  for  me,  and  asked  me  what 
I  was  doing,  and  why  I  was  absent  from  college. 

I  gave  him  the  facts  of  the  case. 

He  asked  me  why  I  did  not  come  back. 

I  answered,  "The  tutor  requires  me  to  apologize." 

"  Why,  then,  don't  you  apologize,  my  son  ?" 
3 


34  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1816-'18, 

I  replied,  "  I  think  the  tutor  did  me  the  first  wrong,  and  he  ought 
to  apologize  to  me  first." 

"  If  the  tutor  would  apologize  to  you,  would  you  then  apologize  to 
him?" 

"  Oh,  yes,  I  am  quite  convinced  that  I  was  wrong  ;  but  he  was  wrong 
before  me." 

"Well,  my  son,  suppose  that  I  should  apologize  to  you  for  him, 
would  you  be  willing  to  apologize  to  me  for  his  benefit  ?  " 

«  Certainly." 

"  Well,  then,  I  do  say  that  I  think  the  tutor  would  have  acted  more 
wisely  in  telling  the  class  that  he  had  observed  the  erroneous  practice 
into  which  they  had  fallen,  and  appealed  to  them  to  correct  it." 

"  Well,  then,"  I  replied,  "  I  confess  that  it  would  have  been  better 
and  more  becoming  in  me  to  recite  my  lesson,  with  an  explanation  of 
my  sense  of  the  grievance  of  the  class." 

"  Now,  my  son,  go  to  your  room,  and  resume  your  studies,  and  re 
flect  upon  this  incident,  whenever  you  are  tempted  to  stand  upon  the 
punctilio  of  anybody." 

If  there  is  one  enjoyment  of  youth  higher  than  another,  it  is  found 
in  the  pleasant  vacations  which  the  college  student  spends  in  the  so 
ciety  of  his  family  and  friends  at  home.  Next  to  this  is  the  enjoyment 
of  return  to  industrious  and  emulous  pursuits  when  the  vacation  i& 
ended.  The  college  reports  of  my  study  and  demeanor  gratified  my 
parents  and  encouraged  me.  There  was  only  one  drawback,  and  that 
was  my  entire  failure  to  bring  my  expenses  to  an  equation  with  the 
parental  allowance.  There  were  small  things,  not  in  the  estimates,, 
with  which  I  could  not  dispense.  Not  the  least  of  these  was  my  equal 
portion  of  the  expenses  of  recreations,  not  to  speak  of  the  sums  which 
I  could  not  refuse  to  give  away  in  charity,  or  to  lend  to  juvenile  bor 
rowers,  by  whom  I  am  not  yet  reimbursed.  Moreover,  the  more  I  re 
trenched  these  expenditures,  the  more  the  quarterly  appropriation  was 
reduced. 

Nor  did  the  established  system  of  awarding  the  college  honors, 
which  was  then  universal  in  the  United  States,  and,  for  aught  I  know, 
may  be  so  now,  escape  distrust  on  my  part.  The  honors  of  the  class 
were  reserved  for  the  close  of  the  entire  academic  course,  at  the  end  of 
the  senior  year.  Competition  for  these  honors  began  at  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  freshman  class,  and  the  final  award  depended  upon  the 
smallest  number  of  failures  exhibited  in  recitations  during  the  entire 
course.  The  class  had  hardly  commenced  its  curriculum  before  candi 
dates  appeared,  as  in  the  case  of  a  presidential  election,  demanding, 
prematurely,  a  division  of  the  faculty,  and  of  the  suffrages  of  the  class. 
It  was  impossible  to  avoid  a  suspicion  that  the  partiality  of  the  faculty 
was  to  be  won  by  servile  or  unmanly  compliances  with  their  caprices. 


1816-'18.]  DANIEL   D.    TOMPKINS.  35 

However  that  might  be,  I  thought  I  discovered  that  the  competitors 
who  aspired  to  the  great  reward  came  to  exhibit  less  of  sympathy  than 
others  with  their  classmates,  and  to  take  a  more  contracted  view  of 
subjects  of  general  interest.  In  short,  while  I  would  have  been  willing 
to  receive  the  honors  of  valedictorian,  I  doubted  very  much  whether 
they  were  to  be  desired  at  the  expense  of,  at  least,  the  isolation  which 
the  pursuit  of  them  involved.  I  do  not  know  how  much  I  had  become 
demoralized,  by  sentiments  of  this  sort,  at  the  beginning  of  the  junior 
year,  but  I  was  brought  to  a  serious  reconsideration  of  them,  when  it 
was  finally  announced  that  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society  of  the  United 
States,  which  embraced  in  its  raembers  all  the  eminent  philosophers, 
scholars,  and  statesmen  of  the  country,  and  which  had  already  three 
branches — one  at  Harvard,  one.  at  Yale,  and  one,  I  think,  at  Dartmouth 
— had  determined  to  establish  a  fourth  branch  at  Union  College,  and 
that  its  membership  would  be  conferred,  at  the  end  of  the  year,  upon 
those  only  of  the  junior  class  who  excelled  in  scholarship.  Ought  I  not 
to  be  ambitious  to  have  my  name  enrolled  in  a  society  of  which  De 
Witt  Clinton,  Chancellor  Kent,  and  Dr.  Nott,  were  members  ?  Would 
it  not  be  a  disgrace  to  be  left  out  ?  Besides,  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  was 
a  secret  society,  and  was  it  not  a  case  of  laudable  pride  and  curiosity, 
not  merely  to  acquire  great  secrets  of  science,  but  to  hold  them  in 
common  with  the  great  men  of  the  country  and  the  age  ?  T  determined 
to  make  a  trial.  My  Toom-mate  agreed  to  share  with  me  the  labors 
and  privations  of  it.  We  quitted  the  college  commons,  supplied  our 
selves  with  provisions  for  living  in  our  own  room  throughout  the  long 
period  of  trial.  We  rose  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  cooked  and 
spread  our  own  meals,  washed  our  own  dishes,  and  spent  the  whole 
time  which  we  could  save  from  prayers  and  recitations,  and  the  table, 
in  severe  study,  in  which  we  unreservedly  and  constantly  aided  each 
other.  The  fruits  of  this  study  were  soon  seen  in  our  work.  It  was 
not  enough  for  us  to  solve  the  most  difficult  equation  in  algebra  or 
problem  in  Euclid  upon  the  black-board,  but  we  went  through  them 
without  the  use  of  lines  or  figures  ;  it  was  not  enough  for  us  to  read 
Homer  or  Cicero,  translating  the  passages,  word  by  word,  into  English, 
but,  when  called  upon  to  recite,  we  closed  the  book,  and  recited  the 
text  in  a  carefully  prepared  and  euphonious  version.  Need  I  say  that 
we  entered  the  great  society  without  encountering  the  deadly  black 
ball  ? 

The  junior  year  closed  with  introducing  me  into  a  political  field, 
much  broader  than  that  of  the  college.  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  had  been 
advanced,  in  1816,  to  the  vice-presidency  of  the  United  States.  A 
schism,  which  occurred  in  the  same  election,  had  divided  the  Republican 
party  into  two  sections  :  at  the  head  of  one  of  which  was  De  Witt 
Clinton,  then  the  Governor  of  the  State  ;  and  at  the  head  of  the  other 


36  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1818-'19. 

was  Martin  Van  Buren.  The  latter  faction,  despairing  of  defeating 
Governor  Clinton  in  the  election,  had  nominated  the  popular  Vice- 
President  for  the  gubernatorial  office.  My  training  at  home  had  pre 
pared  me  to  be  an  earnest  admirer  of  Tompkins,  and  of  course  hostile 
to  Clinton.  Vice-President  Tompkins,  at  the  request  of  his  party, 
made  a  progress  through  the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  and,  in  "  swing 
ing  round  the  circle,"  came  to  Schenectady.  He  had  a  reception  in  the 
city,  which,  of  course,  was  a  party  one.  The  Republican  students, 
nicknamed  "  Buck-tails,"  thought  it  a  patriotic  duty  to  receive  him  at 
the  college.  Should  I  not  study  carefully  the  first  political  speech  I 
was  to  make,  especially  when  that  speech  was  an  address  to  the  great 
est  patriot  and  statesman  whom  my  native  State  had  produced  ?  I  did 
study  the  speech,  and  I  did  make  it ;  but,  like  many  other  well-studied 
speeches,  made  to  or  for  political  candidates  in  our  country,  this  effort 
of  mine  "  fell  on  stony  ground  ; "  and,  in  spite  of  the  advice  of  the 
Republican  students  of  Union  College,  De  Witt  Clinton  was  reflected 
Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York. 


1818-1819. 

A  College  Escapade. — A  Coasting-Voyage. — Six  Months  in  Georgia. — Kindly  Patrons. — The 
Union  Academy. — Planters  and  Slaves. — Law-Studies. — Eeturn  to  College. — Adelphic 
and  Philomatheau. — A  Secession. — Trial  and  Defense. — Commencement  Honors. 

THE  first  session  of  the  senior  class  came  on  in  September,  1818, 
and  I  was  to  take  my  degree  in  July,  1819.  The  financial  misunder 
standing  with  my  father,  at  which  I  have  already  hinted,  increased  by 
the  intrusion  of  the  accomplished  tailors  of  Schenectady,  had  brought 
a  crisis  which  I  had  long  apprehended.  I  would  by  no  means  imply  a 
present  conviction  that  the  fault  in  the  case  was  altogether  with  my 
father.  On  the  other  hand,  I  think  now  that  the  fault  was  not  alto 
gether  mine.  However  this  may  have  been,  He  declined  to  pay  for  me 
bills  that  he  thought  unreasonable  ;  and  I  could  not  submit  to  the 
shame  of  credit  impaired.  I  resolved  thenceforth  "upon  independence 
and  self-maintenance. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1819,  without  notice  to  him,  or  any  one 
else,  I  left  Union  College,  as  I  thought  then  forever,  and  proceeded 
by  stage-coach  to  New  York  with  a  classmate  who  was  going  to 
take  charge  of  an  academy  in  Georgia.  I  had  difficulty  in  avoiding 
observation  as  I  passed  through  Newburg,  the  principal  town  of  the 
county  in  which  my  father  lived.  Arriving  in  New  York  for  the  first 
time,  I  would  have  staid  to  see  its  curiosities  and  its  wonders,  but 
I  feared  pursuit.  I  took  passage,  with  my  fellow-traveler,  on  the 
schooner  which  was  first  to  sail  for  Savannah  ;  but  the  vessel  was 


1818-'19.]  A  SEA-VOYAGE.  37 

obliged  to  wait  for  a  wind.  I  lived  on  board  during  this  detention,  so 
as  to  avoid  discovery  on  shore.  The  last  night  before  our  departure, 
with  the  permission  of  the  captain  of  the  schooner,  I  went  to  the  Park 
Theatre,  the  only  one  then  in  New  York.  Not  merely  my  education,  but 
my  straitened  circumstances,  impressed  me  with  the  importance  of  econo 
mizing  in  this  my  first  act  of  dissipation.  I  bought  the  cheapest  ticket, 
price  twenty-five  cents,  and  of  course  ascended  to  the  gallery  in  entire 
ignorance  of  all  other  grounds  of  discrimination  than  that  of  economy. 
Taking  no  notice  of  my  surroundings,  I  wept  with  Mrs.  Barnes  in  the 
tragedy  until  the  curtain  fell  on  the  first  act,  when  I  discovered  that  I 
had  become,  for  some  cause,  the  object  of  sneering  remark  and  con 
temptuous  laughter  among  the  promiscuous  crowd  of  both  sexes  who 
occupied  the  opposite  side  of  the  gallery.  As  I  looked  immediately 
around  me  to  see  what  could  be  the  cause,  a  negro  man  of  middle  age, 
black  as  the  ace  of  spades,  but  gentle  of  speech,  approached  me  meekly 
and  said,  "  Guess  young  master  don't  know  that  he's  got  into  the 
colored  folk's  part  of  the  gallery."  I  thanked  him,  repaired  to  my  proper 
position,  and  the  jibes  and  laughter  ceased.  From  what  I  afterward 
learned  of  the  usages  of  the  theatre,  I  suppose  it  may  be  doubtful 
whether  the  change  was  for  the  better  in  a  moral  point  of  view ;  but 
the  immediate  effect  of  the  incident  was  to  awaken  my  distrust  of  my 
ability  to  begin  the  world  alone. 

At  sunrise  next  morning  there  was  a  rushing  of  the  wind  and  the 
sea.  We  were  under  way.  Full  of  curiosity,  I  leaped  from  my  ele 
vated  berth  upon  the  floor,  and  fell  like  a  drunken  man  against  the 
opposite  side  of  the  cabin.  Gathering  my  clothes  in  my  hand,  I 
climbed  the  stairs  ;  but  no  toilet  was  to  be  made  until  I  had  paid  the 
tribute  which  the  ocean  exacts  of  every  navigator  on  his  first  voyage. 
The  weather  was  cold,  and  the  sea  rough.  I  crept  into  a  peddler's 
wagon  freighted  with  dried  codfish,  and  made  my  breakfast  upon  it. 
After  that  I  went  to  the  cabin,  only  to  sleep.  The  confinement  to  the 
deck  was  not  a  great  privation,  for  a  voyage  then  on  a  coasting- 
schooner  had  few  conveniences  and  no  luxuries.  On  the  seventh  day 
we  crossed  Tybee,  and  anchored  in  the  river  at  Savannah.  What  an 
unexpected  transition  from  New  York,  which  I  had  left  congealed  and 
covered  with  snow,  to  Savannah,  which  seemed  embowered  among 
trees  and  flowers  !  I  was  in  haste,  because  my  funds  were  small  and  I 
feared  pursuit.  I  rode  by  stage-wagon  to  Augusta,  the  way  at  night 
often  lighted  up  by  immigrants'  camp-fires,  which  consumed  the  dry, 
girdled  trees.  My  associate  and  I  made  inquiries  at  Augusta,  and 
he  contracted  there  for  employment  in  the  academy  in  that  city.  I 
proceeded  by  stage-coach  as  far  as  it  went,  and  then  hired  a  gig,  which 
landed  me  at  Mount  Zion,  in  a  society  that  had  lately  been  founded 
there  by  immigrants  from  Orange  County,  to  whom  I  was  known.  They 


38  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1818-'19, 

were  under  the  pastoral  care  of  Rev.  Dr.  Beman,  who  afterward  be 
came  so  distinguished  a  preacher  at  Troy,  in  the  State  of  New  York. 
Here  I  rested  one  or  two  days,  while  my  linen  was  washed  ;  and  then, 
no  longer  able  to  hire  a  conveyance,  I  took  the  road  on  foot  for  a 
journey  thirty  miles,  more  or  less,  to  Eatonton,  the  capital  town  of 
Putnam  County.  Farmers,  there  called  "  Crackers,"  cheerfully  gave 
me  a  lift  as  I  overtook  them  on  the  way,  and  shared  their  provisions 
with  me.  Arriving  at  the  town  late  at  night,  and  weary,  I  was  shown 
into  a  large  ballroom,  which  I  found  filled  with  long  rows  of  cots,  one 
of  which  was  assigned  to  me.  My  reflections  in  the  morning  were  by 
no  means  cheerful.  Inquiring  of  the  tavern-keeper,  I  learned  that  the 
academy  which  I  was  looking  for  was  in  a  new  settlement,  ten  miles 
distant.  I  was  to  make  that  journey  with  only  nine  shillings  and  six 
pence,  New  York  currency,  in  hand,  after  paying  my  reckoning  The 
shirt  I  wore,  of  course,  was  soiled  with  the  wear  of  travel,  and  the 
light  cravat  I  wore  was  worse.  I  invested  eight  shillings  in  a  neck 
cloth,  which  concealed  the  shirt-bosom,  and  with  the  one  and  sixpence 
remaining  I  resumed  my  journey. 

Arriving  at  a  country  store,  standing  at  the  cross-roads,  after  walk 
ing  eight  miles,  I  came  to  a  rest,  communicated  the  news  which  I  had 
received  at  Eatonton,  and  in  return  was  enlightened  with  the  mer 
chant's  news  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  then  under 
debate  in  Congress,  and  with  what  was  more  directly  to  my  own  pur 
pose,  the  names  and  residences  of  the  planters  living  in  the  neighbor 
hood  who  had  founded  the  new  academy  of  which  I  was  in  search. 
I  was  directed  to  Mr.  Ward,  whose  house  was  distant  two  miles  and  a 
half,  as  the  person  to  whom  I  should  apply.  Going  a  mile  and  a  half 
through  the  woods,  I  became  both  hungry  and  thirsty,  and  quite  too 
weary  to  go  farther.  A  double  cottage,  built  of  logs,  that  is  to  say,  a 
log-house  of  one  story,  with  two  rooms,  one  on  each  side  of  the  door, 
invited  me.  It  was  new,  its  windows  were  without  glass,  and  its  chim 
ney  not  yet  "topped  out;"  but  manifestly  it  was  occupied,  because 
domestic  utensils  lay  about  the  doorway,  and  the  blanket  which  served 
for  a  door  was  drawn  up.  I  found  there  a  lady,  yet  youthful,  and 
handsome  as  she  was  refined,  with  her  two  small  children.  The  owner 
of  the  house  was  Dr.  Iddo  Ellis,  a  physician,  who  had  emigrated  there 
only  a  year  or  two  before  from  Auburn,  New  York,  and  his  wife  was  a 
daughter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Phelps,  an  Episcopal  clergyman  at  that  place. 
The  doctor  soon  came  home,  and  it  was  immediately  made  known  to  me 
that  a  visitor  who  had  just  come  from  the  vicinity  of  their  ancient 
home  could  not  be  allowed  to  go  farther,  although  he  might  fare  better 
than  in  their  humble  and  unfurnished  cottage.  Of  course,  I  stopped 
there,  and  during  the  evening  told  my  hospitable  entertainers  of  my 
journey  and  its  object,  giving  the  explanation  that  I  was  impatient  to 


1818-'19.]  THE  UNION   ACADEMY.  39 

begin  the  work  of  life  in  the  new  and  attractive  field  which  they  had 
found.  The  house  had  no  partitions,  but  I  had  a  separate  apartment 
for  sleep,  which  was  easily  made  by  suspending  a  coverlid  from  the 
beam  to  the  floor. 

After  an  early  breakfast,  the  doctor  summoned  a  meeting  of  the 
trustees,  which  I  could  attend,  at  eleven  o'clock.  They  were  five  in 
number.  Major  William  Alexander,  of  the  militia,  a  genial  planter, 
was  president;  William  Turner,  Esq.,  Treasurer  of  the  State,  was  sec 
retary;  and  Dr.  Ellis  chief  debater.  The  matter  of  my  introduction 
was  promptly  disposed  of.  My  traveling  associate,  who,  while  we  were 
yet  in  college,  had  accepted  the  call  to  this  academy,  had  obtained  a 
more  distinguished  situation  at  Augusta,  and  had  recommended  me. 
Dr.  Ellis  spoke  kindly  of  the  impression  which  my  brief  acquaintance 
with  him  had  made.  Mr.  Turner,  who  had  had  a  better  academic  edu 
cation  than  the  rest,  asked  me  a  few  general  questions  ;  and  then 
Colonel  Alexander  announced  that  the  board  did  not  think  it  necessary 
to  extend  the  examination  further.  I  withdrew,  that  the  board  might 
consider.  I  went  round  the  corner  of  the  academy,  sat  down  on  the 
curbstone  of  the  spring,  into  which  I  dipped  the  gourd  which  hung 
upon  the  tree  by  its  side  ;  and  I  meditated:  What  chance  was  there 
that  these  trustees  would  employ  me  ?  If  they  should  decline  to  do 
so,  what  next  ?  With  only  eighteen  pence  in  my  pocket,  a  thousand 
miles  from  home,  my  little  wardrobe  left  thirty  miles  behind,  where 
was  I  to  go,  and  what  could  I  do  ?  I  scarcely  had  time  to  conceive 
possible  answers  to  these  questions,  when  Dr.  Ellis  appeared,  and  in 
vited  me  into  the  official  presence.  If  ever  mortal  youth  was  struck 
dumb  by  pleasant  surprise,  I  was  that  youth,  when  William  Turner, 
Esq.,  rose  before  me,  six  feet  high,  grave  and  dignified,  and  made  me 
this  speech  :  "  Mr.  Seward,  the  trustees  of  Union  Academy  have  ex 
amined  you,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  whether  you  are  qualified  to 
assume  the  charge  of  the  new  institution  they  have  founded.  They 
have  desisted  from  that  examination  because  they  have  found  that  you 
are  better  able  to  examine  them  than  they  are  to  examine  you.  The 
trustees  desire  to  employ  you,  but  they  fear  that  they  are  unable  to 
make  you  such  a  proposition  as  your  abilities  deserve.  The  school  is 
yet  to  be  begun,  and  with  what  success,  of  course,  they  do  not  know. 
The  highest  offer  that  they  feel  able  to  make  is  eight  hundred  dollars 
for  the  year,  with  board  in  such  of  their  houses  as  you  may  choose,  to 
be  paid  for  at  the  rate  of  one  hundred  dollars  a  year.  But  the  academy 
will  not  be  finished  for  six  weeks,  during  which  time  you  will  be  with 
out  employment.  We  will  compensate  you  for  that  delay  by  furnish 
ing  you  a  horse  and  carriage,  in  which  you  can  travel  in  any  part  of 
the  State,  and,  in  the  interval  of  rest,  you  will  board  among  us  with 
out  charge." 


40  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [18 18-' 19. 

I  accepted  the  position  with  an  expression  of  profound  thanks,  and 
an  assurance  of  determination  to  merit  the  approval  of  my  generous 
patrons.  It  was,  as  I  still  think,  an  important  crisis  in  my  life.  I 
indulged,  with  satisfaction,  the  reflection  that  thenceforth  I  was  to  be 
an  independent,  self-reliant,  and  self-supporting  man.  At  dinner  with 
the  doctor  and  his  family,  he  said  :  "  I  am  going  to  state  something  to 
which,  if  you  prefer,  you  need  not  reply.  In  your  absence  from  the 
meeting  of  trustees,  they  asked  how  old  you  were.  I  answered  that 
I  thought  you  were  twenty.  They  replied  that  seemed  very  young  for 
such  an  enterprise."  I  candidly  confessed  to  my  generous  patron 
that  I  was  only  seventeen.  "  Well,  we'll  leave  them  to  find  that 
out." 

The  part  of  Georgia  into  which  I  had  fallen  was  in  the  northwestern 
region,  and  had  then  recently  been  recovered  from  the  Indians.  It  was 
newly  settled  with  immigrants  from  Virginia  and  North  and  South  Caro 
lina.  The  staple  was  cotton,  and  its  culture  very  profitable.  Profes 
sional  men  and  teachers  were  freely  accepted  and  welcomed  there 
from  the  North.  The  Southern  States  were  only  just  beginning  to 
establish  schools  and  academies  for  themselves.  Although  the  planters 
were  new  and  generally  poor,  yet  I  think  the  slaves  exceeded  the  white 
population.  No  jealousy  or  prejudice  at  that  day  was  manifested  in 
regard  to  inquiries  or  discussions  of  slavery.  But,  at  the  same  time, 
there  were  two  kindred  popular  prejudices  highly  developed.  One  was 
a  suspicion,  amounting  to  hatred,  of  all  emancipated  persons,  or  free 
negroes,  as  they  were  called  ;  the  other,  a  strong  prejudice,  of  an 
abstract  nature,  against  the  lower  class  of  adventurers  from  the  North, 
called  "  Yankees."  The  planters  entertained  me  always  cordially,  as 
it  seemed,  from  a  regard  to  my  acquirements  ;  while  the  negroes 
availed  themselves  of  every  occasion  to  converse  with  a  stranger 
who  came  from  the  "  big  North,"  where  they  understood  their  race  to 
be  free,  but  which  they  believed  to  be  so  far  distant  as  to  be  forever 
inaccessible  to  them.  They  seemed  like  children  in  this  respect.  Two 
house-carpenters,  bright  and  intelligent  men,  expressed  so  much  curi 
osity  about  the  "  big  North,"  that  I  asked  them  why  they  did  not  lay 
up  wages,  buy  their  freedom,  and  go  there.  They  thought  the  distance 
an  insuperable  obstacle  in  any  case.  Conversations  of  this  kind  with 
these  simple  creatures  attached  the  whole  community  of  negroes  to 
me,  without  exciting  any  jealousy  on  the  part  of  their  masters.  Of 
course,  its  effect  was  to  confirm  and  strengthen  the  opinions  I  already 
entertained  adverse  to  slavery.  A  "  Yankee  "  had  come  there,  with  an 
exhibition  of  wax-figures.  He  was  allowed  to  exhibit  it  in  the  chief 
room  of  the  wealthiest  planter.  His  price  for  admission  was  a  dollar, 
negroes  half  price.  Among  the  crowd  attracted  were  a  pair  of  middle- 
aged  slaves,  with  a  long  retinue  of  young  children.  The  parents  had 


1818-'19.]  GEORGIA   LIFE.  41 

mustered  just  money  enough  to  admit  the  latter.  They  were  standing 
outside.  When  I  asked  why  they  did  not  go  in  themselves,  they 
replied  that  they  had  only  money  enough  to  pay  for  the  children.  I 
took  them  in  with  me.  Not  the  faintest  idea  had  they  of  the  manner 
or  material  with  which  the  figures  had  been  prepared.  Looking  long 
with  admiration  upon  "  General  Washington,"  "  General  Greene," 
"General  Marion,"  "  The  Sleeping  Beauty,"  "Louis  XVI.,"  and  "The 
Witch  of  Endor,"  their  master  became  impatient,  but  they  were  reluc 
tant  to  leave.  I  interposed,  and  asked  them  why  they  did  not  go. 
They  replied  that  they  understood  that  all  the  figures  would  dance  at 
four  o'clock,  and  asked  me  to  secure  their  master's  consent  that  they 
should  stay  till  that  hour. 

Making  an  excursion  into  Jasper  County  in  a  gig,  I  had  occasion  to 
cross  the  "  Little  River."  The  stream  was  broad  and  the  water  low. 
There  was  the  framework  still  remaining  of  a  bridge,  but  only  a  con 
tinuous  flooring  of  the  width  of  two  planks,  available  for  a  footpath, 
but  not  for  wheels.  I  drove  in  my  carriage  across  the  ford,  below  the 
bridge,  over  round  stones,  and  at  imminent  peril  of  being  lost  in  the 
stream.  Arriving  at  the  opposite  bank,  I  found  there  a  young  negro 
woman,  with  a  blind  horse  loaded  with  grain  for  the  mill.  She  asked 
my  advice  and  help.  I  thought  it  impossible  to  conduct  the  blind  beast 
safely  across  the  ford.  I  explored  the  entire  pathway  of  the  bridge, 
and  judged  that  it  was  safer  to  attempt  to  lead  him  over  it  ;  at  all  events 
the  woman  would  be  safe.  I  led  the  horse  along  the  bridge,  care 
fully  keeping  the  middle  of  the  path  until  we  had  almost  reached  the 
end,  when  a  miss-step  precipitated  him  off  the  plank,  and  across  a  great 
beam  of  the  bridge.  The  grist  fell  off.  No  effort  that  I  could  make, 
with  the  aid  of  the  woman,  could  extricate  the  animal.  I  said  that  I 
would  go  and  bring  her  master  to  the  rescue.  The  woman  implored 
me  not  to  do  so,  for  he  would  beat  her.  But  there  was  no  alternative. 
I  found  the  master  a  mile  distant  from  the  river,  and  when  I  told  him 
of  the  ill-luck  which  had  befallen  his  servant,  he  hastened  to  the  spot 
to  give  relief  ;  but  not  without  swearing  so  wrathfully  at  the  slave  and 
at  myself  as  to  make  me  feel  that  I  only  just  escaped,  while  the  poor 
woman  would  be  made  a  victim. 

I  availed  myself,  next  day,  of  the  horse  and  wagon  to  proceed  to 
Eatonton,  where  I  called  at  the  post-office,  expecting  there  a  letter 
from  the  associate  I  had  left  at  Augusta.  Besides  the  expected  letter 
I  received  others,  which,  while  they  gave  me  much  pleasure,  caused  me 
much  perplexity.  There  was  a  packet  which  had  been  transmitted  to 
me  by  Richard  Richardson,  President  of  the  United  States  Branch 
Bank  at  Savannah.  The  packet  contained  a  letter  from  my  father,  in 
which  he  stated  that  he  had  heard  with  paternal  anguish  and  solicitude 
of  my  flight  from  college  and  home  ;  that  he  had  followed  me  from 


42  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1818-'19. 

Newburg  to  New  York,  and  personally,  and  with  the  aid  of  necessary 
agents,  had  gone  through  nearly  the  entire  shipping  at  the  wharves, 
resting  at  night  from  his  unsuccessful  search,  leaving  only  unvisited  the 
schooner  in  which  I  had  sailed.  He  implored  me  to  return,  and  in 
formed  me  that  I  would  be  supplied  with  what  funds  I  should  need  by 
Mr.  Richardson.  By  no  means  disposed  to  give  up  an  independence 
which  had  been  so  dearly  gained,  I  drew  on  Mr.  Richardson,  as  he  had 
advised  me  I  might,  for  one  hundred  dollars.  With  this  sum  I  brought 
my  person  into  more  presentable  condition,  and  returned  to  my  patrons 
near  the  Union  Academy.  I  replied  to  my  father  a  day  or  two  after 
ward,  and,  in  declining  his  request  for  my  return,  I  know  not  whether 
it  was  my  vanity,  or  a  solicitude  that  I  felt  to  relieve  parental  appre 
hension,  that  induced  me  to  send  to  him  an  Eatontoii  newspaper,  which 
contained  an  advertisement  that  had  been  carefully  prepared  by  Wil 
liam  Turner,  Esq.,  secretary,  and  signed  by  himself  and  Major  Alex 
ander  as  president,  which  announced  to  the  people  of  the  State  of 
Georgia  that  "  William  H.  Seward,  a  gentleman  of  talents,  educated 
at  Union  College,  New  York,"  had  been  duly  appointed  Principal  of 
the  Union  Academy  ;  that  applications  for  admission  were  now  in 
order  ;  and  that  the  school  would  be  opened  on  the  first  of  May  next. 
My  patrons  contended  with  each  other  for  the  honor  of  entertaining 
me  during  the  interval  ;  and  so  I  moved  in  a  hospitable  circle  round  the 
new  academy,  now  staying  at  Mr.  Ward's,  then  at  Mr.  Walker's,  and 
then  at  Mr.  Turner's,  and  from  these  places  I  made  excursions  to  Mil- 
ledgeville,  Sparta,  and  other  towns,  always  hospitably  received  by 
promirient  citizens. 

Hardly  more  than  half  my  vacation  was  passed  in  this  pleasant  way 
when  there  arose  a  new  and  startling  difficulty.  I  was  in  my  attic  bed 
room,  at  Mr.  Ward's,  alone,  revising  the  classics  which  I  was  so  soon 
to  teach,  when  Major  William  Alexander,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trustees  of  Union  Academy,  ascended  the  crooked  little  stairway  un 
attended,  and  presented  to  me  a  letter,  written  in  a  hand  that  I  quick 
ly  recognized.  He  said,  "  I  thought  I  ought  to  show  you  this  letter 
before  informing  any  one  else  about  it."  I  read  it,  L  doubt  not,  with 
manifest  embarrassment.  My  indignant  father,  in  this  letter,  informed 
Major  William  Alexander  that  he  had  read  a  newspaper  advertisement, 
in  which  the  major  announced  the  employment  of  William  H.  Seward 
as  principal.  My  father  proceeded  to  say  that  he  lost  no  time  in  in 
forming  Major  Alexander  and  the  trustees  who  and  what  kind  of  a 
person  this  new  principal  of  their  academy  was,  that  he  was  a  much- 
indulged  son,  who,  without  any  just  provocation  or  cause,  had  abscond 
ed  from  Union  College,  thereby  disgracing  a  well-acquired  position, 
and  plunging  his  parents  into  profound  shame  and  grief.  In  con 
clusion  my  father  warned  the  major,  the  trustees,  and  all  whom  it 


1818-l.q  RETURN   HOME.  43 

might  concern,  that,  if  they  should  continue  to  harbor  the  delinquent, 
he  would  prosecute  them  with  the  utmost  rigor  of  the  law. 

"  There,"  said  the  major,  in  the  chivalrous  manner  which  the  South 
ern  planter  had  already  learned  to  assume,  "  I  suspected  as  much  all 
the  while,  but  I  don't  believe  that  you  abandoned  your  college  and 
home  without  good  cause  ;  I  shall  be  your  friend.  I  will  keep  the 
affair  to  myself,  and  you  may  decide  upon  it  as  you  think  best.  If  you 
should  conclude  to  go  home,  we  will  not  oppose  you,  although  it  will 
be  a  disappointment.  If  you  decide  to  remain,  your  father  may  prose 
cute  me  as  soon  as  he  pleases."  Had  this  been  the  whole  of  the  case, 
it  would  have  been  easily  settled.  But,  by  the  same  mail  which 
brought  my  father's  summons,  I  received  letters  from  my  mother,  which 
showed  that  the  proceeding  I  had  taken  had  been  represented  to  her 
with  aggravating  additions,  and  that  she  neither  had  received,  nor 
could  be  expected  to  receive,  anything  that  should  go  to  extenuate 
my  conduct.  Her  letter  indicated  a  broken  heart  ;  and  my  sister,  next 
in  years  to  myself,  assured  me  that  our  mother  was  on  the  verge  of 
distraction.  Alas  !  poor  lady,  my  desertion  was  not  her  only  sorrow. 
My  eldest  brother  had,  two  or  three  years  earlier,  come  into  a  misun 
derstanding  with  my  father,  no  less  unhappy  than  my  own  ;  had  left 
the  paternal  home,  and  was  seeking,  with  uncertain  success,  to  establish 
a  fortune  for  himself  in  the  then  new  State  of  Illinois.  My  next 
brother,  perhaps  more  under  the  influence  of  erroneous  example  than 
from  any  real  difficulty  in  his  own  case,  had  strayed  away  from  the 
paternal  mansion,  and  obtained  precarious  employment  in  the  city  of 
New  York  ;  had  afterward  thought  to  improve  his  condition  by  enlist 
ing  in  the  United  States  Army,  and  was  then  writing  to  his  mother 
mysterious  accounts  of  his  new  occupation  from  the  barracks  at  Old 
Point  Comfort. 

Taking  sufficient  time,  I  carefully  reconsidered  the  case,  and  then 
convened  the  trustees.  I  assured  them  that  I  would  not  break  the  en 
gagement  to  the  injury  of  the  institution ;  that  I  would  call  a  }roung 
gentleman  thither  from  Union  College,  as  competent  as  myself,  to  take 
my  place,  and  I  would  remain  with  them,  in  the  performance  of  my 
duties,  until  he  should  arrive,  and  they  should  declare  their  entire  satis 
faction  with  him.  They  assented  to  the  arrangement,  and  it  was  carried 
into  effect,  I  opened  the  academy  on  the  appointed  day,  with  sixty 
pupils,  most  of  whom  were  well  advanced  in  years,  but  quite  unin- 
structed.  Mr.  Woodruff,  my  successor,  came,  and  was  accepted,  and  I 
took  leave  of  my  spirited  and  generous  patrons,  and  affectionate 
scholars,  with  sentiments  of  affection  and  sadness  such  as  I  have  sel 
dom  since  experienced. 

A  long  summer  voyage  made  the  sea  seem  congenial.  Th'e  idea  of 
its  expanse  took  possession  of  me,  and  as  I  had  improved  the  sea  to 


44  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1818-'19. 

learn  how  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  differed  from  those  of  my 
native  region,  so  I  determined  that  an  early  use  should  be  made  of  my 
now  postponed  independence  to  explore  the  eastern  shores  of  the 
Atlantic.  On  my  way  home  I  learned  that  a  voyage,  made  in  com 
panionship  with  others,  in  order  to  be  agreeable,  must  not  be  too  long. 
During  the  first  eight  days,  the  passengers  were  not  merely  mutually 
pleased  and  satisfied  with  each  other,  but  seemed  to  become  affectionate 
friends.  In  the  next  ten  days  they  broke  into  cliques  and  factions, 
from  which  the  quarantine  week,  inflicted  upon  us  at  Staten  Island, 
seemed  a  welcome  escape. 

I  felt  well  satisfied  on  arriving  at  home,  on  the  ground,  not  that  I 
had  decided  wisely  for  myself  in  returning  there,  but  that  I  had  relieved 
my  fond  mother  and  sister  from  anxiety  and  sorrow  on  my  account, 
and  I  promised  myself  never  thereafter  to  abandon  them,  however  diffi 
cult  my  own  situation  might  become.  I  soon  ascertained  that  I  had  no 
change  to  expect  on  the  part  of  my  other  parent.  On  the  other  hand, 
his  former  opinions  of  my  great  disobedience  were  confirmed  by  the 
discovery  that,  unlike  the  prodigal  son  in  the  parable,  in  coming  home 
again  I  had  come  impenitent.  But  I  now  reckoned  that  the  time  must 
be  short  when,  having  arrived  at  my  majority  and  acquired  my  profes 
sion,  I  should  resume,  lawfully,  the  independence  I  had  seized  upon 
prematurely,  and  given  up  with  reluctance.  It  was  decided  that  I 
should  return  to  Union  College,  and  join  the  senior  class  of  that  year, 
at  the  same  stage  at  which  I  had  left  my  own  class  in  the  previous  year. 
But  this  gave  me  six  months,  which  I  determined  not  to  lose.  I  en 
tered  an  attorney's  office,  and  diligently  studied  at  Florida,  and  at 
Goshen,  the  elementary  books  of  law. 

A  changed  condition  of  feeling  affecting  me  had  partially  revealed 
itself  while  in  Georgia,  and  now  it  broke  upon  me  more  fully  and  dis 
tinctly  at  home.  In  obtaining  and  asserting  so  much  personal  inde 
pendence,  I  found  I  had  become  amenable  to  popular  opinion  ;  that  the 
society  around  me  divided,  more  or  less  equally,  into  two  parties,  and 
with  great  earnestness,  upon  the  question  whether  my  previous  con 
duct  should  be  approved  or  condemned.  Of  course,  each  party  pre 
dicted  a  future  for  me  in  harmony  with  the  sentiments  they  respectively 
adopted.  While  I  was  trying  to  silence  this  debate  by  a  meek  and  inof 
fensive  line  of  conduct,  a  new  incident  occurred  which,  at  first,  seemed  to 
put  an  end  to  all  hope  of  that  kind.  The  load  of  debt  which  had  driven 
me,  like  Christian's  "  burden,"  into  my  desperate  pilgrimage,  was  some 
thing  less  than  a  hundred  dollars.  I  now  began  the  process  of  liquida 
tion,  not  by  establishing  a  sinking-fund,  but  by  earning  fees  as  an  advo 
cate  in  the  justice's  court.  These  earnings,  with  small  but  convenient  tem 
porary  loans  from  friends,  always  early  repaid,  had  enabled  me  to  tran- 
quilize,  though  not  fully  relieve  myself  from,  my  sartorian  creditor. 


1818-'19.]  CLOSING   YEAR  AT   COLLEGE.  4.5 

One  warm  September  day  my  father  mounted  me  upon  a  horse  and 
dispatched  me  with  letters  and  drafts  upon  debtors  of  his  who  lived 
within  a  circuit  of  six  miles.  The  very  first  draft  which  I  presented,  at 
a  distance  of  a  mile  from  home,  brought  into  my  hands  a  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars  in  small  bank-bills.  I  rode  three  miles  farther  and  brought 
up  at  the  door  of  another  debtor,  Mr.  Archibald  Owens,  to  whom  one 
of  my  letters  was  addressed.  Unfortunately  for  me,  Mr.  Owens's  house 
was  raised  some  ten  feet  above  the  ground,  and  his  door  was  only  to 
be  reached  by  ascending  an  abrupt  flight  of  steps.  A  woman,  I  then 
thought  a  lady,  had  just  ascended  the  steps  as  I  rode  up.  I  thought 
first  that  she  might  come  down  to  take  the  letter  from  me,  as  I  was  in 
the  saddle,  but  on  second  thought  this  seemed  to  be  ungallant.  I  dis 
mounted,  walked  up  the  steps,  gave  her  the  letter,  which  she  promised 
to  deliver  to  Mr.  Archibald  Owens  when  he  should  come  home.  It  was 
not  until  I  had  ridden  a  mile  farther  that  I  discovered  that  I  had  lost 
the  bank-bills  previously  received.  I  led  my  horse  while  I  went  back, 
carefully  searching  the  road,  over  which,  in  the  mean  time,  no  subse 
quent  traveler  had  passed.  Night  came  on,  and  the  amiable  Archibald 
Owens  searched  the  road  with  me  with  the  aid  of  lantern-light  ;  but 
the  money  was  not  found.  It  was  hopelessly  lost. 

Nearly  two  years  afterward,  the  woman  who  had  received  the  letter 
from  me  on  the  steps  at  Mr.  Owens's  house  suddenly  bloomed  out  in 
silk  dress,  parasol,  and  a  set  of  china,  and  made  presents,  as  rich  people 
ought  always  to  do,  to  her  poor  relations.  She  was  arrested,  and  then 
confessed  that  she  had  picked  up  the  money  I  had  dropped  at  the  door. 
My  father  submitted  to  the  loss,  perhaps  all  the  more  cheerfully  be 
cause  he  had  mentally  appropriated  the  lost  money  to  the  discharge  of 
mv  indebtedness  at  Schenectady. 

The  resumption  of  my  collegiate  course  was  embarrassing.  I  think 
that,  by  competitors  for  collegiate  honors,  I  was  regarded  as  a  late  in 
truder  ;  and  by  those  who  had  no  such  aspirations,  as  a  probable  leader 
in  irregularities  and  insubordination.  I  determined,  though  my  pro 
bation  must  be  short,  if  possible,  to  reconcile  these  two  prejudices,  to 
maintain  my  personal  independence,  and  not  to  lose  a  just  share  of  the 
collegiate  distinctions.  A  new  state  of  things,  however,  had  occurred 
during  the  year  of  my  absence  from  the  college.  Previously  to  that 
event,  the  students  from  the  North  and  the  South  mingled  promiscu 
ously  and  lived  harmoniously  together.  The  great  debate  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  which  occurred  during  the  year,  faintly  disclosed  to 
the  public  the  line  of  alienation  upon  which,  forty  years  afterward,  the 
great  civil  war,  through  which  we  have  just  passed,  was  contested. 
Union  College,  during  that  year,  received  a  large  accession  of  students 
who,  even  at  that  early  day,  had  become  known  as  "  Southerners." 
Previous  to  their  coming,  the  students  were  divided  between  two  lit- 


46  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1818-'19. 

erary  societies,  secret  according  to  the  custom  of  the  time,  the  one 
"the  Philomathean,"  the  other  "the  Adelphic,"  which  were  nearly 
coeval  with  the  college  itself.  Of  these,  the  Philomathean  was  the 
larger  and  more  popular,  as  it  claimed  to  be,  by  a  year  or  two,  the 
more  ancient.  I  belonged  to  the  Adelphic,  which,  at  that  time,  con 
soled  itself  for  inferiority  of  numbers  by  pretensions  to  superior  schol 
arship.  The  Southerners,  on  their  arrival  at  the  college,  had  joined 
the  Philomathean,  but  soon  afterward  had  complained  of  oppression, 
seceded  and  organized  a  third  (and,  of  course,  exclusive)  society,  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Delphian  Institute,"  which  new  society  was  improvi- 
dently  sanctioned  by  the  faculty. 

This  division  of  the  Philomathean  Society,  not  unnaturally,  agitated 
the  Adelphic,  leading  members  of  which  anticipated  an  increase  of 
their  own  strength  from  the  diminution  of  the  numbers  and  prestige 
of  their  great  rival,  the  Philomathean.  The  agitation  drew  into  dis 
cussion,  not  at  all  the  question  of  slavery,  but  the  relative  merits  of 
Southern  and  Northern  society.  It  seemed  to  be  believed  by  both  par 
ties  that  the  opinions  I  should  express,  after  having  had  a  six  months' 
experience  in  the  South,  would  carry  weight.  The  Philomatheans 
claimed  my  sympathy  on  the  ground  of  the  character  I  had  established 
for  independence.  The  Adelphic  sympathizers  with  the  seceders 
claimed  my  adhesion  on  the  ground  of  loyalty  to  the  institution  to 
which  I  belonged,  and  which  had  crowned  me  with  all  its  little  honors. 
Thus  at  that  early  day,  before  my  educational  course  was  ended,  I  stood 
upon  the  threshold  of  national  politics.  I  promptly  decided  that  the 
Southern  secession  was  unjustifiable  and  disloyal  to  the  institution  and 
the  country,  while  I  made  due  acknowledgments  of  the  hospitable  and 
chivalrous  character  of  the  South.  This  decision  brought  me  into  direct 
conflict  with  the  recognized  leaders  of  the  Adelphic  Society.  They 
caused  me  to  be  indicted  and  arraigned  for  some  offense  against  the 
institution,  the  nature  of  which  I  do  not  remember,  but  the  punish 
ment  for  which  was  expulsion.  The  college  honors,  whatever  tliey 
might  be,  lay  beyond  that  preliminary  trial.  I  appeared  on  the  day 
appointed,  and  met  the  charge  with  such  proofs  as  I  could  command. 
I  addressed  the  society,  but  without  any  previous  canvass  of  my  judges. 
I  spoke  alone  in  self-defense,  and,  when  I  closed,  I  asserted  that  I  did 
not  then  know  the  opinion  of  any  member  ;  that  even  if  the  decision 
was  one  of  expulsion,  I  should  never  inquire  how  any  member  of  the 
society  had  cast  his  vote;  that  I  disdained  the  advantage  of  hearing  the 
summing  up  of  my  accusers,  as  well  as  the  debate  preliminary  to  the 
final  vote.  With  this  speech  I  left  the  chamber.  An  hour  or  two 
afterward  there  was  a  rush  of  generous  young  men  into  the  antecham 
ber  where  I  sat  in  waiting.  I  had  been  triumphantly  acquitted.  An 
election  as  one  of  the  three  representatives  of  the  Adelphic  Society 


1820-'24.]  STUDYING   LAW.  4.7 

who  were  to  speak  on  commencement-day,  an  election  by  the  class  as 
one  of  its  managers  for  that  day,  and  finally  the  assignment  of  my 
name  in  an  alphabetical  arrangement  of  the  members  of  the  class  re 
ceiving  the  highest  honors  of  the  college,  easily  followed  the  ill-con 
sidered  and  unsuccessful  impeachment. 

A  review  at  this  day  of  the  experience  of  this  my  last  term  at  col 
lege  leaves  me  in  doubt  upon  the  question  of  precocity.  My  chef- 
d'oeuvre  in  the  Literary  Society  was  an  essay  in  which  I  demonstrated 
that  the  Erie  Canal  (then  begun  under  the  auspices  of  De  Witt  Clinton, 
the  leader  of  the  political  party  in  the  State  to  which  I  was  opposed) 
was  an  impossibility,  and  that,  even  if  it  should  be  successfully  con 
structed,  it  would  financially  ruin  the  State.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
subject  of  my  commencement  oration  was  "  The  Integrity  of  the  Amer 
ican  Union." 

Commencement  in  July  was  signalized  by  an  open  feud  between  the 
Delphians,  now  known  as  "  Southerners,"  and  the  combined  Philoma- 
theans  and  Adelphics,  now  the  Northern  party.  The  class  separated  on 
the  stage,  and  I  think  it  was  not  until  thirty  years  afterward  that  I 
received  a  kind  recognition  from  any  one  of  the  seceders. 


1820-1824. 

Studying  Law.  —  John  Duer.  —  JohnAnthon.  —  The  Forum.  —  Edward  N.  Kirk.  —  Ogden  Hoff 
man.  —  Chief-Justice  Spencer.  —  "  Bucktails  "  and  "  Clintonians."  —  Constitution  of  1821. 
—  Admitted  to  the  Bar.  —  "  Going  West."  —  Partnership  with  Judge  Miller.  —  Choosing 
Church  and  Party. 


the  commencement  platform  in  July  I  returned  directly  to 
the  humble  law-office  of  John  Duer,  Esq.,  in  Goshen,  which  I  had  left. 
There  I  remained  until  the  autumn  of  the  following  year,  when  I  was 
received  as  a  student  in  the  office  of  John  Anthon,  Esq.,  in  Beekman 
Street,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Mr.  Anthon  had  written  a  book  on 
"  Practice,"  and  this  department  received  my  more  special  attention. 
The  young  lawyers  and  students  in  New  York,  then  less  numerous  than 
now,  had  a  literary  society  called  "  The  New  York  Forum,"  in  which 
they  in  private  tried  causes  as  a  mock  court;  while  they  defrayed  their 
expenses  by  the  sale  of  tickets  of  admission  to  their  public  meeting's, 
in  which  they  recited  or  declaimed  original  compositions.  I  was  an 
active  and  earnest  member  of  this  association.  It  was  useful  to  all  its 
members,  while  it  afforded  me  one  experience  peculiarly  useful  to  my 
self.  Earlier  than  I  can  remember  I  had  had  a  catarrhal  affection,  which 
had  left  my  voice  husky  and  incapable  of  free  intonation.  I  had  oc 
casion,  throughout  my  college  course,  to  discover  that  I  was  unsuccess- 


48  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1820-'24. 

ful  in  declamation.  When  *I  came  to  deliver  my  own  compositions  in 
competition  with  others,  they  received  applauses  which  were  denied  to 
me.  This  discouraged  me  as  a  writer.  The  same  experience  continued 
in  the  public  exercises  of  the  New  York  Forum.  A  fellow  law-student, 
who  very  soon  afterward  attained  distinction,  which  he  yet  enjoys,  as 
a  great  and  eloquent  divine,  always  carried  away  the  audience  by  his 
declamation  in  these  debates.  He  assured  me  that  my  essays,  which 
fell  upon  the  audience  with  much  less  effect,  were  superior  in  merit  to 
his  own,  and  generously  offered  me  a  chance  for  trial.  He  wrote  and 
gave  to  me  the  best  essay  he  could  produce  ;  and  I,  in  exchange,  gave 
him  one  of  mine.  I  pronounced  his  speech  as  well  as  I  could,  but  it 
did  not  take  at  all.  He  followed  me  with  my  speech,  and  I  think 
Broadway  overheard  the  clamorous  applause  which  arose  on  that  occa 
sion  in  Washington  Hall. 

In  the  spring  of  1822  my  old  master,  John  Duer,  transferred  his  law- 
office  in  Goshen  to  Ogden  Hoffman,  already,  though  young,  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  of  advocates.  Mr.  Hoffman  invited  me  to  join  him,  giving 
me  the  privilege  of  earning  what  I  could  by  practice  in  justices'  courts; 
and  also,  although  I  had  not  yet  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  one-third  of 
the  attorney  business  of  the  office,  reserving  the  counsel  fees  for  him 
self.  My  collegiate  debts,  unavoidably  increased  on  my  return  to 
Schenectady,  had  again  become  embarrassing,  and  I  eagerly  accepted 
the  offer.  The  partnership  continued  six  months,  during  which  I  re 
viewed  all  the  elementary  books  I  had  before  read,  and  completely 
analyzed  "  Sellon's  Practice,"  in  the  form  of  questions  and  answers. 
My  partnership  with  Mr.  Hoffman  closed  with  the  end  of  my  prepara 
tory  studies  for  the  bar.  This  period  of  study  was  marked  by  few  in 
cidents  of  interest  and  importance. 

I  attended  the  courts  held  at  Goshen,  and  there,  for  the  first  time, 
saw  the  late  Chief -Justice  Spencer.  He  arrived  at  the  village  hotel  on 
Monday  morning  after  breakfast,  and  was  immediately  surrounded  by  a 
large  and  respectful  assemblage  of  citizens.  He  was  then  universally 
regarded  as  the  chief  adviser  and  manager  of  the  administration  of  the 
Governor,  De  Witt  Clinton.  He  discoursed  to  his  large  audience  in  a 
manner  so  dogmatical  and  so  vehement  as  to  silence  all  debate,  and  to 
raise  in  my  own  mind  a  doubt  whether  a  partisan  so  violent  could  be 
an  impartial  judge.  The  doubt  was  unjust.  No  more  independent  and 
impartial  judge  ever  presided  in  any  court.  The  sternness  of  his 
manner,  however,  is  remembered  by  all  his  contemporaries. 

One  morning,  shortly  before  the  opening  of  that  term  of  the  court, 
a  stranger,  not  past  the  middle  age,  and  well  dressed,  who  declared 
himself  a  member  of  the  Philadelphia  bar,  appeared  in  the  village,  em 
ployed  the  printer,  and  posted  placards  throughout  the  place,  announc 
ing  that  he  would  deliver  a  lecture  on  the  next  evening-  for  which 


1820-'24.]  CHIEF-JUSTICE    SPENCER.  49 

tickets  could  be  had  at  the  bookstore — price  twenty-five  cents.  The 
modern  lecture-system  was  then  unknown.  The  tickets  were  largely 
bought,  and  the  avails  paid  over  to  the  lecturer.  Night  came.  No 
lecturer  appeared.  He  had  quietly  and  clandestinely  departed.  The 
next  morning  a  young  farmer,  with  the  aid  of  a  constable,  brought  the 
lecturer  back  to  the  town,  and  he  was  committed  to  jail  on  a  complaint 
of  having,  on  an  out-of-the-way  road,  on  the  bank  of  the  Wallkill  River, 
entered  the  complainant's  house  and  bedroom  by  the  light  of  a  candle 
which  his  wife  had  left  burning  awaiting  her  husband's  return,  and 
made  a  forcible  attempt  on  her  virtue.  The  prisoner  was  arraigned  on 
this  charge,  and  for  want  of  means  of  his  own  an  eminent  member  of 
the  bar  was  assigned  as  his  counsel.  The  counsel  put  in  a  plea  of  in 
sanity.  The  adventurer's  eccentricities  were  duly  proved  ;  and  the 
pleadings  being  concluded,  Judge  Spencer  charged  the  jury,  strongly 
advising  them  to  acquit  the  prisoner  on  the  ground  of  madness.  The 
jury  were  unconvinced,  and  rendered  a  verdict  of  guilty.  The  prisoner 
was  brought  up  the  next  morning  to  receive  his  sentence.  The  judge 
began  his  address  to  the  culprit  by  saying  that  he  had  been  tried  for  a 
heinous  crime  ;  that,  in  consideration  of  his  poverty  and  defenseless 
position  as  a  stranger,  the  court  had  mercifully  given  him  the  aid  of  the 
most  eminent  advocate  at  the  bar,  who  had  defended  him  with  such 
signal  ability  as  to  produce  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  court  that  the 
prisoner  was  insane  ;  but  the  jury  thought  otherwise,  and  it  was  their 
exclusive  province  to  decide  that  issue.  "  Have  you  anything  to  say 
why  the  sentence  of  the  law  should  not  now  be  pronounced  ?  " 

"  I  have  much  to  say — I  have  enough  to  say  to  prevent  any  just 
court  from  dooming  me  to  a  felon's  punishment.  My  counsel  has  not 
understood  my  case.  He  has  betrayed  me  by  putting  my  defense 
upon  a  false  ground.  Instead  of  admitting  it,  and  excusing  me  on 
the  ground  of  insanity,  he  ought  to  have  defended  me  on  the  ground 
that  I  attempted  no  violence." 

"  Stop,  sir,  stop  !  "  said  the  judge,  interrupting  him.  "  The  pun 
ishment  of  the  crime  of  which  you  have  been  convicted  is,  in  the  dis 
cretion  of  the  court,  either  imprisonment  in  the  county-jail  for  a  short 
period  as  for  a  misdemeanor,  or  in  the  State-prison  for  seven  years  as 
a  felony,  according  to  the  aggravation  of  the  case.  The  court,  taking 
a  more  favorable  view  of  the  case  than  the  jury,  have  instructed  me  to 
impose  a  sentence  of  ten  days'  imprisonment  in  the  county-jail.  What 
you  have  already  said  has  gone  far  to  shake  the  confidence  of  the 
court  in  that  opinion,  and  to  convince  them  that  the  jury  have  not 
been  unjust  in  their  verdict.  You  may  resume  your  speech,  but  you 
will  understand  that  you  will  do  it  at  your  peril." 
The  prisoner  sank  into  his  seat. 

During  the  same  period  the  politics  of  the  State  took  a  new  aspect, 
4 


50  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1820-'24. 

and  became  confused  and  highly  exciting.  Under  the  Federal  Admin 
istration  of  President  Monroe,  national  politics  subsided  into  a  dead 
calm.  The  State  of  New  York  was  divided  into  two  parties,  each 
claiming  to  be  Republicans,  successors  of  the  party  under  the  lead  of 
the  Virginia  Presidents,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe.  One  was 
nicknamed  "  Bucktails  "  and  the  other  stigmatized  as  "  Clintonian." 
A  local  contention  arose.  The  so-called  Bucktail  faction,  opposed  to 
Mr.  Clinton,  and  led  by  Mr.  Van  Buren,  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 
Constitutional  Convention.  The  convention  was  held  at  Albany  in 
1821.  It  brought  into  activity  the  highest  talents  and  virtue  of  the 
State.  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  presided.  Committed  by  my  early  train 
ing  to  the  support  of  that  faction,  I  was  so  far  prejudiced  against  Mr. 
Clinton  as  to  be  able  to  see  that  he  had,  perhaps  unavoidably,  lost  the 
position  of  a  great  national  leader,  and  become  instead  the  head  of  a 
merely  personal  but  ardent,  intelligent,  and  energetic  organization. 

When  the  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people  I  had  become 
of  age,  and  was  an  elector.  I  was  well  prepared  for  the  abolition  of 
the  Council  of  Revision,  which  made  the  judiciary  a  power  obstructive 
of  legislation.  An  ardent  believer  in  democracy,  I  rejoiced  in  the 
new  provisions  which  enlarged  the  sphere  and  the  bases  of  popular 
suffrage.  In  these  respects  the  new  constitution  satisfied  me  ;  and  I 
rejoiced  in  it  as  the  work  of  the  political  party  in  which  I  had  been 
educated.  But  this  satisfaction  and  pride  were  abated  in  view  of  two 
other  provisions,  the  harmony  of  which  with  the  liberal  spirit  pervading 
the  rest  of  the  new  charter  I  was  unable  to  see.  First,  while  the  new 
constitution  gave  to  the  people  the  election  of  their  sheriffs  and  other 
executive  officers,  it  withheld  from  them  the  power  of  choosing  inferior 
magistrates,  and  vested  it  in  the  county  courts.  Secondly,  while  it 
removed  all  property  qualifications  as  conditions  of  suffrage  for  white 
men,  it,  for  the  first  time,  required  the  negroes,  now  universally  free,  to 
possess  a  freehold  of  the  value  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  as  a 
condition  of  voting.  It  vexed  and  mortified  me  to  see  that  on  both 
these  points  the  Clintonian  minority  were  more  liberal  than  the  ma 
jority  of  which  I  was  a  supporter.  Nor  was  this  circumstance  rendered 
less  perplexing  and  painful  by  the  suspicion  it  awakened  in  my  mind, 
that  the  Republican  party  in  the  State,  and  its  leaders,  adopted  the  re 
straint  upon  negro  suffrage  from  a  motive  of  sympathy  with  slavery,. 
or  favor  toward  it,  as  that  institution  then  existed  in  all  the  more 
Southern  Atlantic  States  of  the  Union. 

I  ought  not  to  forget  here  the  very  feeble  attempts  I  made,  at  this 
period,  to  acquire  neglected  accomplishments.  My  father  employed 
for  me  a  music-master,  who  promised  to  instruct  me  to  sing  in  the 
choir  at  the  church,  but  gave  it  up  in  despair  after  a  second  lesson.  I 
was  social,  and  had  heard  much  of  dancing  as  tending  to  refine  man- 


1820-'24.]  "GOING   WEST."  51 

ners.  The  dancing-master  found  me  too  awkward  to  execute  the  pre 
liminary  "  positions."  The  French  teacher  carried  me  successfully,  on 
the  Hamiltonian  system,  through  the  first  two  chapters  of  St.  John's 
Gospel  ;  but  I  found  that  further  study  would  restrict  the  time  that  I 
required  for  reviewing  Coke  on  Lyttleton,  and  mastering  Lilly's  Entries. 

Just  before  I  left  Orange  County,  Judge  Thompson,  who  was  the 
oldest  and  most  eminent  citizen  of  that  region,  and  was  the  owner 
of  a  small  eminence  that  overlooked  the  valley  of  the  Wallkill,  told 
me  that  he  remembered  when  the  last  Indian  chief  who  resided  there 
took  his  leave  and  departed  for  the  West.  Mr.  Thompson  said  his 
father  asked  the  Indian  why  he  should  go  away.  The  chief  replied, 
"  You  have  cut  away  the  trees,  and  let  the  sunlight  in  upon  the  valley, 
and  the  Indian  can  no  longer  stay  here." 

I  received  from  the  treasury  of  the  firm  of  Hoffman  &  Seward  sixty 
dollars,  in  full  satisfaction  of  my  earnings  in  it.  The  earnings  in  the 
justice's  court  had  been  already  expended  in  keeping  up  my  proper 
state  in  society  during  that  period.  My  father  furnished  me  with  the 
necessary  means  of  traveling  to  Utica  for  examination  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  return.  These  sixty  dollars  received  from  Hoffman  & 
Seward  would  enable  me  to  explore  the  western  part  of  the  State  with 
a  view  to  my  establishment  there. 

I  passed  my  legal  examination  at  Utica  in  October,  1822,  having 
lost  no  considerable  time  by  my  one  year's  absence  from  college.  I 
stumbled  on  a  single  question  of  practice,  which  gave  an  advantage  to 
a  candidate  from  Geneva,  who  availed  himself  of  it  to  treat  me  with 
particular  respect  and  kindness.  We  became  thenceforth  close  friends, 
and,  if  he  is  living,  we  are  so  yet.  The  Chief -Justice,  Spencer,  won  me 
to  a  grateful  and  confiding  friendship  by  the  affectionate  kindness 
with  which  he  delivered  to  me  the  diploma  for  which  I  had  so  hardly 
labored. 

Certain  heavy  scales  fell  from  my  eyes  as  I  descended  from  the 
wharf  and  entered  the  packet-boat  that  was  to  convey  me  on  the  Erie 
Canal  (which  two  years  before  I  had  pronounced  impracticable)  eighty 
miles  to  Weedsport,  the  landing-place  for  Auburn.  Between  two 
offers  of  legal  partnership  which  I  received  at  Auburn,  I  declined  the 
one  which  promised  the  largest  business,  but  involved  debt  for  a  law 
library,  and  accepted  the  less  hopeful  one  which  I  might  assume  with 
out  new  embarrassment.  I  returned  home  to  announce  to  my  parents 
and  friends  that  I  had  made  that  engagement,  and  on  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  1822,  receiving  fifty  dollars  from  my  father,  with  the  assurance 
of  his  constant  expectation  that  I  should  come  back  again  too  soon,  I 
took  leave  of  my  native  home  and  arrived  at  Auburn  by  stage-coach 
through  the  southern  tier  of  counties  on  Christmas-morning. 

My  new  business  began  on  the  1st  of  January,  1823.     I  had  stipu- 


52  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1820-'24. 

lated  with  my  senior  partner,  Elijah  Miller,  that  if  my  earnings 
during  the  first  year  should  fall  short  of  five  hundred  dollars,  he  would 
make  up  the  deficiency.  The  younger  portion  of  the  bar  were  at  that 
time  generally  in  the  habit  of  employing  their  elder  brethren  to  try 
their  causes  in  court.  I  shocked  the  bar  by  trying  my  own  causes, 
where  the  rules  of  the  court  permitted,  from  the  first.  At  the  end  of 
the  year  I  had  exceeded  my  stipulated  gains.  My  distant  creditors 
were  fully  paid,  and  so  long  as  I  continued  in  my  profession  I  was 
neither  without  occupation  nor  independence. 

My  d'ebut  at  Auburn  obtained  for  me  a  reputation  which,  though  I 
was  thankful  for  at  the  time,  I  had  no  reason  to  be  proud  of.  A  con 
vict  discharged  from  the  State-prison  there  in  the  morning  was  warned 
to  leave  the  town  immediately.  Reaching  the  suburb  he  discovered  an 
open  door,  entered  it,  and  proceeded  to  rifle  a  bureau.  Taking  alarm, 
he  rushed  out,  carrying  with  him  only  a  few  valueless  rags.  He  was 
indicted  for  this  petty  larceny,  which,  being  a  second  offense,  was 
punishable  with  a  new  term  in  the  State-prison.  I  was  assigned  by  the 
court  to  the  defense  of  the  unfortunate  wretch.  The  theft  and  the 
detection  were  completely  proved.  The  stolen  articles  lay  on  the 
table.  The  indictment  described  them  as  "  one  quilted  holder  of  the 
value  of  six  cents,"  and  "  one  piece  of  calico  of  the  value  of  six  cents." 
I  called  upon  a  tailor  as  an  expert,  who  testified  that  the  holder  was 
sewed,  not  "  quilted,"  and  that  the  other  article  was  white  jean,  and  not 
"  calico  "  at  all.  The  by-standers  showed  deep  interest  in  the  argument 
which  this  defense  produced,  and  were  gratified  when  they  found  that 
the  culprit  escaped  a  punishment  which  they  thought  would  be  too 
severe  for  the  transgression. 

My  habit  of  business  was  promptly  settled.  I  had  long  before 
known  that  I  was  to  support  myself  by  the  practice  of  the  law.  I  liked 
the  study,  but  only  necessity  reconciled  me  to  a  toleration  of  the  tech 
nicalities  of  the  practice,  to  the  uncertainty  of  results,  and  to  the 
jealousies  and  contentions  of  the  courts.  Nevertheless,  I  resigned 
myself  to  the  practice  with  so  much  cheerfulness  that  my  disinclina 
tion  was  never  suspected.  Scarcely  any  one  would'  have  believed  me 
if  I  had  told  him  that  when  I  came  to  the  responsibilities  of  a  trial  or 
an  argument  I  would  have  paid  a  larger  sum  to  be  relieved  from  them 
than  the  fees  which  I  had  before  received  or  stipulated. 

My  papers  were  carefully  engrossed  in  a  fair  round  hand.  Within 
a  year  I  had  acquired  reputation  as  a  careful  conveyancer,  and  the 
clerks  of  courts  pronounced  that  the  papers  I  filed  in  their  offices  were 
peculiarly  neat  and  accurate.  My  circuit  as  an  advocate  before  jus 
tices'  courts  extended  over  the  county,  and  the  merchants,  not  only  at 
Auburn,  but  also  at  New  York  and  Albany,  employed  me  as  a  diligent 
collector  of  debts. 


1820-'24.]  CHURCH   AND   PARTY.  53 

I  boarded  at  the  house  of  a  widow  lady,  Mrs.  Brittan,  with  other 
young  men  who  were  my  contemporaries  as  lawyers,  merchants,  and 
bankers,  and  I  lodged  in  the  back  room  which,  in  the  daytime,  served 
as  the  counsel-chamber  of  my  office.  My  senior  partner  gradually  re 
linquished  the  business  to  me,  only  coming  in  to  my  aid  in  cases  of  diffi 
culty.  It  had  been  a  maxim,  in  the  offices  in  which  I  had  studied  the 
profession,  that  a  lawyer  must  eschew  society  and  politics,  and  no 
newspaper  must  be  seen  on  any  office-table.  But  I  was  practising  law 
only  for  a  competence,  and  had  no  ambition  for  its  honors,  still  less  any 
cupidity  for  its  greater  rewards.  I  thought  that  my  usefulness  and  my 
happiness  lay  in  the  devotion  of  what  time  and  study  could  be  saved 
from  professional  pursuits  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  community 
in  which  I  lived,  and  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  newspapers  and 
magazines  of  the  day,  therefore,  those  not  only  of  one  party,  but  of 
both  parties,  were  always  at  my  hand,  while  the  law-books  were  only 
taken  down  from  the  cases  for  reference  when  necessary.  I  took  my 
pew  and  paid  my  assessments  in  the  church,  attended  the  municipal, 
political,  and  social  meetings  and  caucuses,  acting  generally  as  secre 
tary.  I  enrolled  myself  in  the  militia,  and  wore  my  musket  on  parade. 
I  paid  my  contributions,  and,  when  required,  managed  dancing  assem 
blies,  although,  for  want  of  skill,  I  never  have  danced  myself.  And  so 
I  rendered,  to  my  neighbors  and  acquaintances,  such  good  offices  as  my 
training  and  position  made  convenient. 

The  new  constitution  had  opened  the  circuit  courts  to  equity  juris 
diction,  and  I  found  in  that  department  a  study  congenial  with  my 
zeal  for  direct  justice. 

I  have  often  seen  the  foreign  immigrant  or  exile  come,  under  the  law 
of  naturalization,  to  enjoy  the  right  of  suffrage.  I  have  seen  the  negro 
race,  within  the  United  States,  raised  to  the  same  status,  and  I  have 
admired  the  spirit  of  self-satisfaction  which  that  advancement  afforded 
them.  But  I  have  never  seen  any  person,  of  either  of  those  classes,  or 
of  any  class,  who  regarded  the  rights  and  responsibilities  of  citizenship 
more  highly  than  I  did  at  that  period.  I  found  that,  after  all,  politics 
was  the  important  and  engrossing  business  of  the  country.  It  was 
obvious,  too,  that  society  was  irreconcilably  divided  on  the  subject  of 
politics  and  religion.  Whatever  might  be  a  man's  personal  convictions, 
and  however  earnestly  he  might  desire  to  promote  the  public  welfare, 
he  could  only  do  it  by  associating  himself  with  one  of  the  many  reli 
gious  sects  which  divided  the  community,  and  one  of  the  two  political 
parties  which  contended  for  the  administration  of  the  government.  A 
choice  between  sects  and  parties  once  made,  whether  wisely  or  unwisely, 
it  was  easy  to  see,  must  be  practically  irrevocable.  Content  with  the 
general  system  of  religious  doctrine  that  was  held  in  common  by  the 
many  sects,  which  divided  on  what  seemed  to  me  unimportant  questions 


54  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1820-'24. 

of  faith  or  discipline,  I  decided  to  adhere  to  the  Episcopal  Church,  into 
attendance  upon  which  I  had  casually  fallen,  and  thus,  through  associa 
tion  with  that  Church,  give  to  the  community  the  benefit,  if  any,  of  my 
example,  while  I  should,  at  the  same  time,  inculcate  toleration  of  all 
religious  creeds  and  denominations,  and  render  them  any  aid  and  assist 
ance  in  their  undertakings  to  educate  the  people,  and  extend  and  fortify 
the  institution  of  Christianity  in  new  regions  and  foreign  countries. 

I  had  been  taught  that  the  Republican  party  was  the  one  which  was 
loyal  to  the  country,  and  faithful  to  republican  institutions.  I  had  not 
been  able  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  question  why  Wash 
ington,  whom  I  regarded  as  the  greatest  and  the  purest  of  the  founders 
of  the  republic,  dissented  from  the  Republican  party,  or  why  Hamil 
ton,  the  ablest  and  most  effective  statesman  engaged  in  organizing  and 
establishing  the  Union,  was  opposed  by  the  Republican  party.  My 
father  and  his  associates  explained  it  to  me  in  this  way,  that  Washing 
ton  failed  in  intellectual  strength  and  independence  during  his  adminis 
tration,  and  surrendered  himself  too  implicitly  to  the  advice  of  Hamil 
ton,  while  Hamilton,  though  accepting  the  Constitution  as  it  came 
through  the  ordeal  of  convention  and  elections,  really  desired  a  stronger 
and  even  a  monarchical  government.  History  forbade  my  acceptance 
of  either  of  these  explanations. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  had  seen  in  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolu 
tions,  which  came  from  the  pen  of  Jefferson  himself,  and  were  accepted 
by  the  Republican  party,  the  bold  and  dangerous  theories  that,  long 
afterward,  were  to  culminate  in  nullification  and  secession.  I  found  it 
easy,  therefore,  to  disenthrall  myself  from  the  influence  of  tradition  and 
personal  association  in  choosing  the  party  to  which  I  should  belong. 
I  considered  the  matter  in  this  light :  "  The  nation  has  become  inde 
pendent,  and  it  has  received  its  efficient  and  complete  organization.  It 
has  proved  its  ability  to  endure,  by  trials  of  foreign  war.  What  is 
needed  now  is,  for  the  future,  a  policy  which  shall  strengthen  its  founda 
tions,  increase  its  numbers,  develop  its  resources,  and  extend  its  do 
minion."  I  did  not  doubt  that  its  foundations  were  to  be  strengthened 
by  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  by  the  enlargement  of  popular  suffrage, 
with  the  more  general  diffusion  of  knowledge,  and  extension  of  popular 
rights.  To  develop  the  resources  of  the  country,  there  was  necessary 
a  general  system  of  material  improvement,  involving  the  construction 
of  canals  and  roads.  An  increase  of  numbers  required  that  an  asylum 
should  be  offered  to  the  immigrant  and  exile  of  every  creed  and  nation. 
By  the  tendencies  which  the  Republican  party  already  exhibited,  I 
judged  that,  having  its  base  chiefly  in  the  slaveholding  States  of  the 
South,  it  could  not  be  trusted  to  abolish  slavery  and  to  prosecute  the 
system  of  material  improvement,  while  the  opposite  party  was  un 
equivocally  hostile  to  foreign  immigration. 


1824.]  NIAGARA   EXCURSION.  55 

In  the  election  of  1824  De  Witt  Clinton  was  a  candidate  for 
Governor  of  the  State.  He  and  his  party  were  completely  iden 
tified  with  the  system  of  internal  improvements  within  the  State,  and 
throughout  the  country,  while  the  opposing  party  gave  it  a  reluctant 
and  divided  support  within  the  State,  and  their  associates  in  the  South 
ern  States  had  already  avowed  themselves  opposed  to  it.  I  avowed 
my  preference  for  John  Quincy  Adams  as  the  candidate  for  President, 
and  Mr.  Clinton  as  the  candidate  for  Governor,  from  whose  election 
most  might  be  hoped  in  respect  to  the  policy  which  commended  itself  to 
my  approval.  It  thus  happened  that,  although  educated  and  trained 
in  the  Republican  party,  I  nevertheless  cast  my  first  votes  in  1824  for 
the  opposing  one. 

— Butpthough  I  thus  chose  my  religious  denomination  and  political 
party,  I  did  so  with  a  reservation  of  a  right  to  dissent  and  protest,  or 
even  separate,  if  ever  a  conscientious  sense  of  duty,  or  a  paramount 
regard  to  the  general  safety  or  welfare,  should  require. 


1824. 

Stage-Coach  Excursion  to  Niagara. — First  Meeting  with  Thurlow  "Weed. — Buffalo. — New 
York  and  the  Western  Trade. — Benjamin  Eathbun. — Origin  of  Parties  in  the  United 
States. — Their  History  and  Character. — Presidential  Election  of  1824. — Struggle  over 
the  Electoral  Law. — Adams  and  Jackson. — Marriage, 

I  HAD,  in  the  spring  of  1821,  while  on  a  visit  to  Florida,  met  there 
my  sister,  who  was  a  pupil  in  Mrs.  Willard's  popular  seminary  at  Troy, 
and  was  then  at  home,  accompanied  by  her  schoolmate,  Miss  Frances 
A.  Miller,  of  Auburn.  A  partiality  that  I  conceived  for  her  was  my 
inducement  to  stop  at  Auburn  when  afterward  exploring  the  West. 
Our  intercourse  had  now  ripened  into  an  engagement  of  marriage. 

My  father  seemed  especially  pleased  when,  instead  of  receiving  me 
home  again  as  a  returned  prodigal,  I  invited  him,  with  my  mother  and 
my  sister,  to  visit  me  at  Auburn,  and  become  acquainted  with  what  the 
lawyers  would  then  have  described  as  the  "  condition  of  prosperity  and 
happiness"  which  I  was  enjoying.  They  came,  and  the  two  parents 
projected  an  excursion  by  us  all  to  Niagara  Falls.  Colonel  Wilhelmus 
Mynderse,  of  Seneca  Falls,  a  gentleman  of  great  intelligence,  a  friend 
of  Mr.  Miller  and  his  family,  joined  us.  The  three  gentlemen  provided 
a  spacious  stage-coach,  and  Colonel  Mynderse  took  his  own  carriage 
and  horses,  so  that  the  journey,  which  was  made  to  the  satisfaction  of 
all,  is  still  remembered  as  one  of  my  most  pleasant  experiences.  At 
Rochester,  then  new,  and  inferior  to  Auburn  in  population,  we  visited 
a  suspension-bridge  which  spanned  the  Genesee  River  at  Carthage, 


56  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1824. 

below  the  Falls.  I  think  this,  the  first  of  suspension-bridges  in  our 
country,  fell  in  the  next  year.  Returning  through  the  streets  of 
Rochester  from  that  excursion,  a  linchpin  gave  way,  a  fore-wheel  fell 
off,  the  coach  went  down,  and  the  whole  party,  except  myself,  required 
to  be  lifted  out  of  the  muddy  ravine. 

Among  a  crowd,  which  quickly  assembled,  one  taller  and  more  effec 
tive,  while  more  deferential  and  sympathizing,  than  the  rest,  lent  the 
party  his  assistance.  This  was  the  beginning  of  my  acquaintance  with 
Thurlow  Weed.  He  had  acquired  the  printer's  art  through  severe 
trials,  was  then  editing  and  conducting  a  newspaper  at  Rochester, 
which  he  printed  chiefly  with  his  own  hand,  and  he  had  already 
become  distinguished  for  public  spirit  and  eminent  ability.  I  think 
also  he  was,  the  next  year,  a  leading  member  of  the  Assembly  at  Al 
bany. 

From  Rochester  we  proceeded  through  Lockport,  already  noted  for 
its  seven  double  locks,  though  still  a  very  inconsiderable  and  obscure 
town,  to  Lewiston,  where  we  crossed  the  Niagara  by  a  ferry,  and  exam 
ined  the  battle-ground  on  which,  during  the  previous  war  with  Great 
Britain,  General  Solomon  Van  Rensselaer,  at  the  head  of  an  American 
force,  was  repelled  by  the  British  regulars,  Indians,  and  Canadian 
militia.  We  rode  northward,  up  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  then 
forest-covered,  quite  surprised  that  we  were  not  deafened  by  the  thun 
der  of  the  cataract,  the  fame  of  which  was  so  great.  We  saw  the  mist 
and  spray  rising  above  the  trees.  Alighting  from  our  carriages,  we 
ascended  the  steps  at  the  west  door  of  Forsyth's  tavern,  and,  as  we 
rushed  into  the  hall,  I  inquired  eagerly,  "  Where  are  the  Falls  ? "  I 
was  answered,  "  You  will  see  them  from  the  piazza."  In  a  moment  I 
was  standing  on  Table  Rock,  and  the  majestic  cataract,  in  its  fullest 
breadth  and  height,  and  immense  depth,  confronted  me.  The  scene 
had  even  at  that  time  lost  some  of  the  awe  with  which  it  had  impressed 
the  spectator  fifty  years  before,  by  the  removal  of  the  native  groves 
which  then  surrounded  it,  and  the  substitution  for  them  of  utilitarian 
structures.  We  remained  four  days  exploring  the  Falls  and  their 
surroundings;  and  then,  crossing  the  battle-fields  of  Lundy's  Lane  and 
Chippewa,  we  recrossed  the  river  at  Fort  Erie,  and  entered  the  long 
but  straggling  street  of  Buffalo. 

Here  it  was  our  good  fortune  to  meet  Judge  Wilkeson,  a  very  in 
telligent,  vigorous,  and  enthusiastic  pioneer  of  that  place.  He  showed 
us  the  plans  of  the  harbor  which  had  been  adopted  by  the  canal  com 
missioners,  and  my  mind,  for  the  first  time,  swelled  with  a  large  though 
by  no  means  complete  conception  of  the  grandeur  and  beneficence  of 
the  system  of  internal  improvements  in  which  my  native  State  was 
then  so  deeply  engaged,  but  without  support  or  sympathy  from  the 
Federal  Government,  although  Washington  had  pointed  out  its  value 


I 


1824.]  ORIGIN   OF   PARTIES.  5f 

and  importance  as  early  as  when  visiting  Fort  Stanwix  in  1783.  I  took 
notice  then,  for  the  first  time,  of  the  facts  that  the  Atlantic  slope  is 
only  a  narrow  belt,  although  then  containing  four-fifths  of  the  popula 
tion,  wealth,  and  enterprise,  of  the  Union  ;  that  the  vast  material  re 
sources  of  the  country  are  in  the  region  lying  westward  of  the  Alleghany 
Mountains  ;  that  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  country  must  soon  be 
conducted  across  that  range  ;  that  a  competition  in  the  construction  of 
such  channels  was  then  on  the  point  of  beginning  between  the  various 
cities  of  the  seaboard,  each  seeking  by  the  nearest  and  most  feasible 
route  to  bring  that  trade  to  its  own  wharves  ;  that  ultimately  the  West 
would  take  away  and  hold  forever  the  governing  power  of  the  country; 
and  that  that  city  in  the  East  would  become  the  most  prosperous  and 
powerful  which  should  most  effectually  constitute  itself  the  Atlantic 
seaport  for  the  West.  I  took  notice,  moreover,  that  Georgia,  Carolina, 
Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania,  could  reach  the  great  Mississippi 
Valley  only  by  making  canals  and  roads  over  the  Alleghany  Moun 
tains  ;  but  that  this  great  range  of  mountains  is  pierced  by  the  Hudson 
River  at  the  Highlands,  and  sinks  on  either  side  of  the  Mohawk  Valley, 
so  as  to  afford  a  feasible,  easy,  and  not  circuitous  inland  navigation 
from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  ocean  ;  and  that  such  navigation  could  be 
easily  extended  to  the  sources  of  the  Ohio,  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
Missouri  Rivers.  Whatever  doubts  I  had  before  entertained  in  regard 
to  the  direction  of  my  political  course,  I  now  determined  to  give  my 
best  efforts  to  the  achievement  of  an  enterprise  which,  while  it  would 
greatly  exalt  the  State  of  New  York,  would  tend  to  increase  immeasu 
rably  the  wealth,  prosperity,  and  greatness,  of  the  whole  republic. 

Our  party  lodged  at  Buffalo  in  a  tavern  which,  while  it  had  no  pre 
tensions,  was  in  all  respects  more  comfortable,  neat,  and  agreeable, 
than  any  I  had  before  seen.  The  praises  of  our  host  were  on  the  lips 
of  every  traveler,  and  the  broad  esteem  and  confidence  that  he  then 
secured  were  an  important  element  of  the  success  which  attended 
Benjamin  Rathbun  as  a  leader  of  improvement  in  the  city  of  Buffalo, 
and  which  tempted  him  to  the  extravagance,  followed  by  the  painful 
catastrophe  of  crime,  that  obscured  his  brilliant  career.  He  emerged 
from  that  cloud,  and  became  a  reputable  hotel-keeper  in  New  York, 
where  he  still  resides. 

The  road  of  progress  is  not  always  clear  and  direct  ;  and,  therefore, 
parties  are  liable  to  mistake  it.  It  happens,  sometimes,  that  the  way 
is  entirely  obstructed  ;  and,  while  earnest  men  are  seeking  to  impel  the 
nation  forward,  it  nevertheless  recedes  continually.  Much  as  party 
spirit,  or  partisanship,  is  decried,  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  every  pro 
gressive  movement  begins  with  and  is  conducted  by  a  party. 

Time  is  an  essential  element  in  the  development  of  partisan  in 
fluences  which  mark  the  progress  of  a  nation.  It  may  be  easily  seen, 


58  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1824. 

now,  though  it  was  little  understood  at  the  time,  that  the  American 
Revolution  was  the  result  of  a  long-ripening  popular  conviction  that 
the  colonial  condition  was  incompatible  with  prosperity  and  progress. 
The  colonies  easily  passed  from  the  state  of  constitutional  resistance  to 
that  of  self-assertion  and  independence.  Advanced  as  they  were  under 
British  instructions  in  the  idea  of  liberty  and  equality,  it  was  more 
natural  and  easy  for  them  to  organize  the  republic  than  it  could  have 
been  to  constitute  or  accept  a  monarchical  or  imperial  system.  Through 
out  the  Revolutionary  War  the  struggle  of  the  new  nation  was  con 
ducted  and  managed  by  a  party  more  bold  and  liberal  than  its  conser 
vative  opponents,  who  insisted  on  retaining  colonial  relations,  and  on 
the  maintenance  of  monarchy.  The  triumphant  conclusion  of  the  war 
brought  the  people  to  a  unanimous  acceptance  of  the  principles  of 
independence,  liberty,  and  equality,  for  which  it  was  waged.  A  new 
question  then  arose  :  What  constitutional  ordination  would  best  pre 
serve,  perpetuate,  and  transmit  to  posterity,  the  great  boon  which  had 
been  secured? 

The  several  States  had  conducted  the  great  conflict  to  a  conclusive 
success,  with  only  the  feeble  cohesion  prescribed  by  the  Articles  of 
Confederation  of  1777.  Under  that  frail  national  organization,  the 
people,  through  the  protection  of  their  several  State  governments,  en 
joyed  a  greater  measure  of  personal  liberty,  and  a  greater  exemption 
from  the  burdens  of  government,  than  any  nation  had  ever  before 
secured.  Earnest,  enlightened,  and  energetic  men,  however,  early  dis 
covered  that  a  stronger,  firmer,  and  more  controlling  national  constitu 
tion  would  be  necessary  to  preserve  internal  peace  and  harmony  be 
tween  the  several  members  of  the  Union,  secure  the  country  against 
foreign  aggressions,  and  develop  the  immense  resources  of  the  conti 
nent.  They,  of  course,  combined  themselves  into  a  party,  and  promul 
gated  that  great  and  necessary  policy. 

They  were  resisted,  from  the  first,  by  a  class  not  less  patriotic  than 
themselves,  who  feared  to  exchange,  without  a  longer  trial,  the  liberty 
and  equality  the  country  then  enjoyed  for  the  hazards  of  a  new  and 
untried  constitution,  which  they  naturally  apprehended  would  take  a 
reactionary  character,  and  endanger  the  advantages  which  the  Revolu 
tionary  War  had  secured.  Thus  the  country  was  divided  into  two  parties. 

Although  the  line  of  division  was  obvious,  the  character  of  each 
party  was  peculiarly  complex  and  uncertain.  The  Federalists,  who 
advocated  the  new  Constitution,  were,  in  one  view,  the  party  of  prog 
ress,  inasmuch  as  they  proposed  to  the  people  a  new  and  bold  national 
advance  ;  but,  in  another  view,  they  were  reactionary,  because  they 
proposed  that  the  people,  who  then  regarded  the  State  governments  as 
the  citadels  of  popular  liberty,  should  weaken  those  citadels  by  trans 
ferring  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  their  strength  and  power  to  a  Fed- 


1824. J  FEDERALISTS   AND   REPUBLICANS.  59 

era],  and  therefore  distant  and  independent,  Government.  The  "  Re- 
.  publicans,"  for  so  their  opponents  chose  to  be  called,  were,  in  one  sense, 
reactionists,  because  they  refused  to  concede  the  necessity  of  reform 
and  progress;  but  they  were  jat_  the  same  time  progressive,  because 
their  refusal  was  grounded  in  a  jealousy  for  liberty  and  equality.  The 
controversy  was  earnest,  but  experience  of  the  defects  of  the  Confed 
eracy  continually  gave  new  advantages  to  the  Federal  party.  In  the 
organization  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  by  which  they  conferred 
greater  benefits  upon  society  in  the  United  States,  and  upon  the  human 
race,  than  any  other  combination  of  men  has  ever  bestowed,  they 
achieved,  virtually,  not  only  their  first  but  their  last  political  victory. 

It  was  Governor  Marcy's  opinion  that  the  basis  of  the  two  parties 
was,  that  the  Republicans  confided  in  the  Constitution  as  permanent 
and  reliable,  while  the  Federalists,  as  he  thought,  feared  it  would  go 
down  in  political  convulsions.  He  would  have  been  more  correct  if  he 
had  said  the  Republicans  apprehended  that  the  Federal  Constitution 
would  prove  too  strong  for  popular  liberty,  while  the  Federalists  main 
tained  that  it  must  be  upheld  to  save  the  Union. 

Popular  sympathy  with  the  now  reduced  and  abridged  State  gov 
ernments,  and  popular  jealousy  of  a  central  and  therefore  practically 
distant  Government,  remained.  It  needed  only  a  new  and  consistent 
organization,  with  occasional  excitements  of  debate,  to  obtain  the  assent 
of  the  people.  The  required  organization  was  provided  by  Jefferson 
and  Madison.  The  required  excitement  was  derived  from  the  French 
Revolution,  which  promised  and  for  a  time  seemed  to  carry  republican 
sentiments  and  principles  to  a  success  and  extent  which  would  leave 
the  new  American  Republic  far  behind.  In  this  way  the  two  successive 
Federal  Administrations  of  George  Washington  and  of  John  Adams 
were  gradually  undermined,  but  not  until  they  had  been  able  to  con 
solidate  the  Federal  Government,  with  the  powers  and  institutions 
necessary  for  its  permanent  preservation.  Adhesion  to  Federalism, 
in  its  supposed  antagonism  to  the  State  governments,  now  became 
conservative,  and  the  declining  Federal  party  lost,  in  the  popu 
lar  mind,  all  pretensions  to  be  the  party  of  progress.  Adhesion  to  t/ie 
Republican  party,  in  maintaining  and  enlarging  the  powers  of  the 
States,  in  antagonism  to  the  Federal  Union,  convertibly  became  the 
principle  of  progress  in  popular  liberty. 

The  struggle  was  long  and  severe.  How  much  longer  it  would  hr.ve 
been,  had  not  the  incident  of  the  foreign  war  of  1812  occurred,  cannot 
now  be  determined  ;  but  that  war  with  Great  Britain  was  declared  by 
a  Republican  Congress,  under  a  Republican  Administration.  A  minor 
ity  party  always  finds  it  practically  impossible  to  discriminate  between 
political  measures  of  the  party  which  it  opposes.  The  Federalists,  a 
minority,  while  they  did  not  dare,  nor  even  desire,  to  embrace  the  cause 


60  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1824. 

of  the  public  enemy,  nevertheless  gave  their  adhesion  to  the  policy  of 
the  war  with  so  much  uncertainty,  querulousness,  and  jealousy,  as  to 
lose  the  confidence  of  the  people.  They  fought  their  last  contest  in 
the  canvass  of  1816,  when  James  Monroe  was  reflected  President  of  the 
United  States.  From  that  period  the  popular  issues  which  had  divided 
the  country  ever  since  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitution,  lost  their 
vitality,  just  as  the  issues  which  had  divided  the  people  during  the 
Revolutionary  War  ceased  to  be  effective  in  the  establishment  of 
national  independence.  Hitherto,  strong  convictions  of  the  necessity 
of  partisan  combination  had  been  sufficient  to  induce  the  Republicans 
to  accept  nominations  of  President  and  Vice-President  at  the  hands  of 
an  assembly  or  caucus  of  the  members  who  represented  their  party  at 
Washington.  For  moral  strength  the  Republican  party  now  relied 
chiefly  on  its  traditions,  a  source  that,  in  a  republic,  time  is  sure,  sooner 
or  later,  to  exhaust.  The  class  of  statesmen  who  adhered  to  the  party 
relying  on  that  force,  exposed  themselves  to  popular  jealousy,  as  in 
terested  leaders. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  great  national  ideas  and  sentiments  were 
evolved  by  independent,  bold,  and  far-seeing  statesmen.  These  chiefly 
were  the  question  of  national  protection  of  domestic  manufacturers, 
clearer  views  of  disseminating  knowledge,  more  distinct  ideas  of  alliance 
with  the  new  American  republics  of  Spanish  America,  an  earnest  and 
vigorous  belief  in  the  prosecution  of  internal  improvements,  with  the 
necessary  favor  and  protection  of  the  Federal  Government,  and,  finally, 
a  jealousy  in  regard  to  the  admission  of  new  States  into  the  Union,  in 
volving  the  balance  of  political  power. 

The  projectors  and  advocates  of  these  various  opinions  had  at  first 
no  political  combination;  while  the  ideas  themselves,  promulgated,  and 
in  the  main  resisted,  at  Washington,  rapidly  worked  a  demoralization, 
sure  to  end  in  the  disintegration  of  the  Republican  party.  This  new 
condition  of  public  opinion  produced  a  high  political  effervescence  in 
the  year  1824. 

The  national  election  was  to  be  held  in  that  year,  and  the  Republi 
can  caucus  had  nominated  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  a  late 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  for  President.  Martin  Van  Buren,  then  a 
Republican  Senator  from  New  York,  pledged  the  support  of  the  party 
in  this  State  to  Crawford,  contemplating,  as  was  then  alleged,  the  suc- 
c  ession  in  his  own  favor.  Many  Republican  members  of  Congress,  in 
fluenced  by  the  ideas  I  have  mentioned,  refused  to  join  in  the  caucus, 
and  withheld  their  adherence  from  its  decree.  A  spirited  opposition 
to  Crawford's  nomination  manifested  itself  in  most  of  the  Northern 
tad  Western  States.  Mr.  Crawford's  opponents,  having  no  combina 
tion,  were  divided  in  preferences  between  John  Quincy  Adams,  Clay, 
Jackson,  and  Calhoun.  The  State  of  New  York  then  was  under  a  Re- 


1824.]  THE   ELECTORAL   LAW.  61 

publican  administration,  which  had  for  its  head  the  Governor,  Joseph 
C.  Yates.  There  was  a  Republican  majority  in  both  Houses  of  the 
Legislature,  secured  by  their  successful  strategy  in  enlarging  popular 
suffrage  by  the  Convention  of  1821.  Yates  had  been  elected  by  de 
fault  in  1822.  But  Martin  Van  Buren  was  popularly  regarded  as  the 
State  leader  of  the  party. 

The  Federal  Constitution  provides  that  "  electors  of  President  and 
Vice-President  shall  be  chosen  in  each  of  the  several  States  as  the  Leg 
islature  of  that  State  shall  direct."  This  power  of  choosing  electors 
had  hitherto  been  exercised  in  this  State  by  the  direct  action  of  the 
Legislature  itself.  The  Legislature  was  committed  by  its  antecedents, 
and  by  its  leaders,  to  choose  electors  favorable  to  Crawford.  The 
opponents  of  that  nomination,  merging  all  preferences,  combined  in 
a  popular  demand  upon  the  Legislature  to  surrender,  then  and  thence 
forth,  the  direct  exercise  of  the  power  of  choosing  electors  ;  and, 
thereafter,  to  restore  it  by  law  to  the  people.  The  Assembly  was 
shaken,  revolutionized,  and  declared  its  willingness  to  pass  the  electoral 
law.  The  Senate,  consisting  of  thirty -two  members,  resisted  firmly  and 
obstinately,  by  a  vote  of  seventeen.  The  Governor  vacillated. 

Governor  De  Witt  Clinton,  the  late  leader  of  the  opposition  to  the 
Republican  party  in  the  State,  was  then  living  in  retirement  from  all 
public  office,  except  that  he  retained,  most  justly,  the  honorary  place 
of  presiding  commissioner  in  the  Board  of  Canal  Commissioners,  who 
were  then  bringing  to  a  triumphant  conclusion  the  construction  of  the 
Erie  and  Champlain  Canals,  with  which  his  fame  is  to  be  ever  identified. 
The  Republican  leaders,  influenced  either  by  party  spleen  or  by  a  hope 
of  raising  a  new  issue,  on  which  they  could  retain  discontented  ad 
herents,  carried  through  the  Legislature  a  resolution  removing  the 
honored  and  veteran  statesman  from  that  inconsiderable  and  unim 
portant  trust.  The  people  were  moved  with  indignation  at  this  politi 
cal  crime.  They  now  more  earnestly  than  before  demanded  the  passage 
of  the  proposed  electoral  law.  The  Legislature  adjourned  till  Novem 
ber.  Public  excitement  became  vehement  ;  the  Governor  yielded,  and 
issued  a  proclamation  requiring  the  Legislature  to  reconvene  on  the 
2d  of  August,  to  concede  the  popular  measure. 

The  Legislature  assembled  on  the  day  appointed.  The  Assembly 
passed  the  bill.  The  Senate,  by  its  majority  of  one,  resolved  that  the 
Governor's  call  of  the  Legislature  was  unconstitutional,  and  so  the 
choice  of  electors  remained  with  the  Legislature,  to  be  exercised  at  a 
future  session  after  State  elections  should  have  been  held. 

The  Republican  party,  discarding  Mr.  Yates,  nominated  Samuel 
Young  for  Governor.  The  opposition,  consisting  in  part  of  a  defection 
from  the  Republican  ranks,  irretrievably  hostile  to  Clinton,  and  of  the 
entire  mass  of  Mr.  Clinton's  friends,  met  by  delegates  in  convention, 


62  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1824. 

and  after  a  vehement  dispute  nominated  a  ticket  composed  of  De  Witt 
Clinton  for  Governor,  and  his  Republican  rival,  James  Tallmadge,  for 
Lieutenant-Governor.  The  election,  held  early  in  November,  showed 
a  majority  of  sixteen  thousand  for  the  new  political  organization.  The 
Legislature,  coming  afterward,  appointed  electors  by  compromise  of 
interests  and  preferences;  and  the  electoral  college  cast  twenty-six 
votes  for  Adams,  four  for  Clay,  five  for  Crawford,  and  one  for 
Jackson. 

No  candidate  having  a  constitutional  majority  of  all  the  electoral 
votes,  the  election  under  constitutional  provisions  devolved  upon  the 
House  of  Representatives,  to  choose  between  Adams  and  Jackson. 
Adams  was  chosen,  with  John  C.  Calhoun  as  Vice-President,  and  thus, 
in  1825,  a  national  Administration  came  into  power  through  an  opposi 
tion  to  the  Republican  party,  which  had  held  unbroken  control  of  the 
Federal  Government  for  twenty-four  years. 

While  enlarging  somewhat  the  sphere  of  my  professional  practice, 
I  had  an  active  though  humble  part  in  these  political  transactions. 
Uniting  with  the  opponents  of  the  Republican  party,  I  spoke  for  the 
new  movement,  wrote  resolutions  and  addresses,  and  acted  as  delegate 
in  meetings  in  my  own  town  and  county. 

On  the  20th  of  October  in  that  year,  my  marriage  took  place 
with  Frances  A.  Miller.  She  was  then  nineteen  years  of  age,  daugh 
ter  of  my  partner  and  friend,  Elijah  Miller.  Of  fine  natural  parts, 
with  modesty  almost  approaching  to  timidity,  thoughtful  but  cheerful, 
she  had  been  matured  by  training,  first  at  an  academy  at  Windsor,  Ver 
mont  ;  then  in  an  excellent  school  in  her  own  county,  conducted  under 
the  care  of  the  Society  of  Friends  ;  and  closing  at  the  school  which  the 
late  Mrs.  Willard  had  recently  established  at  Troy,  New  York,  where, 
while  accomplishments  were  not  neglected,  a  course  of  study  was  pre 
scribed  corresponding  in  extent  and  fullness  with  the  curriculum  of  our 
colleges.  Her  father  had  been,  from  her  infancy,  a  widower,  and 
his  consent  to  the  union  was  given  on  the  condition  that  she  should  not 
leave  her  home  while  he  should  survive.  I  thus  became  an  inmate  of 
his  family.  The  joyousness  of  this  event,  after  a  short  season,  was 
broken  by  a  serious  illness  of  my  own,  from  which,  however,  I  entirely 
recovered.  Subsequently  her  health  gave  way,  and  it  was  never  fully 
and  permanently  restored. 


1825-'28.]  ADAMS   AND   JACKSON. 

1825-1828. 

President  Adams,  Clinton,  and  Clay. — A  Southern  Combination. — The  "  National  Repub 
lican"  Party. — A  Night-Ride  with  Lafayette. — Pageants  in  his  Honor. — Visit  to  De 
Witt  Clinton. — Adhering  to  Adams. — Rejection  as  Surrogate. — A  Resolution  about  Of 
fice. — Death  of  Clinton. — Presidency  of  Young  Men's  Convention  at  Utica. 

IT  was  understood  that  the  new  President,  Mr.  Adams,  invited  Mr. 
Clinton  to  accept  the  place  of  minister  to  Great  Britain  ;  but  he  de 
clined,  from  a  conviction  that  his  path  of  duty,  as  well  as  usefulness, 
lay  through  the  State  magistracy  to  which  he  had  just  been  restored. 

Henry  Clay,  who  had  cast  his  vote  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
for  Mr.  Adams,  became  Secretary  of  State.  The  Republican  party, 
while  they  acknowledged  that  Clay,  Jackson,  and  Calhoun,  like  Craw 
ford,  were  loyal  members  of  their  organization,  yet  believed,  or  affected 
to  believe,  that  Mr.  Adams,  though  he  had  been  a  consistent  and  uni 
form  adherent  of  the  party  from  his  youth,  and  in  that  character  had 
successively  held  all  but  one  of  the  highest  national  trusts,  was  a 
"  Federalist."  They  therefore  charged  Mr.  Clay  with  political  incon 
sistency  and  personal  ambition  in  voting  for  Mr.  Adams,  and  said  that 
his  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State  was  a  reward  for  that  act  of 
"  political  treachery." 

The  States  of  the  South,  under  the  influences  of  the  institution  of 
slavery,  had  now  become  sufficiently  strong  to  induce  a  combination  of 
all  except  Kentucky  and  Louisiana  to  recover  the  Southern  ascendency, 
which  had  been  broken  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams.  This  combina 
tion  thereupon  charged  Mr.  Clay,  in  addition  to  his  other  offense,  with 
disloyalty  to  the  interests  of  the  section  of  the  Union  in  which  he 
lived. 

On  the  other  hand,  no  such  maturity  of  opposition  to  slavery,  and 
no  such  community  of  interest,  had  occurred  in  the  North  as  to  render 
possible  a  combination  in  support  of  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 
At  the  very  first  meeting  of  Congress,  therefore,  the  Republican  party 
was  vigorously  reorganized,  and  resumed  all  its  accustomed  union  and 
activity  to  defeat  the  new  Administration.  This  activity  continued, 
gaining  more  and  more  success,  throughout  the  whole  of  Mr.  Adams's 
Administration.  Although  that  Administration  was  conducted  with  the 
greatest  ability,  with  a  measure  of  moderation  unequaled,  and  with 
assiduous  devotion  to  the  highest  objects  of  national  policy,  at  home 
and  abroad,  it  continually  gave  way  under  the  attacks  of  its  opponents. 
Perhaps  this  was  due  chiefly  to  the  facts  that  the  war  with  Great 
Britain  had  closed  with  the  brilliant  victory  of  General  Jackson  at 
New  Orleans,  affecting  the  popular  imagination,  and  awakening  in  be 
half  of  the  hero  of  the  8th  of  January,  1815,  a  profound  sense  of 
gratitude  ;  and  that  the  nation,  discovering  how  near  it  had  come  to 


64  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1825-'28. 

paying  its  highest  possible  reward  to  him  in  the  previous  election,  was 
now  easily  persuaded  that  it  had  been  betrayed  into  the  injustice  of 
suffering  his  defeat  by  conspiracy  or  fraud  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Clay 
and  Mr.  Adams. 

For  my  own  part,  I  adhered  during  that  period  to  the  Administra 
tion,  because,  while  I  believed  in  none  of  those  charges,  I  felt  myself 
obliged  to  adhere,  through  all  chances  and  changes,  to  the  new  politi 
cal  organization  of  1824,  as  the  party  through  whose  agency  the  great 
interests  of  the  State  and  nation,  to  which  I  had  dedicated  myself, 
could  be  promoted.  The  trial  proved  tedious,  embarrassing,  and  often 
bewildering.  The  organization  of  our  new  "  National  Republican " 
party  became  torpid,  and  we  continually  declined  in  strength.  There 
remained,  indeed,  true  and  faithful  men  in  every  county  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  with  whom  it  was  easy  and  pleasant  to  act  in  concert.  But, 
notwithstanding  the  best  efforts  of  this  class,  we  were  only  able  to 
save  the  reelection  of  Clinton  in  1826,  while  our  Republican  opponents 
carried  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  majorities  in  the  State  Legislature, 
and  a  majority  of  the  Congressmen.  Perhaps  the  earnestness  of  my 
speeches  and  letters,  in  aid  of  the  national  Administration,  may  have 
attracted  some  attention  in  this  period  of  defection  and  decline. 

The  pageant  which  we  organized  for  the  reception  of  Lafayette  at 
Auburn,  in  1825,  was  the  most  imposing  that  a  village  of  two  thousand 
could  produce.  We  gathered,  of  course,  all  the  military  companies  of  the 
town  and  neighborhood,  all  the  barouches,  stage-coaches,  and  wagons, 
all  the  Freemasons,  all  the  schoolboys  and  schoolgirls.  We  received 
the  hero  at  the  east  end  of  the  Cayuga  Bridge,  on  a  bright  September 
morning.  He  had  traveled,  amid  continual  demonstrations,  from 
the  then  distant  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  Covered  with  dust,  the  tall, 
erect  frame,  with  impassive  countenance,  seemed  rather  a  monument 
than  a  man.  A  brigadier-general  led  the  procession,  and  I,  mounted 
as  adjutant,  brought  up  the  rear.  As  we  were  entering  Mason's 
Woods,  three  pedestrians  coming  from  the  other  way  were  seen  tum 
bling  over  trees  and  stumps,  with  eyes  intently  fixed  on  the  procession, 
so  that  no  part  of  it  should  escape  them.  Coming  upon  me,  the  last 
figure  in  it,  they  asked,  "  In  which  carriage  is  he  ?  " 
I  replied,  "  In  the  barouche  with  six  white  horses." 
"  Thank  God  !  thank  God  !  "  said  they  ;  "  we've  seen  him  !  " 
We  brought  him  under  a  triumphal  arch,  erected  on  Genesee  Street, 
to  a  green  bower.  Colonel  Hulbert,  our  most  eloquent  lawyer,  ad 
dressed  him  a  welcome  in  behalf  of  the  people,  and  Dr.  Lansing,  our 
most  eloquent  divine,  addressed  him  in  behalf  of  the  Freemasons.  He 
answered  in  words  which  seemed  pertinent  and  grateful,  like  those 
delivered  everywhere  on  his  journey.  Thence  he  went  to  Coe's  Hotel, 
where  the  ladies  received  him,  and  where  he  took  each  one  by  the  hand, 


1825-'28.].  LAFAYETTE.  65 

saying  something  in  imperfect  English  which  they  did  not  understand, 
and  yet  which  I  am  sure  no  one  of  them  ever  forgot. 

At  ten  o'clock  he  walked  round  the  ballroom  at  the  Centre  House, 
saluting  every  member  of  the  dancing-party,  and  then  entered  an  open 
barouche,  drawn  by  four  horses,  attended  by  the  president  of  the  vil 
lage  and  myself. 

Abstaining  from  conversation,  we  left  him  to  enjoy  such  sleep  as  he 
could  get,  in  a  night  that  could  not  be  long,  and  was  to  be  crowded 
with  festivities.  The  roar  of  cannon  announced  his  entrance  into 
Skaneateles  at  midnight.  Every  house  was  illuminated,  and  even  the 
surface  of  the  lake  reflected  the  blazing  bonfires.  There  were  re 
freshments  ;  and  then  Lafayette  slept  until  we  rolled  down  the  long 
hill  into  Camillus.  There,  too,  were  bonfires  ;  but  the  sexton  of  the 
church  was  caught  napping,  and  we  were  amused  at  seeing  his  haste 
to  set  the  church-bell  ringing  before  we  should  get  through  the  town. 
The  day  had  not  broken  when  we  brought  up  at  the  village  hotel  at 
Onondaga  Hill.  Lafayette  alighted,  and  was  immediately  conducted 
into  the  upper  ballroom.  There,  by  candle-light,  he  was  addressed  by 
Thaddeus  Wood,  the  great  magnate  of  the  town,  in  behalf  of  the  people 
of  Onondaga.  We  were  to  wait  an  hour,  so  as  not  to  come  by  surprise 
upon  Syracuse,  then  a  town  of  perhaps  a  thousand  souls.  Lafayette, 
taking  advantage  of  this  pause,  requested  me  to  join  him  in  a  walk  for 
air  and  exercise.  I  conducted  him  along  the  summit  of  Onondaga 
Hill,  and  he  keenly  interrogated  me  as  to  the  topography  of  the 
country.  I  pointed  out  to  him  the  direction  of  Oswego,  the  course  of 
the  Oswego  River,  Onondaga  and  Oneida  Lakes,  the  site  of  Fort 
Brewerton,  Onondaga  Castle,  Oneida  Castle,  Oriskany,  Fort  Schuyler 
(Utica),  Fort  Stanwix  (Rome),  at  which  latter  post  he  had  commanded 
in  the  war,  and  then  had  become  familiar  with  the  character  of  the 
country,  which  he  was  now  surveying  in  the  morning  twilight.  He 
expressed  deep  interest  in  these  observations,  and  adverted  to  the  great 
military  events  which  had  occurred  at  Fort  Stanwix  and  Oriskany. 

I  had  not  even  then  a  high  appreciation  of  Freemasonry,  nor  did  I 
understand  what  claim  that  order  had  to  the  prominent  position  which 
was  conceded  to  it  in  this  and  in  like  political  and  social  demonstra 
tions.  The  mystery  was  cleared  up,  though  not  with  an  increase  of  my 
respect  for  the  fraternity,  when  Gad  Bennet,  a  tinsmith  and  master  of 
the  lodge,  still  wearing  the  apron  of  the  previous  day's  celebration,  ap 
proached,  and,  overhearing  Lafayette,  said  : 

"  Yes,  Lafayetty,  this  is  a  fine  country  ;  it  is  a  great  country,  and 
we  owe  it  all  to  you,  Lafayetty.  You  gave  it  to  us,  or  we  should  not 
have  had  it.  We  are  glad  to  see  you,  Lafayetty.  You  are  a  Royal 
Arch-Mason,  Lafayetty,  and  so  am  I.  You  are  our  brother,  and  all 
Masons  are  glad  to  see  you,  Lafayetty." 
5 


66  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1825-'28, 

We  returned  down  the  hill  in  our  carriages,  and  cannon-thunders 
soon  proclaimed  the  nation's  guest  to  the  crowds  who  were  awake,  and 
moving  about  the  few  streets  of  Syracuse.  As  we  struck  upon  the 
canal  bridge,  an  Onondaga  Indian,  who  was  sleeping  on  the  railing  of 
the  balustrade,  awakened  by  the  noise,  gave  forth  a  grunt,  and  rolled 
over  in  fright  into  the  canal.  Committees,  orators,  citizens,  and  ladies 
with  floral  wreaths,  were  in  waiting.  Here  we  surrendered  our  charge, 
and  took  leave  of  him. 

In  January,  1828, 1  found  that  my  professional  business  had  steadily 
increased.  I  needed  no  office  for  a  livelihood  ;  but  I  was  tempted  to 
believe  that  an  honorable  trust,  which  should  harmonize  with  my  prac 
tice  of  the  law,  might  avail  in  increasing  my  professional  reputation. 
My  personal  and  political  friend,  Seneca  Wood,  Esq.,  was  then  holding 
the  office  of  Surrogate  of  Cayuga  County,  under  an  appointment  of 
Governor  Clinton.  Mr.  Wood  was  desirous  to  resign.  He  placed  his 
resignation  in  my  hands,  with  a  letter  to  the  Governor,  recommending 
me  for  the  appointment.  I  visited  Albany,  and  received  my  first 
initiation  into  partisan  ways  and  usages  at  the  State  Capitol.  I  had 
come  to  regard  Mr.  Clinton  with  combined  sentiments  of  reverence  for 
the  chief  magistracy  of  the  State,  and  of  profound  admiration  for  his 
eminent  talents  and  learning.  But  he  had  the  character  of  being  stern 
and  cold.  I  found  him  quite  otherwise.  He  appreciated  zeal  and 
devotion  to  the  political  principles  and  interests  he  represented.  He 
received  me  kindly  and  cordially.  I  have  never  been  in  a  presence 
which  commanded  more  of  personal  respect  or  inspired  more  confidence, 
I  think,  now,  that  his  character  for  reserve  and  austerity  was  only 
acquired  by  the  popular  custom  of  contrasting  him  with  his  rival,  the 
affable,  amiable,  and  genial  Daniel  D.  Tompkins.  The  habit  I  had 
acquired  of  viewing  all  public  characters  from  the  standpoint  of  a 
citizen,  anxious  to  bestow  his  suffrage  conscientiously,  had  entirely 
removed  the  blind  feeling  of  partiality  with  which,  at  an  early  period, 
I  had  regarded  the  leaders  of  the  political  cause  with  which  I  was  as 
sociated. 

Governor  Clinton  accepted  the  resignation,  and  sent  a  message  to  the 
Senate,  nominating  me  for  the  vacant  office,  with  a  free  and  confident 
assurance  that  it  would  be  confirmed.  It  was  not  until  the  nomination 
had  been  made  that  a  political  secret  was  divulged  which  at  once  con 
vulsed  and  astounded  the  State.  The  interests  and  ambition  of  Mr. 
Clinton  had  coincided  with,  and  were  now  popularly  identified  with, 
the  interests  and  cause  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Adams's  presidential  term  was  to  expire  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1829,  and  Mr.  Clinton's  term  as  Governor  was  to  expire 
at  the  close  of  the  year  1828.  Elections  for  both  offices  were  to  be 
held  in  November,  1828.  General  Jackson,  as  I  have  already  intimated, 


1826-'28.]  DE   WITT    (.  LINTON.  67 

was  the  most  popular  competitor  of  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and 
the  whole  Republican  party  of  the  State  had  committed  themselves  to 
General  Jackson.  Mr.  Adams  became  the  subject  of  a  "  see-saw 
game "  on  the  part  of  what  remained  of  the  defunct  Federal  party. 
One  portion  of  that  party  declared  themselves  opposed  to  Mr.  Adams, 
because  he  had  left  the  Federals  and  joined  the  Republicans  under  Mr. 
Jefferson  in  1805.  Another  portion  of  the  Federal  party  gave  their 
adhesion  to  General  Jackson,  under  the  belief  that,  as  President,  he 
would  repudiate  the  Republican  party,  then  under  the  established  lead 
of  Martin  Van  Buren.  These  and  other  political  occurrences  indicated, 
at  that  early  day,  a  defeat  of  Mr.  Adams  in  his  reelection,  which 
would,  of  course,  involve  the  defeat  of  the  party  in  our  State,  upon 
whose  support  not  only  Mr.  Adams  but  Mr.  Clinton  had  relied.  At 
this  precise  juncture  it  transpired  that  Mr.  Clinton  had  become  recon 
ciled  with  his  previously  inveterate  political  foe,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and 
given  his  adhesion  to  the  support  of  General  Jackson.  The  Senators 
divided  on  the  line  of  their  previous  associations  or  present  convictions 
of  their  public  duty,  a  portion  of  Mr.  Clinton's  adherents  going  with 
him  into  the  Republican  party  and  the  support  of  General  Jackson, 
and  a  lesser  number  abandoning  Mr.  Clinton  and  adhering  to  Mr. 
Adams. 

The  question  whether  to  follow  Mr.  Adams  and  thenceforth  aban 
don  Mr.  Clinton,  or  to  follow  Mr.  Clinton  and  abandon  Mr.  Adams,  was 
precipitated  upon  me,  while  my  nomination  lay  unacted  upon  in  the 
Senate  awaiting  my  decision.  As  may  well  be  conceived,  I  did  not 
long  hesitate.  I  appeared  at  a  meeting  held  at  the  Capitol  by  the 
"  National  Republicans  "  of  Albany,  to  consider  the  political  dilemma 
thus  produced.  It  was  popularly  represented  to  be  a  meeting  to  ex 
press  the  indignation  of  the  National  Republicans  against  Mr.  Clinton 
for  his  defection  from  their  cause,  and  his  injurious  coalition  with  Mr. 
Van  Buren.  In  reality,  however,  it  was  rather  a  lamentation  over  Mr. 
Clinton's  separation  from  the  cause  and  the  friends  with  whom  his 
fortunes  and  fame  were  believed  to  be  inseparably  identified.  The 
Senate  rejected  my  nomination  as  surrogate. 

I  regretted,  not  the  failure  to  obtain  the  office,  but  my  weakness  in 
desiring  to  be  nominated  for  a  subordinate  civil  place  at  the  hands  of 
the  Executive  power.  I  saw  at  once  how  much  the  desire  or  the  hold 
ing  of  such  a  place  tended  to  compromise  my  personal  independence, 
and  I  resolved,  thenceforth,  upon  no  considerations  other  than  the  safety 
of  the  State  ever  to  seek  or  accept  a  trust  conferred  by  Executive 
authority.  That  case  occurred  later,  when  I,  with  extreme  reluctance, 
and  from  convictions  of  public  duty,  took  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  State  at  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war,  and  filled  it  until  the  restora 
tion  of  peace. 


68  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1825-'28. 

So  far  as  concerned  Mr.  Clinton  himself,  he  escaped  a  trial  of  the 
consequences  of  the  change  of  political  associations  which  he  had  thus 
made.  He  fell  dead  of  apoplexy  in  his  residence  at  the  capital,  on  the 
llth  of  February  following.  Universal  grief  banished  from  the  public 
mind  the  agitation  which  recent  events  had  begun  to  awaken,  and  he 
was  mourned  as  (notwithstanding  whatever  failings  and  errors  he  had) 
he  deserved  to  be,  as,  only  next  after  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  wisest 
statesman  and  the  greatest  public  benefactor  that  in  all  her  history  the 
State  of  New  York  has  produced.  For  myself,  I  persevered  in  follow 
ing  the  policy  of  Clinton  now  he  was  dead,  not  less  than  or  separate 
from  that  of  my  other  political  leader,  Adams,  while  living. 

A  convention  of  the  young  men  of  the  State,  favorable  to  the  con- 
tHraancB~oiHhe  national  and  State  Administration,  was  called  at  Utica; 
upon  whose  suggestion  I  do  not  now  know,  I  attended  as  one  of  many 
representatives  of  Cayuga  County.  The  convention  consisted  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty-six  members.  I  have  since  seen  many  representative 
bodies,  legal  as  well  as  voluntary,  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  political.  I 
have  never,  however,  seen  any  assembly  which  exhibited  a  greater 
fervor  of  sentiment,  or  more  pure  and  elevated  convictions  of  public 
duty.  According  to  custom,  a  private  preliminary  caucus  was  held,  in 
a  basement-room,  the  evening  previous  to  the  public  assembly  of  the 
convention.  I  had  here  my  first  experience  in  the  troubles  of  political 
caucuses.  The  New  York  City  delegation,  twenty-five  in  number,  if  I 
remember  right,  with  great  unanimity  insisted  that  its  leading  member 
should  be  elected  president  of  the  convention.  Private  solicitations 
and  intrigues  had  been  actively  employed,  during  the  afternoon,  to  win 
the  rural  members  to  that  suggestion.  The  members  from  the  country 
districts  were  of  the  opinion  that  a  rural  member  ought  to  be  elected 
president,  to  prevent  the  movement  from  losing  its  State  character,  and 
coming  to  be  regarded  as  a  merely  formal  demonstration  of  the  young 
men  from  the  city.  This  conflict  of  opinion  was  irreconcilable.  Urban 
delegates  threatened  the  defection  of  the  city,  while  many  country 
members,  highly  irritated,  predicted  the  worst  disasters  from  the  suc 
cess  of  the  city  candidate.  The  debate  grew  angry  and  vehement,  and 
neither  party  was  willing  to  terminate  it  and  come  to  a  vote.  Older 
and  more  experienced  friends  of  the  cause  had  been  admitted  into  the 
caucus  as  spectators.  They  were  alarmed  by  indications  of  a  breach  in 
the  convention,  in  the  attempt  to  give  it  a  public  organization.  The 
debate  might  be  overheard,  and  produce  a  scandal  dishonorable  to  the 
character  of  the  convention,  and  injurious  to  the  cause  for  which  it  was 
assembled.  At  a  late  hour  I  took  the  floor,  avowing  my  preference  for 
the  rural  candidate,  but,  at  the  same  time,  my  confidence  in  the  candi 
date  offered  from  the  city,  and,  insisting  that  all  should  agree  to  acqui 
esce,  I  proposed  a  preliminary  vote,  pledging  the  minority  to  acquiesce, 


1828-'29.]  WILLIAM    MORGAN.  69 

and  that  the  convention  should  then  adjourn  for  the  night,  and  come 
together  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  prepared  to  decide  the  question 
by  an  immediate  ballot  at  that  hour  without  debate.  I  do  not  recall 
either  the  thoughts  or  language  of  this  appeal  to  the  patriotism  and 
good  sense  of  the  convention.  The  resolution  I  offered  was  promptly 
accepted,  and  the  meeting  separated.  The  next  morning  when  pro 
ceeding  to  the  hall,  greatly  apprehending  a  renewal  of  the  stormy  de 
bate  of  the  previous  night,  I  met  the  two  rival  candidates  for  the  presi 
dency,  with  their  more  earnest  friends,  and  was  requested  to  delay  my 
entrance  until  the  meeting  should  be  organized.  As  I  entered  the 
room,  after  that  delay,  I  was  received  by  the  entire  body  standing,  and 
unanimously  pronouncing  their  vote  for  myself  as  president. 


1828-1829. 

The  Convention. — Abduction  of  Morgan. — Popular  Excitement. — The  Antimasonic  Party. 
— Solomon  Southwick. — Smith  Thompson  and  Francis  Granger. — Van  Buren  and 
Throop. — Congressional  Nomination. — A  Coalition  and  an  Explosion. — General  Jack 
son's  Election. — Auburn  Projects. — Working  for  a  Competence. — Buying  a  House. 

THE  convention,  after  a  session  of  two  days,  adjourned,  with  the 
result  of  introducing  new  and  great  effect  into  the  political  canvass. 
The  honor  of  being  its  presiding  officer  seemed  to  give  me  a  prominent 
position  throughout  the  State;  and  it  has  since  been  the  habit  of  politi 
cal  writers  to  assign  that  date  as  the  beginning-  of  the  political  career 
which,  with  varied  success,  I  have  pursued.  But  I  soon  had  occasion  to 
know  that  the  "  course  "  of  political  advancement,  like  that  of  "  true 
love,"  "  never  did  run  smooth." 

On  the  14th  day  of  September,  1826,  William  Morgan,  an  inhabitant 
of  Batavia,  in  the  county  of  Genesee,  was  arrested  under  a  form  of 
legal  process  for  pretended  petit  larceny,  and  conveyed  to  the  common 
jail  of  the  county  of  Ontario,  at  Canandaigua.  On  the  fact  of  his  im 
prisonment  becoming  known,  and  exciting  inquiry,  the  prosecutor  failed 
to  appear  to  substantiate  his  accusation  ;  while  three  or  more  citizens 
of  Canandaigua  procured  a  carriage,  and  caused  him  to  be  conveyed 
clandestinely  through  the  country,  confining  him  during  the  night  in 
the  public  jail  at  Lockport,  and  conveying  him  the  next  day  to  Fort 
Niagara  on  the  bank  of  the  Niagara  River.  Here,  for  a  time,  informa 
tion  concerning  him  ceased.  Social  and  judicial  inquiries  afterward 
established  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt  the  facts  that  he  was  a  member 
of  the  order  of  Freemasons,  and,  though  of  humble  occupation,  a  sober 
and  moral  citizen  ;  that  he  had  prepared  for  publication,  and  had  in 
press,  in  a  printing-office  at  Batavia,  a  volume  containing  the  secrets  of 


70  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1828-'29 

Freemasonry  ;  that  the  clerk's  office  at  Batavia  was  robbed  of  papers 
under  an  expectation  of  obtaining  the  manuscript ;  that  the  printing- 
office  was  forcibly  attacked  with  the  same  view,  and  finally  burned 
down  in  the  night-time,  to  destroy  the  manuscript  ;  that  his  arrest  and 
confinement  at  Canandaigua  were  made  with  a  view  to  secure  his  person, 
and  that  his  forcible  removal  from  Canandaigua  to  Fort  Niagara  was 
a  continuation  of  the  same  plot ;  and  that  there  a  lodge  of  Freemasons 
was  held  to  consider  his  case,  which  resulted  in  an  abortive  attempt  to 
induce  the  Masonic  brotherhood  on  the  Canada  bank  of  the  river  to 
receive  him  ;  and  that,  on  their  refusal,  he  was  taken  from  the  fort  in 
the  night-time  by  members  of  the  brotherhood,  and  drowned  in  the 
Niagara  River.  The  inquisition  of  justice  in  the  matter  was  hindered 
and  delayed,  so  that  public  sentiment  became  vehemently  excited,  and 
the  crime  of  his  murder  was  charged  upon  the  Masonic  brotherhood 
with  force  and  effect.  The  judicial  authorities  of  the  State  succeeded 
in  bringing  to  justice  only  three  or  four  of  the  persons  who  were  en 
gaged  in  this  abduction,  but  failed  altogether  in  bringing  his  mur 
derers  to  punishment.  The  people  of  the  district  of  country  in  which 
these  outrages  happened  thereupon  organized  themselves  as  a  political 
party,  demanding  the  dissolution  of  the  Masonic  Society,  as  subversive 
of  order,  and  dangerous  to  the  public  peace  and  safety.  This  proceed 
ing  brought  about  a  wide  and  searching  inquisition  into  the  principles 
and  practices  of  that  society,  which  lasted  several  years.  The  new 
political  party  rapidly  obtained  a  controlling  majority  in  many  of  the 
counties  lying  west  of  the  Cayuga  Lake. 

While  the  organization  was  taking  its  form,  the  presidential  canvass 
of  1828  came  on,  and  it  became  necessary  for  the  new  party  to  declare 
its  national  preferences.  Jackson,  the  candidate  of  the  Republican 
party,  was  identified  as  being  either  a  Freemason,  or  at  least  as  having 
the  support  of  the  Republican  authorities  of  the  State,  who  were  re 
garded  as  delinquent  in  the  investigation  of  the  Morgan  affair,  and 
shielding  the  Masonic  fraternity  from  popular  indignation.  Mr.  Adams, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  candidate  of  the  National  Republican  party, 
being  inquired  of,  answered  that  he  had  not  been  at  any  time,  was  not 
now,  and  probably  never  should  be,  a  Mason.  The  new  organization, 
now  assuming  the  name  of  the  "  Antimasonic  party,"  inclined  to  sup 
port  Mr.  Adams  ;  but,  in  order  to  maintain  a  distinctive  character, 
deemed  it  necessary  to  make  a  separate  nomination  of  the  candidates 
for  electors,  and  for  State  and  local  offices.  Electors  were  then  chosen 
by  the  people  in  single  districts. 

My  activity  in  local  assemblies  and  conventions  continued  during 
the  summer.  A  "  National  Republican  "  State  Convention  at  Utica, 
on  the  23d  of  July,  submitted  to  the  people  a  ticket  composed  of  Smith 
Thompson  for  Governor,  and  Francis  Granger  for  Lieutenant-Go vernor. 


1828-'29.]  THE   ANTIMASONIC   PARTY.  71 

The  Republican  party  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  for  Governor,  and 
Enos  T.  Throop  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  The  Antimasonic  party,  of 
whom  I  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  make  larger  mention,  quite  generally 
accepted  from  Solomon  Southwick  the  offer  of  his  name  as  a  candidate 
for  the  office  of  Governor. 

The  National  Republican  candidate  was  an  eminent  and  experienced 
jurist,  but  had  had  no  recent  connection  with  political  affairs,  and  his  name 
excited  no  enthusiasm.  Mr.  Granger,  three  or  four  years  my  senior, 
brought  to  the  ticket  great  popularity,  the  fruit  of  imposing  personal 
presence,  graceful  address,  respectable  abilities,  and  free  and  engaging 
popular  manners.  Mr.  Van  Buren  possessed  great  amenity  of  character, 
and  was  sure  of  an  interested  support  from  the  Republican  party,  all 
of  whose  members  regarded  him  as  the  most  skillful  of  political  tac 
ticians.  Mr.  Throop,  then  one  of  the  State  Circuit  Judges,  was  my 
neighbor,  chiefly  known  to  the  public  for  his  unquestioning  devotion  to 
the  interests  of  the  party  and  the  fortunes  of  its  leaders.  Mr.  South- 
wick  was  a  restless  and  eccentric  man  of  an  age  already  past. 

The  Cayuga  Bridge  seemed,  for  a  time,  an  effective  barrier  against 
the  extension  of  the  Antimasonic  party  into  the  region  east  of  the 
Cayuga  Lake.  It  crossed  the  barrier,  however,  at  last,  and  about  seven 
hundred  of  my  fellow-citizens  of  Cayuga  County,  scattered  through  the 
different  towns,  raised  the  standard  of  the  Antimasonic  party  in  the 
winter  of  1827— '28.  Nearly  all  of  them  had  been  honored  and  esteemed 
associates  of  my  own  in  the  so-called  "  National  Republican  "  party. 
They  were  honest,  earnest,  vigorous,  and  intelligent  men.  They  in 
vited  me  to  join  their  new  standard.  I  endeavored  to  induce  them,  by 
high  practical  considerations,  to  remain  with  the  National  Republican 
party  ;  in  the  first  place  to  secure,  if  possible,  Mr.  Adams's  reelection, 
and  await  events  to  determine  the  wisdom  of  a  "  new  departure."  But 
I  fully  agreed  with  them  in  all  their  convictions  of  the  duty  of  vindi 
cating  the  majesty  of  the  law,  and  relieving  the  country,  if  possible, 
from  secret  societies.  Thus  it  happened  that,  while  they  severed  them 
selves  from  me,  our  friendship  and  mutual  confidence  remained — they 
being  as  fully  convinced  as  I  myself  was  of  the  duty  of  combining  all 
branches  of  opposition  in  the  support  of  a  common  ticket  for  electors, 
Congressmen,  and  local  officers.  We  agreed  that,  if  possible,  the  two 
branches,  the  Antimasonic  and  the  National  Republican,  though  nomi 
nating  at  different  times,  should  present  the  same  names  for  candidates. 
But  prudential  considerations  made  them  insist  upon  holding  their  con 
vention  first  in  order  of  time,  it  remaining  for  me  to  bring  the  National 
Republican  Convention,  which  should  meet  afterward,  to  accept  the 
candidates  of  the  coalition. 

The  Antimasons,  though  rich  in  talent  elsewhere,  unfortunately 
had  no  men  in  their  ranks  in  the  county  who  were  accustomed  to  speak 


72  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1828-'29. 

or  write  on  public  affairs.  They  therefore,  from  time  to  time,  came  to 
me,  and  I  confidently  furnished  them  with  drafts  of  resolutions,  ad 
dresses,  and  speeches,  which  were  given  to  the  public  in  the  name  and 
through  the  hands  of  other  persons,  of  their  own  organization.  The 
coalition,  as  all  coalitions  must  be,  was  covered  during  the  preparatory 
stage  with  the  veil  of  secrecy.  They  called  their  convention  at  the 
Court-House  in  Auburn.  We  agreed  that  they  should  nominate  cer 
tain  prominent  and  recognized  National  Republicans,  who,  though  not 
Antimasons,  should  be  free  from  complicity  with  Freemasonry.  And, 
on  my  part,  I  agreed  to  use  the  considerable  influence  which  it  was  as 
sumed  that  I  enjoyed  to  induce  the  National  Republicans  to  adopt  the 
candidates  thus  to  be  nominated.  Our  choice  for  candidate  for  Con 
gress  fell  upon  Archibald  Green,  an  eminent,  widely-known,  and  uni 
versally-respected  citizen,  who  had  been  a  pioneer  in  the  settlement  of 
the  county,  had  held  many  of  its  highest  trusts,  and  was  of  about  the 
age  of  sixty.  He  had  in  early  life  joined  the  Masonic  fraternity,  but 
had  long  neglected  attendance  on  its  meetings,  was  now  in  consequence 
opposed  to  it,  and  his  acceptance  of  an  Antimasonic  nomination  would 
be  equivalent  to  a  renunciation  of  the  order.  I  drafted  and  put  into 
the  hands  of  the  Antimasonic  leaders  an  address  and  resolutions  suit 
able  to  the  occasion,  and  especially  laudatory  of  Mr.  Green  and  the 
candidates  to  be  associated  with  him.  The  address  and  resolutions  were 
accurately  descriptive  of  Mr.  Green's  virtues,  claims,  and  qualifications. 
The  day  that  the  Antimasonic  Convention  assembled  at  Auburn  I 
willingly  availed  myself  of  a  professional  excuse  for  a  journey  to  the 
shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  not  doubting  but  that  the  intrigue,  if  so  I  must 
call  it,  would  be  carried  out.  On  returning,  in  the  evening,  I  was  ac 
costed  by  all  my  neighbors  in  the  streets  with  the  salutation,  "  How  do 
you  do,  Mr.  Congressman  ? "  The  Antimasonic  leaders  hastened  to  in 
form  me  that  their  convention  had  proved  impracticable  ;  that  it  had 
refused  to  nominate  Mr.  Green  because  it  distrusted  him,  and  had  in 
sisted  on  nominating  myself  as  a  person  that  could  be  safely  trusted  ; 
while  my  standing  with  the  National  Republicans  ought  to  render  me 
acceptable  to  them.  To  fill  the  measure  of  my  perplexity,  and  cover 
me  with  mortification,  the  proceedings  of  the  Antimasonic  Convention, 
with  my  own  resolutions  and  address,  so  laudatory  of  the  candidates, 
were  already  in  type  in  the  Cayuga  Republican,  and  I  read  them  the 
next  morning  verbatim,  except  for  the  material  change  that  my  history 
and  praises  of  Mr.  Green  were  appropriated  to  myself  !  The  public 
were  not  more  amazed  than  I  was  when  I  found  myself  described 
therein,  not  as  a  young  man  of  twenty-seven,  four  years  an  untitled 
and  unhonored  adventurer  in  the  county,  but  as  "  one  of  the  earliest 
pioneers  of  Western  New  York,  matured  by  age,"  and  "  covered  with 
the  titles  of  official  distinctions  "  I  had  enjoyed.  The  game  that  I  had 


1828-'29.]  ELECTION    OF   GENERAL  JACKSON.  73 

played  in  the  New  York  forum  no  longer  availed  me.  Everybody  rec 
ognized  my  own  habitual  style  ih  the  apparently  self-glorifying  address 
and  resolutions.  I  could  not  deny  the  authorship,  and  I  even  now  sus 
pect  that  some  of  my  Antimasonic  friends  innocently  disclosed  it.  Ridi 
cule  hastened  and  gave  force  to  the  unavoidable  explosion.  My  Na 
tional  Republican  associates  pronounced  me  an  intriguer  and  a  betrayer. 
I  fell  from  my  eminence  so  low  that  the  counselors  who  succeeded  to 
my  place  refused  even  to  confer  with  me.  They  would  have  none  of 
me  for  Congressman,  in  any  case,  nor  Archibald  Green  neither.  But 
they  would  have  Charles  Kellogg,  reckless  whether  he  was  a  Freema 
son  or  not,  and  whether  the  Antimasonic  dissenters  would  accept  him 
or  not.  The  Antimasonic  electors  were  indignant  at  this  repudiation 
of  my  nomination,  which  they  had  made,  as  they  thought,  in  a  high 
spirit  of  conciliation  ;  and  they  would  have  none  of  Charles  Kellogg, 
or  anybody  but  myself  or  some  trusted  member  of  their  own  narrow 
association. 

Time,  however,  was  running  against  the  passions  of  these  faction- 
ists  of  both  classes.  The  National  Republican  Convention  had  been 
set  for  a  day  so  near  the  election  that  I  hoped  there  would  be  no  time 
to  organize  an  opposition.  I  remained  a  candidate,  patiently  enduring 
the  odium  and  discord  to  which  the  position  exposed  me,  until  that 
convention  assembled.  Though  not  even  allowed  to  be  a  delegate, 
and  amid  the  hisses  of  many  of  its  members,  I  advanced  to  the  table 
of  the  convention,  explained  the  unfortunate  history  of  my  nomina 
tion,  laid  it  down  at  their  feet,  and  announced  my  declination  of  any 
nomination  whatever.  They  nominated  Charles  Kellogg  for  Congress, 
and,  for  district  elector,  Christopher  Morgan.  The  Antimasonic  Con 
vention  at  the  last  moment  reassembled,  and  reasserted  their  self-reli 
ance  by  nominating  Moses  Dickson  for  Congress.  True  to  their 
national  principles,  as  well  as  their  Antimasonic  faith,  the  Antimasonic 
voters  in  the  county  cast  their  suffrages  for  Christopher  Morgan,  the 
National  Republican  candidate  for  elector  ;  but  they  at  the  same  time 
cast  901  votes  for  Dickson,  their  own  distinct  candidate  for  Congress  ; 
and  thus  it  happened  that,  while  the  Adams  elector  was  beaten  by  only 
1,743  majority,  the  National  Republican  candidate  for  Congress  was 
beaten  by  2,447. 

Not  only  was  the  cause  of  the  National  Republican  party  lost  in 
the  county  where  these  unhappy  divisions  had  occurred,  but  it  encoun 
tered  a  disastrous  defeat  throughout  the  State  and  Union.  Mr.  Adams 
had  sixteen  electors  out  of  thirty-six,  and  on  the  final  canvass  in 
Congress  was  found  to  have  had  only  eighty-three  votes,  while  General 
Jackson  had  one  hundred  and  seventy-eight.  John  C.  Calhoun  was 
elected  Vice-President.  For  Governor,  Martin  Van  Buren  received 
136,794  votes  ;  Smith  Thompson,  106,444  ;  Solomon  South  wick  (the 


74  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1828-'29. 

Antimasonic  candidate),  33,345.  These  figures  showed  that,  while 
an  uncompromising  feud  between  the  Antimasons  and  National  Re 
publicans  gave  an  imposing  triumph  to  the  Republican  party,  the  two 
contending  factions  had  three  thousand  more  votes  than  the  success 
ful  party.  The  result,  however,  was  as  injurious  to  the  opposition 
as  it  was  incurable.  From  that  time  the  Antimasonic  party,  encour 
aged  by  the  increase  of  votes  it  had  received,  determined  to  make  no 

*-»  coalition  or  compromise  ;  and  the  National  Republican  party,  discour 
aged  by  its  failure,  waned  throughout  the  State  and  country.  The 

*  triumphant  party  thenceforward  received  accessions  everywhere  from 
the  irresolute  and  the  vacillating,  and  opposition  to  it  found  vitality 
only  in  the  spirited  and  vigorous  Antimasonic  organization,  which  was 
chiefly  located  in  the  western  counties  of  the  State.  It  seemed  to  be 
hoping  too  much  to  expect  that  a  party  arising  from  a  single  issue,  and 
that  of  a  social,  more  distinctly  than  a  political  nature,  confined  as  yet 
to  a  small  section  of  the  country,  and  deriving  its  weapons  chiefly  from 
its  determination  to  vindicate  the  law  through  the  courts  of  justice, 
could  succeed  to  the  position  of  one  of  the  two  great  contending  par 
ties  of  the  Union.  For  myself,  it  was  not  necessary  that  I  should 
expect,  or  even  hope,  for  an  ultimate  and  complete  success  of  the  new 

^"fc  organization.  I  saw  the  National  Republican  party,  through  which  I 
had  so  far  labored  since  my  majority,  practically  dissolved  and  in  ruins, 
not  again  to  be  restored.  I  had  only  the  alternative  of  going  with 
that  one  which  not  only  agreed  with  me  throughout  in  the  principles 
and  policy,  State  and  national,  that  I  cherished,  but  the  peculiar  object 
of  which  also  seemed  to  commend  itself  to  the  support  of  all  indepen 
dent  and  virtuous  citizens.  I  saw,  as  I  thought,  not  only  the  loss  of 
our  national  system  of  revenue,  and  the  loss  of  enterprises  of  State 
and  national  improvement,  but  also  future  disunion  of  the  States,  and 
ultimately  a  universal  prevalence  of  slavery  as  the  future  fruits  of  con 
fiding  the  destinies  of  the  country  to  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee  ; 
John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina  ;  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New 
York.  Against  the  party  whose  success  was  marked  by  the  formation 
of  their  coalition  I  planted  myself  sternly,  in  my  own  independence, 
willing  to  combine  and  coalesce  with  all  who  could  be  rallied  for  the 

*— ^national  safety,  and  indifferent  to  whatever  delays  and  discouragements 
I  might  be  called  to  endure. 

The  rout  and  confusion  of  the  National  Republican  party,  in  the 
first  election  of  General  Jackson,  left  me  quite  at  liberty,  during  the 
year  1829,  to  give  my  attention  to  domestic  and  social  affairs.  It  is 
now  a  matter  of  surprise  to  me,  on  recurring  to  the  papers  of  that  day, 
to  find  that  I  was  employed  often  in  the  defense  of  criminals,  having 
apparently  obtained  a  reputation  for  astuteness  and  subtilty  in  expos 
ing  defects  in  pleadings  and  evidence. 


1828-'29.]  BUYING  A   HOUSE.  75 

The  village  and  the  county  in  which  I  lived  were,  at  that  time,  in 
tensely  moved  by  projects  of  local  improvement.  Among  these  were 
plans  for  connecting  the  lakes  with  the  general  system  of  inland 
navigation,  and  connecting  Auburn  with  other  parts  of  the  State  by 
railroads.  There  were  also  projects  for  colleges  and  other  scientific 
institutions.  In  all  these  I  took  the  active  part  which  was  assigned  to 
me  by  my  fellow-citizens. 

Politically  there  was  little  encouragement  to  activity.  The  National 
Republican  organization  had  fallen  to  pieces,  and  the  party  virtually 
ceased  to  exist.  Nearly  all  its  more  active  leaders  joined  the  trium 
phant  Republicans,  with  a  determination  to  oppose  and  utterly  destroy 
the  new  Antimasonic  organization,  which  now  came  to  the  foreground 
as  the  successor  of  the  National  Republican  party,  in  opposition  to  the 
Republican  majority  triumphant  in  the  States  and  the  Union.  The 
Antimasons  contested  the  field  in  the  limited  district  where  they  had 
demonstrated  their  greatest  strength,  but  throughout  all  the  other  parts 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  including  Cayuga  County,  the  election  of 
the  Republican  local  tickets,  in  1829,  passed  by  default. 

Mr.  Van  Buren,  on  the  organization  of  General  Jackson's  cabinet, 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  at  Washington,  and  the  Executive 
office  of  the  State  devolved  upon  Governor  Throop. 

There  is  an  incongruity,  which  I  cannot  easily  overcome,  between 
the  details  of  domestic  life  and  the  account  I  find  it  necessary  to  give 
of  public  and  political  events.  My  professional  pursuits  had,  by  this 
time,  become  sufficiently  profitable  to  assure  me  a  competence  for  the 
country  life  which,  on  all  grounds,  I  preferred.  But  that  competence 
could  not  reach  an  abundance,  by  reason  of  the  drafts  to  which  I  was 
subjected.  Relatives  unfortunate  in  business  had,  naturally  enough, 
applied  to  me  for  indorsements  and  loans.  I  cheerfully  gave  the  re 
quired  aid,  but,  in  so  doing,  depleted  more  than  one-half  the  entire 
property  which  I  possessed.  These  charges  upon  an  income  derived 
from  the  practice  of  the  law,  in  the  country,  left  me  without  an 
assurance  of  the  pecuniary  independence  which  I  had  already  found 
indispensable  to  the  social  and  political  independence  at  which  I  ' 
aimed. 

While  my  residence  in  the  family  of  Mr.  Miller,  my  father-in- 
law,  was  in  every  way  pleasant  and  desirable,  the  construction  of 
his  dwelling  proved  a  severe  trial  to  the  health  and  comfort  of  my 
wife. 

I  therefore,  with  his  consent,  bought  of  William  Brown  the  neat 
house  and  pretty  grounds  directly  opposite  to  that  of  Mr.  Miller.  I 
paid  one  thousand  dollars  in  hand,  and  secured  the  payment  of  the 
balance  within  five  years,  by  my  bond  and  mortgage,  and  removed  to 
that  dwelling  with  my  wife  and  child  (Augustus),  then  three  years  old. 


76  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1830. 

Impatient  under  renewed  experience  of  debt,  I  laid  aside  all  my  gains 
with  a  miser's  prudence  and  care,  and  extinguished  the  bond  and 
mortgage  in  fifteen  months. 


1830. 

Popular  Elections. — The  Evening  Journal. — A  Fourth-of-July  Demonstration. — Henry 
Dana  Ward. — The  "  Working-men." — Granger  for  Governor. — National  Convention. — 
Thaddeus  Stevens. — Judge  McLean. — Myron  Holley. — Elected  to  the  Senate. 

No  fault  is  more  frequently  found  with  our  Constitution  than  that 
which  is  based  on  the  periodical  frequency  of  the  popular  elections. 
I  am  of  a  different  opinion.  Intelligence  cannot  be  increased,  and  pa 
triotism  cannot  be  kept  vigorous,  without  universal  activity  of  the  pub 
lic  mind.  The  elections  of  representatives  serve  this  purpose  admira 
bly.  Moreover,  while  the  safety  and  welfare  of  a  state  do  not  require 
frequent  changes  of  its  rulers,  yet  the  popular  contentment  and  acqui 
escence,  indispensable  in  every  state  to  the  maintenance  of  peace  and 
order,  and  more  indispensable  in  a  republic  than  in  any  other  state, 
are  secured  by  the  recurrence,  at  regular  and  short  periods,  of  elec 
tions  which  afford  the  opportunity  of  change.  Thus  all  errors  or  evils 
of  government  are  endured  because  there  is  an  always-renewing  hope 
of  relief.  The  first  year  of  a  new  Administration  at  Washington,  or  at 
Albany,  is  a  season  of  popular  rest.  Exhausted  energies  and  expecta 
tions,  satisfied  or  disappointed,  combine  to  produce  a  sentiment  of  pub 
lic  indifference  to  politics.  In  these  periods  enterprises  of  material 
improvement,  moral  and  social  reforms,  and  religious  movements,  en 
gage  the  minds  of  the  people.  But  the  second  year  of  a  new  Adminis 
tration  at  Washington  finds  the  popular  mind  restored  to  vigorous  ac 
tivity,  and  the  elections  held  in  that  year  are  generally  the  beginning 
of  a  campaign,  in  which  another  presidency  is  to  be  decided.  The 
year  1829,  as  has  been  seen,  was  one  of  relaxation  and  calm.  The 
campaign  for  1832  opened  with  the  year  1830.  The  Republican  party, 
now  taking  to  itself  the  more  radical  name  of  "the  Democratic 
party,"  announced  with  great  unanimity  its  determination  to  secure 
the  reelection  of  Andrew  Jackson.  The  discomfited  and  overthrown 
.^-National  Republican  party  practically  withdrew  from  the  field  in  most 
r  of  the  Northern  States,  and  left  its  vacant  place  to  be  filled  by  the 
new,  vigorous,  and  enthusiastic  Antimasonic  party.  Hitherto  that 
party,  within  the  State,  had  been  a  merely  local  one,  practically  con 
fined  to  Western  New  York. 

In  1830  it  determined  to  strike  out  boldly  for  wider  empire.     A 
consultation  was  held,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  at  Albany,  with 


1830.]  A  FOURTH   OF  JULY.  77 

this  view.  I  attended  this  consultation,  and,  by  a  speech  which  I 
made,  won  the  conBdence  of  the  delegates  so  far  as  to  be  accepted  as 
one  of  the  leaders,  in  association  with  Thurlow  Weed,  Francis  Granger, 
John  C.  Spencer,  Frederick  Whittlesey,  William  H.  Maynard,  and 
Albert  H.  Tracy,  all  of  whom  were  deservedly  distinguished  for  talents 
and  influence. 

Our  convention  appointed  fifty-six  delegates  to  a  United  States 
Antimasonic  Convention,  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia  in  the  following 
September,  and  we  provided  for  the  establishment  of  the  Albany 
Evening  Journal,  on  the  22d  of  March,  as  the  organ  of  the  party  in 
the  State,  to  be  conducted  by  Thurlow  Weed. 

At  home,  the  coalition  of  a  large  portion  of  the  late  National  Re 
publican  party  with  the  triumphant  Republican  one  now  called  "  Demo 
cratic  "  displayed  an  intolerance  which  I  found  unendurable  ;  and  I 
gave  myself  up  to  an  effort  to  break  it  down.  Adhering  to  all  my 
cherished  "  National  Republican "  principles  and  policy,  I  addressed 
myself  to  my  fellow-citizens,  in  speeches  and  through  the  press,  expos 
ing  the  violence  which  had  been  committed  against  law  and  order  in 
the  name  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  Masonic  Society,  and  in  warnings 
against  the  errors  and  evils  of  secret  societies  generally. 

My  opponents  under-estimated  these  appeals,  and  visited  my  asso 
ciates  and  myself  with  derision  and  scorn.  Aware  of  the  effect  of 
demonstrations  of  political  strength  on  the  public  mind,  I  induced  my 
associates  to  challenge  a  trial  on  the  4th  of  July.  For  two  months  we 
made  preparations  for  the  celebration  of  the  national  anniversary, 
with  the  full  exposition  of  our  party  faith  and  principles.  Our  oppo 
nents  made  a  counter-effort.  Bands  of  music,  military  companies,  and 
philanthropic  and  educational  societies,  as  yet,  were  exclusively  in  the 
interest  or  under  the  control  of  the  Masonic  party.  We  obtained, 
however,  not  without  much  expense  and  trouble,  the  aid  of  a  drummer 
and  a  fifer,  and  an  old  iron  gun,  which  latter  I  kept  carefully  watched 
and  guarded,  on  the  night  of  the  3d,  on  my  own  premises,  to  prevent 
its  being  captured  and  taken  away  by  my  opponents. 

The  great,  the  important  day,  "  big  with  the  fate  of  Cato  and  of 
Rome,"  opened  auspiciously.  The  sun  shone  brightly.  The  salvo 
echoed  through  the  chambers  of  the  anxious  and  patriotic.  A  proces 
sion  of  two  thousand  electors  paraded.  Mr.  Henry  Dana  Ward,  of 
New  York,  a  scholarly  gentleman,  delivered  an  elaborate  oration.  We 
cheered  the  day  and  drank  success  to  our  cause,  not  forgetting,  in  our 
denunciations  of  the  Order,  a  contribution  for  the  relief  and  support 
of  the  widow  of  William  Morgan,  and  the  day  closed  with  a  ceremony 
as  exciting  as  it  was  novel.  Colonel  H.  C.  Witherell  opened  a  "lodge  " 
at  the  Court-House,  and  initiated  Sam  Jones,  a  poor  blind  candidate, 
as  "entered  apprentice,"  passed  him  to  the  degree  of  "fellow-craft," 


78  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1830. 

raised  him  to  the  "  sublime  degree  "  of  "  master-mason,"  advanced 
him  to  the  "  honorary  degree  "  of  "  mark-master,"  installed  him  in  the 
chair  as  "past-master,"  received  and  acknowledged  him  as  "  most  ex 
cellent  master,"  and  exalted  him  to  the  degree  of  "  holy  royal  arch," 
to  the  edification  of  a  large  popular  assembly. 

The  impression  made  by  the  celebration  was  such  as  to  leave  little 
room  to  doubt  that  the  popular  sentiment  of  the  county  was  revolu 
tionized.  The  Republicans,  called  now  by  us  the  "  Masonic  party," 
nominated  for  Governor  the  then  acting  Lieutenant-Governor,  Enos  T. 
Throop,  of  Cayuga ;  and  for  Lieutenant-Go vernor,  Edward  P.  Livingston, 
of  Columbia  County.  The  Antimasonic  State  Convention  assembled  at 
Utica  on  the  llth  of  August.  During  the  summer  a  class  of  persons 
in  various  parts  of  the  State,  who  had  at  first  been  absorbed  into  the 
triumphant  Republican  or  "  Masonic  party,"  in  the  general  calm  which 
succeeded  the  election  of  General  Jackson  in  1828,  separated  themselves 
from  that  majority,  and  combined  under  the  name  of  "  Working-men's 
party."  Antimasonry  was  entirely  repudiated  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
and  generally  throughout  the  eastern  part  of  the  State.  But  the  dis 
contented  "  working-men  "  there  might  be  impressed  with  the  advantages 
of  cooperation  with  the  Antimasons  of  the  west.  To  bring  out  the 
Antimasonic  strength  of  the  west,  all  that  was  needful  was  to  nomi 
nate  the  most  popular  member  of  that  party  for  Governor.  It  was  a 
more  difficult  affair  to  secure  cooperation  from  the  "  wording-men  "  of 
the  east.  It  seemed  necessary  for  this  object  to  name  a  candidate  for 
Lieutenant-Governor  who  resided  in  the  city  of  New  York,  was  identi 
fied  with  the  "  working-men,"  and  free  from  the  reproach  of  previous 
connection  with  the  Antimasonic  party.  Samuel  Stevens,  a  young, 
talented,  and  distinguished  alderman  of  the  city,  was  approached,  and 
gave  his  consent  to  assume  that  place. 

Our  State  Convention  assembled  at  Utica  on  the  llth  of  August. 
In  that  convention  two  duties  were  assigned  to  me  :  one  was,  to  prepare 
and  report  the  creed  of  the  new  party,  which  must  be  presented  with 
sufficient  clearness  and  force  to  form  a  stable  basis  for  action,  and  yet 
with  so  much  moderation  as  not  to  unnecessarily  excite"  popular  preju 
dice  and  hostility  ;  the  other  was,  to  convince  the  convention  of  the 
expediency  and  propriety  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Stevens  for  Lieu 
tenant-Governor.  He  was  obnoxious  to  its  prejudices  on  the  ground  of 
being  only  a  "  working-man,"  and,  as  yet,  in  no  way  identified  with  the 
Antimasonic  cause.  Both  of  these  duties  were  discharged  with  success, 
although  the  latter  one  was  embarrassing.  Mr.  John  Crary,  of  Wash 
ington  County,  a  former  member  of  the  State  Senate,  had  been  the 
Antimasonic  candidate  for  Lieutenant-Governor  at  the  previous  election. 
The  convention  and  the  party  generally  indulged,  not  without  much 
show  of  reason,  a  hope  of  success  in  the  present  canvass.  The  friends 


1830.]  NATIONAL  ANTIMASONIC   CONVENTION.  79 

of  Mr.  Crary  insisted  on  his  renomi nation,  both  as  an  act  of  justice  to 
him,  and  an  act  of  loyalty  to  the  cause  ;  while  of  Mr.  Stevens  it  could 
only  be  said  that,  by  his  silent  acceptance  of  the  nomination,  he  would 
virtually  become  an  adherent  of  the  party.  The  debate  was  stormy  ; 
but  the  nomination  was  carried  by  a  decided  majority.  Mr.  Crary  pro 
tested,  and  appealed  to  the  electors  ;  but  his  appeal  was  lost  in  the 
enthusiasm  which  followed  the  announcement  of  the  nominations. 

A  National  Convention  of  the  Antimasonic  party  assembled  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  llth  of  September.  It  was  attended  by  ninety-six 
delegates  from  New  York,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  Rhode 
Island,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Ohio,  Maryland,  and 
Michigan.  It  was  in  this  convention  that  I  first  met  Thaddeus  Stevens. 
I  found  existing  between  him  and  myself  an  earnest  sympathy  of  politi 
cal  views.  An  advocate  of  popular  education,  of  American  industry, 
and  of  internal  improvement,  abhorring  slavery  in  every  form,  and  rest 
less  under  the  system  of  intrigue  by  which  the  Republican  party  at 
that  day  sought  to  maintain  itself  in  power,  bent  on  breaking  up  the 
combination  between  a  subservient  party  in  the  North  and  the  slave 
power  of  the  South,  he  became  a  personal  friend  and  a  political  ally. 
That  relation  remained  through  long  years  thereafter.  Judge  McLean, 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  was  an  aspirant  to  the 
presidency,  and  was  understood  not  to  be  unwilling  to  accept  the  sup 
port  of  the  new  party.  But  we  wisely  decided  to  confine  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  convention  to  measures  adapted  to  the  dissemination  of  our 
principles.  Francis  Granger,  our  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  York, 
was  president  of  the  convention.  Our  principles,  of  course,  were  set 
forth  in  an  elaborate  address  which  came  from  the  pen  of  Myron  Holley, 
a  ripe  and  eminent  scholar  and  statesman,  long  connected  with  the 
politics  of  the  State  of  New  York.  It  devolved  upon  me  in  this  con 
vention,  as  it  had  done  in  the  Utica  State  Convention,  to  embody  the 
party  creed  in  the  shape  of  resolutions,  and  to  illustrate  and  enforce  it 
in  debate. 

When  the  convention  assembled,  its  application  for  leave  to  sit  in 
Independence  Hall  was  rejected.  The  dignity  and  ability  manifested 
in  its  proceedings  caused  this  refusal  to  be  regretted,  and  it  was  soon 
seen  that  the  Antimasonic  party  was  likely  to  become  a  power  in  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania. 

Hitherto  I  had  only  regarded  my  political  attitude  and  proceedings 
for  the  maintenance  and  inculcation  of  cherished  political  sentiments 
as  being  without  considerations  of  personal  advantage.  I  was  now  to 
experience  a  change  in  that  respect.  While  stopping  at  Albany,  on 
my  way  to  attend  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  Thurlow  Weed,  for  the 
first  time,  made  some  friendly  but  earnest  inquiries  concerning  my 
pecuniary  ability,  whether  it  was  sufficient  to  enable  me  to  give  a  por- 


80  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

tion  of  my  time  to  public  office.  When  I  answered  my  ability  was 
sufficient,  but  I  had  neither  expectation  nor  wish  for  office,  he  replied 
that  he  had  learned  from  my  district  enough  to  induce  him  to  think  it 
possible  that  the  party  there  might  desire  my  nomination  to  the  Senate. 
Giving  no  special  thought  to  this  matter,  I  proceeded  to  Philadelphia. 
On  my  return  from  the  convention,  and  stopping"  overnight  at  Bordeii- 
town,  I  found  by  the  newspapers  that  I  had  been  nominated,  by  my 
political  friends,  as  candidate  for  Senator  of  the  seventh  district  of 
New  York. 

The  faction  of  "  Working-men,"  in  the  counties  east  of  the  Cayuga 
Lake,  gave  me  an  earnest  and  vigorous  support,  while  the  Antimasons 
in  the  western  part  of  the  district,  cheered  by  the  hope  of  success, 
rallied  with  more  enthusiasm  than  at  previous  elections,  and  I  was  re 
turned  for  that  office  by  a  majority  of  two  thousand  in  the  district,  of 
which  my  own  county  gave  seventeen.  This  success,  however,  was  not 
maintained  throughout  the  State.  The  Democratic  State  ticket  pre 
vailed,  and  Enos  T.  Throop  became  Governor  of  the  State  by  a  majority 
of  8,481,  and  Edward  P.  Livingston,  Lieutenant-Governor. 

Antimasonic  Senators  were  chosen  in  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth 
districts,  and  "Jackson"  Senators,  as  they  were  then  called,  in  the 
other  five  districts.  In  the  Assembly,  thirty  of  the  one  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  members  were  Antimasons. 

My  return  to  the  Senate  involved  a  change  in  my  domestic  life. 
My  second  son,  Frederick  W.  Seward,  was  born  on  July  8,  1830,  in  the 
new  house  on  South  Street,  which  I  had  bought  in  the  spring.  I  closed 
that  dwelling  for  the  winter,  which  I  was  to  spend  at  the  State  capital, 
and  in  the  last  days  of  December,  leaving  my  wife  and  two  children 
with  her  father,  proceeded  to  Albany  by  stage. 


1831. 

Legislative  Life.— First   Experience  in  Debate.— Militia  Keform.— A  Dream  of  William 
Morgan.— Albert  H.  Tracy.— William  H.  Maynard.— N.  P.  Tallmadge.— Imprisonment 

for  Debt. — Calhoun  and  Van  Buren. — General  Jackson  and  the  United  States  Bank. 

Breaking  up  of  the  Cabinet.— The    "  Albany  Regency."— The    Richmond  Junto.— 
National  Policy. 

THE  Legislature  of  New  York  had  not  then  exactly  the  same  consti 
tution  that  it  has  now.  There  were,  indeed,  thirty-two  Senators  then, 
as  there  are  now  under  the  constitution  of  1846,  but,  for  the  choice  of 
these  Senators,  the  State  was  then  divided  into  eight  senatorial  districts, 
each  sending  four  Senators,  one  of  whom  was  elected  each  year,  to  hold 
for  four  years  thereafter.  Senators  are  now  elected  in  thirty-two  sepa- 


1831.]  LEGISLATIVE   LIFE.  gl 

rate  senatorial  districts,  to  hold  two  years,  and  consequently  a  senato 
rial  election  is  held  every  other  year  throughout  the  State. 

The  Senate  of  New  York  had  acquired  and  maintained,  under  the 
first  State  constitution,  which  continued  from  1778  to  !821,  a  very 
high  prestige  by  reason  of  the  elevated  character  of  its  members,  not 
to  speak  of  the  greater  importance  which  the  several  States  had,  pre 
ceding  and  during  the  early  years  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  This 
prestige  was  rendered  the  more  enviable  because  the  constitution  of 
the  Senate,  like  its  prototype,  the  House  of  Lords  in  England,  was, 
under  the  first  two  constitutions  of  the  State,  a  court  for  the  "  Trial  of 
Impeachments,"  and  for  the  "  Correction  of  Errors,"  that  might  be 
committed  by  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  Court  of  Chancery,  as  well 
as  all  inferior  tribunals.  This  high  prestige  had  not  yet  been  impaired, 
and  it  was  a  flattery  often  addressed  to  me,  that  I  had  become,  at  so 
early  an  age,  a  member  of  the  legislative  body  so  distinguished  and 
potential. 

The  House  of  Assembly  has  also  undergone  a  constitutional  change 
since  that  period.  Though  it  consists  of  the  same  number  of  members, 
one  hundred  and  twenty -eight,  as  before,  and  they  hold  their  office  for 
the  same  term  of  one  year,  they  are  now  chosen  in  separate  Assembly 
districts,  and  not,  as  then,  by  counties. 

In  many  respects  I  found  this  eminent  position  very  gratifying. 
Although  a  large  portion  of  legislative  action  then,  as  now,  related  to 
personal  claims  and  local  questions,  yet  the  municipal  laws  involving 
the  rights  of  the  citizens,  and  affecting  life,  liberty,  and  property,  were 
all  the  while  undergoing  modification  and  improvement.  The  fiscal 
policy  of  the  State  was  a  profound  and  important  study.  Education 
and  internal  improvement  were  subjects  worthy  the  consideration  of 
generous  and  enlarged  minds.  Even  the  broader  and  more  comprehen 
sive  questions  of  general  policy,  and  those  arising  out  of  unsettled 
debates  on  the  construction  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
came  down  to  the  State  Legislatures  for  deliberation  and  discussion, 
which  exerted  a  great  influence  upon  the  ultimate  decision  of  Congress. 
The  judicial  responsibilities  of  the  Senate  especially  fascinated  me.  I 
listened  to  great  men,  who  argued  great  questions  of  law  and  equity, 
and  I  cast  a  vote,  as  a  judge,  in  determining  controversies  and  estab 
lishing  principles  fundamental  in  the  administration  of  justice.  The 
personal  associations  of  the  place  were  attractive.  I  had  risen  above 
the  local  jealousies  of  provincial  towns  and  communities,  but,  while 
party  spirit  was  not  less  earnestly  exhibited  by  my  associates  in  the 
Senate,  it  was  tempered  generally  with  moderation  and  courtesy. 

Only  one  sadness  overclouded  this  new  and  elevated  position. 
Every  other  member  of  the  Senate,  in  my  view,  had  the  knowledge 
and  ability  which  the  station  required.  On  the  other  hand,  I  had  a 
6 


82  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

painful  sense  of  incompetency.  It  seemed  to  me  that  while  the  people 
had  exercised  due  deliberation  and  judgment  in  preferring  the  thirty- 
one  Senators  by  whom  I  was  surrounded,  I  had  been  sent  there  without 
popular  thoughtfulness  or  reflection.  At  first  it  amazed  me  to  see  my 
associates  on  every  side  of  the  House  rise,  and,  without  embarrassment, 
submit  projects  of  laws  and  debate  political  questions  without  showing 
any  want  of  firmness  in  their  posture,  or  embarrassment  of  speech, 
while  my  own  knees  smote  each  other  and  my  tongue  clave  to  the  roof 
of  my  mouth  whenever  I  thought  of  taking  the  floor.  Reflecting  on 
this  difficulty,  I  did  not  fail  to  perceive  that  either  I  must  debate  and 
(act  to  the  extent  with  which  my  immediate  constituents  would  be  satis- 
Vied,  or  that  my  election  would  prove,  not  merely  a  failure,  but  a  re- 
broach  ;  and  that  the  difficulty  in  the  way  of  such  success  might  be 
|  found  to  be  chiefly  in  the  beginning.  I  considered  what  subject  I 
could  choose  with  the  best  hope  of  treating  it  intelligibly,  without  pro- 
1  voking  a  debate,  which  I  should  not  have  courage  or  ability  to  main- 
\tain. 

The  popularity  of  the  militia  system,  which  had  come  down  to  us 
from  the  Revolution,  was  now  at  its  lowest  ebb  ;  and  it  was  proposed 
to  render  the  system  a  merely  nominal  one  by  requiring  a  paper  enroll 
ment,  with  a  single  annual  parade.  Thin  wm  QjTQr^fj^J^  a  prjrHpIp 
whieh  I  had  combated^\vith-zeai--Tiiid--pr^^  earliest 

experience  ofpttfeKa  affairs. 

When,  inJ.SGljJJ'te  Executive  Administration  at  Washington  found 
themselves  confronted  by  a  gigantic  rebellion,  with  only  fifteen  or 
twenty  regiments  to  meet  it,  and  obliged,  in  the  first  instance,  to  sustain 
itself  by  calling  out  the  militia,  it  was  an  occasion  of  some  self-satis 
faction  that  the  first  labored  duty  of  my  official  life  at  Albany  had  been 
to  direct  the  attention  of  the  country  to  the  utter  defectiveness  of  the 
militia  system,  and  to  the  necessity  for  revising  it  and  adapting  it,  in 
view  of  an  exigency  which,  so  long  before,  I  had  foreseen,  and  which 
now  involved  the  fate  of  the  republic. 

I  prepared  an  amendment  to  the  bill,  wrote  a  short  speech  in  sup 
port  of  the  amendment,  committed  it  to  memory  as  well  as  I  could,  and 
delivered  it,  or  as  much  of  it  as  I  could  remember,  but  scarcely  under 
standing,  when  I  sat  down,  what  the  Republican  or  Masonic  Senator 
who  replied  to  me  had  said.  Certainly,  I  thought  at  the  time  that  he 
had  spoken  better  than  I  had,  and  probably  had  the  right  side  of  the 
question.  Having  nothing  further  to  offer,  my  amendments  were  of 
course  laid  upon  the  table,  and  I  think  they  might  be  lying  there  yet 
if  the  Senators,  taking  pity  on  my  embarrassment,  had  not  paid  me 
the  courtesy  of  directing  them  to  be  printed,  a  motion  which  implied  a 
willingness  to  hear  from  me  again. 

During    this    initiatory    legislative    experience,    my    acquaintance 


1831.]  MAYNARD  AND   TRACY.  $3 

among  the  people  of  Albany  and  with  the  visitors  from  various  parts 
of  the  State  became  pleasant,  although  my  party  associations  exposed 
me  to  much  prejudice  and  depreciation.  The  representatives  of  our 
new  and  yet  small  party  were  continually  reminded  by  the  members  of 
all  older  parties  and  factions  that  ours  was  an  illegitimate  one,  that  it 
was  a  political  "infection,"  local,  though  contagious;  that  its  aims  and 
its  principles  were  so  unnatural  and  absurd  that  they  could  not  be 
honestly  conceived  or  entertained,  but  were  assumed  from  sinister  con 
siderations  altogether.  Especially  was  it  the  pleasure  of  the  adherents 
of  opposing  factions  to  represent  the  entire  tragedy,  out  of  which  the 
Antimasonic  excitement  arose,  as  a  fiction,  which  Thurlow  Weed  and 
his  associates  were  impudently  attempting  to  palm  off  upon  an  unso 
phisticated  community  ;  that  William  Morgan,  instead  of  having  been 
murdered  by  Freemasons  at  the  Niagara  River,  was  now  living  in 
Smyrna,  supported  by  the  funds  of  the  Antimasonic  leaders  ;  that  the 
body  washed  up  on  the  shore  at  Oak  Orchard  was  not  his,  but  that  of 
Timothy  Monroe  ;  that  he  was  not  abducted  at  all ;  and,  finally,  that 
there  was  no  William  Morgan — that  he  was  only  a  myth  ! 

I  amused  my  new  associates  by  giving  them  the  experience  of  a 
dream,  which  was  engendered  doubtless  under  the  warping  influences 
of  these  sarcastic  misrepresentations.  I  imagined  that,  in  my  new 
capacity  as  a  Senator,  I  was  entertained  at  dinner  by  our  late  candidate 
for  Lieutenant-Governor,  Stevens,  in  New  York  City,  and  surrounded 
by  my  new  political  friends  ;  that  I  was  called  from  the  dinner-table 
into  a  parlor,  which  seemed  to  be  a  private  one.  A  stranger  entered, 
who  was  short  and  square-framed,  with  a  full,  round  face,  having  a 
parcel  strapped  upon  his  back.  He  met  and  accosted  me  with  con 
gratulation  upon  my  preferment.  I  asked  who  he  was.  He  replied  : 
"  Do  you  not  know  ?  I  am  William  Morgan."  I  answered,  horror- 
struck  :  "  I  thought  you  were  dead  !  How  is  it  that  you  are  alive  and 
here  ?  Get  out  of  my  sight  !  "  He  hung  his  head,  abashed,  and  as  he 
coweringly  retreated  he  said,  "  How  strange  it  is  that  Weed  and 
Whittlesey  have  never  told  him  ! " 

William  H.  Mayiiard  was  then  in  mature  life.  He  had  great  talents 
and  extensive  information.  His  character  for  integrity  and  fidelity 
commanded  the  respect  of  all  parties,  and  secured  him  the  general  con 
fidence  of  the  people. 

Albert  H.  Tracy  was  a  subtile  and  ingenious  writer  and  speaker. 
He  had  come  into  the  Senate  the  year  before  as  an  Antimason,  under 
an  excitement  which  left  it  possible  for  none  other  to  obtain  a  popular 
vote  in  the  western  part  of  the  State.  For  some  considerable  period 
after  my  acquaintance  with  him  in  the  Senate,  he  betrayed  no  want  of 
zeal  or  confidence  in  our  new  political  association.  But  he  hesitated, 
and  finally  fell  from  the  confidence  of  the  party  when  it  became  neces- 


84;  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

sary  for  us  to  take  ground  against  the  national  policy  and  measures 
with  which  Mr.  Van  Buren,  the  leading  Republican  manager  in  the 
State,  was  identified.  These  were  the  leaders  of  our  small  minority. 

Among  the  majority,  Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge  manifested  all  that 
vigor,  earnestness,  and  ability  in  debate,  which  distinguished  him  after 
ward  in  his  brilliant  career  in  Congress. 

N.  S.  Benton  of  Herkimer,  subsequently  so  long  distinguished  for 
his  uprightness,  fidelity,  and  ability,  in  the  fiscal  administration  of  his 
State,  was  a  busy  and  active  though  not  popular  leader  ;  while  Henry 
A.  Foster,  of  Oneida  County,  displayed,  if  less  tact,  yet  great  forensic 
power. 

The  Legislature,  upon  the  complaint  of  Antimasonic  citizens,  of  the 
failure  of  justice  in  the  trials  for  conspiracy  and  murder  in  the  Morgan 
case,  had  directed  that  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  should 
preside  on  a  further  trial  at  Lockport.  William  L.  Marcy  had  presided 
on  that  occasion,  and  conducted  the  trials  with  such  a  degree  of  firm 
ness,  impartiality,  and  ability,  as  to  win  the  approbation,  not  only  of 
his  own  party,  but  of  the  Antimasons  throughout  the  State.  In  conse 
quence  of  this  success,  he  was  appointed  by  the  Legislature  a  Senator 
in  Congress,  and  thus  began  the  career  in  the  field  of  national  politics 
which,  although  considerably  interrupted  by  his  return  to  official  posi 
tion  in  the  State,  constitutes  the  most  important  part  in  his  political 
life. 

The  Legislature  this  year  made  a  great  advance  in  the  cause  of 
humanity,  by  abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt.  The  act  passed  re 
tained  imprisonment  only  as  a  punishment  for  frauds  committed  by 
debtors,  and  forever  prohibited  the  incarceration  of  debtors  who,  though 
unfortunate,  were  not  guilty  of  dishonesty.  In  the  constitution  of 
1821  a  large  mass  of  official  patronage  was  reserved  to  the  central 
Executive  power  in  Albany.  Deeming  it  important  then,  as  I  had 
before  never  failed  to  do,  to  secure  a  decentralization  of  the  political 
power  of  the  State,  I  introduced  and  urged  an  amendment  of  the  con 
stitution,  providing  that  the  mayors  of  all  the  cities  in  the  State  should 
be  elected  by  the  people.  This  principle,  some  years  afterward,  was 
incorporated  in  the  constitution  of  the  State. 

On  the  suggestion  of  my  early  instructor,  Dr.  Nott,  I  exerted 
myself  with  much  diligence  to  procure  from  the  archives  of  foreign 
governments  the  documents  tending  to  illustrate  the  colonial  history 
of  the  State.  Although  this  effort  failed  at  the  time,  it  was  some 
years  afterward  crowned  with  success. 

In  the  Court  for  the  Correction  of  Errors  I  delivered  opinions  in 
several  of  the  causes. 

The  Legislature  of  the  State  of  New  York,  although  constitutionally 
separated  from  all  connection  with  national  matters,  nevertheless  sympa- 


1831. J  BANK   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  85 

thized  continually,  and  often,  perhaps,  too  vehemently,  with  parties  en 
gaged  in  directing  the  affairs  of  the  Federal  Government.  We  have 
seen  that,  at  the  close  of  President  Monroe's  Administration  in  1824, 
Federal  politics  sank  to  the  level  of  a  mere  personal  contest  for  the 
Executive  succession,  in  which  the  parties  were  Crawford,  of  Georgia  ; 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Jackson,  of  Tennessee  ;  Calhoun,  of  South 
Carolina  ;  and  Clay,  of  Kentucky.  Neither  the  choice  of  Mr.  Adams  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  1824,  nor  the  election  of  General  Jack 
son  in  1828,  had  the  effect  of  closing  this  personal  scramble.  All  that 
had  been  gained  thus  far  was,  that  Mr.  Adams  had  been,  with  the 
utmost  labor  and  difficulty,  advanced  to  the  high  station,  and  dismissed 
at  the  end  of  his  term,  to  make  way  for  the  elevation  of  General  Jack 
son,  for  whom  a  reelection  was  vehemently  demanded ;  while  Mr. 
Crawford  had  disappeared  from  the  arena.  But  there  still  remained 
Mr.  Calhoun  and  Mr.  Clay,  while  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  entered  the  field 
as  the  legitimate  successor  to  Mr.  Crawford's  pretensions. 

The  friends  of  Calhoun  and  Van  Buren  yielded  to  the  demand  of 
General  Jackson  for  a  reelection  in  1832,  and  contented  themselves 
with  competition  for  the  succession  at  the  end  of  his  second  term.  Mr. 
Clay,  on  the  other  hand,  aspired  to  be  elected  in  1832,  and  thus  was 
opposed,  not  only  to  General  Jackson  himself,  but  to  the  two  rival 
aspirants  for  the  succession. 

The  strong  will  of  General  Jackson  was  equal  to  that  of  Cromwell. 
The  Republican  party,  which  had  triumphed  in  his  success,  delighted  in 
his  prowess,  not,  indeed,  in  breaking  merely  images,  but  in  breaking 
down  institutions  which  came  in  conflict  with  popular  prejudices  and 
passions.  The  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  to  expire 
in  1836.  The  system  was  the  invention  of  Hamilton  ;  but,  while  all 
parties  had  heretofore  admitted  the  necessity  and  the  efficiency  of  the 
institution,  a  doubt  as  to  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  estab 
lish  it  had  existed  from  the  first,  and  had  not  been  put  at  rest  by 
the  authoritative  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

The  existing  institution  was  obnoxious  to  the  State  banks,  and 
especially  those  called  the  safety-fund  banks  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  which  desired  to  secure  for  themselves  the  pecuniary  profits  de 
rived  by  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  from  the  deposits,  transfers, 
and  management  of  the  public  funds.  The  Republicans  of  New  York, 
under  the  lead  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  encouraged  President  Jackson  in  his 
premature  demonstration  against  the  bank,  and  thus  raised  a  popular 
party  issue  for  the  approaching  presidential  election.  Mr.  Calhoun  and 
his  friends,  if  not  agreeing,  at  least  were  silent.  Only  Mr.  Clay  stood 
a  defender  of  the  bank. 

The  denunciation  of  the  bank  contained  in  President  Jackson's 
message  of  1830,  and  a  similar  denunciation  made,  by  Mr.  Benton  in 


86  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  furnished  to  the  Republican  majority 
in  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  in  1831,  an  occasion  which  they  quickly 
seized,  and  they  passed  a  joint  resolution  declaring  that,  in  the  opinion 
of  that  Legislature,  the  charter  of  the  bank  ought  not  to  be  renewed, 
and  about  the  same  time  they  nominated,  in  caucus,  General  Jackson 
for  reelection.  Not  at  all  sympathizing  with  the  movers  of  that  pro 
ceeding  in  their  designs,  and  entirely  unconvinced  of  the  expediency  of 
the  measure,  I  opposed  the  resolution  with  what  ability  I  possessed. 

A  temporary  gratification  was  enjoyed,  later  in  the  year,  by  those 
who,  like  myself,  looked  with  disfavor  upon  these  political  machinations 
of  the  rival  candidates  for  the  presidency,  by  an  explosion  of  President 
Jackson's  cabinet,  under  circumstances  which  were  calculated  to  excite 
scandal  and  disgust.  President  Jackson  had  called  Martin  Van  Buren 
to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  while  he  had  conferred  the  offices  of 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  Attorney- 
General,  upon  Messrs.  Ingham,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Branch,  of  North 
Carolina  ;  and  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  three  avowed  friends  of  Mr.  Calhoun, 
and  understood  to  favor  his  nomination  at  the  earliest  possible  day  for 
the  presidency.  The  office  of  Secretary  of  War  was  filled  by  John  H. 
Eaton,  of  Tennessee,  a  personal  friend  and  devotee  of  the  President. 
General  Jackson,  discovering  that  the  wives  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  Attorney-General,  did  not 
exchange  visits  of  ceremony  with  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  War, 
called  upon  the  Secretaries  to  redress  that  grievance.  When  it  was 
answered  that  the  objection  of  those  ladies  was,  that  a  cloud  was  rest 
ing  on  the  character  of  Mrs.  Eaton,  and  that,  in  any  case,  the  question 
which  the  President  had  raised  was  a  social  one,  and  not  at  all  a  politi 
cal  or  official  one,  he  persisted  in  demanding  that  the  offending  ladies 
should  reciprocate  courtesies  and  hospitalities  with  Mrs.  Eaton,  as  a 
public  proof  of  the  harmony  of  his  cabinet,  under  the  penalty  of  the 
retirement  of  their  husbands  from  office.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  however  un 
happily  for  himself  in  other  respects,  was  fortunate  on  this  occasion  in 
being  unmarried,  so  that  he  escaped  the  censure  of  the  President.  The 
three  cabinet  officers  whose  wives  had  offended,  accepted  the  penalty 
and  retired  from  office,  leaving  the  President  at  liberty  to  constitute  a 
new  cabinet,  which,  as  he  said,  should  be  a  unit.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
appointed  minister  to  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Eaton  was  appointed  minis 
ter  to  Spain.  An  alienation  occurred  between  Mr.  Calhoun  on  the  one 
side  and  the  President  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  on  the  other.  This  aliena 
tion  was  afterward  to  produce  great  and  serious  results. 

An  unusually  candid  State  historian,  Jabez  D.  Hammond,  has  taken 
notice  of  the  fact  that  Erastus  Root,  in  the  preceding  year,  on  taking 
the  chair  as  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  was  the  first  presiding  officer 
who,  in  an  inaugural  address,  recognized  his  partisan  obligations.  It 


1881.]  "STATE   RIGHTS."  gf 

is  perhaps  a  proof  of  the  low  level  to  which  the  public  sense  of  patriot 
ism  had  fallen  in  this  period,  that  this  proceeding  was  imitated  by  a 
President  of  the  Senate,  and  even  the  Governor  of  the  State,  in  1831. 

The  history  of  that  period  would  be  imperfect  if  I  should  omit  to 
state  that,  from  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  down  to  this 
time,  the  partisan  transactions  in  the  several  States  were  generally 
conducted  by  a  small  number  of  prominent  and  active  politicians,  who 
were  understood  not  only  to  determine  the  political  course  which  the 
Executive  of  the  State  should  pursue,  but  also  to  exert  an  overpower 
ing  influence  in  directing  the  political  course  of  the  Legislature. 
Whatever  party  prevailed,  it  had  such  an  irresponsible  committee 
always  at  the  State  capital.  At  first  it  was  called  a  "  Junto,"  and  by 
this  name  the  cabal  which  sat  at  Richmond  always  continued  to  be 
called.  The  similar  Republican  cabal  which  established  itself  at  Albany 
came,  after  the  year  1821,  to  be  known  under  the  name  of  the  "  Albany 
Regency." 

It  may  be  easily  conceived  how  these  two  irresponsible  bodies,  one 
exercising  its  strategy  at  Richmond,  the  capital  of  the  then  first  State 
in  the  Union,  and  the  other  at  the  capital  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
just  rising  to  that  eminence,  when  combined  together,  constituted  a  co 
alition  capable  of  exerting  power  throughout  the  Union. 

I  do  not  know  who  was  before  myself  in  taking  notice  of  the  power 
of  this  coalition  in  the  political  transactions  of  1824  and  1828.  I  saw 
it  then,  and  my  jealousy  was  excited  by  the  fact  that  it  seemed  to  me, 
even  at  that  early  day,  to  indicate  a  long  period  of  national  rule,  in 
which  the  anomalous  institution  of  slavery  would  be  protected  and 
strengthened,  inasmuch  as  the  support  of  slavery  would  be  a  condition 
on  which  Virginia  was  sure  to  insist  ;  while  a  concession  in  its  favor 
would  be  the  only  concession  in  the  power  of  the  "  Albany  Regency  " 
to  make.  I  think  those  who  may  take  the  trouble  to  study  my  politi 
cal  conduct  at  that  time  will  find  evidence  of  this  jealousy  in  all  that  I 
wrote,  spoke,  and  did. 

The  student  of  general  history  will  take  notice  that  General  Jack 
son  not  only  denounced  a  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  prematurely,  and  thus  made  opposition  to  that  institu 
tion  a  partisan  issue,  but  also  that  he  vetoed  the  bill  for  the  construc 
tion  of  the  Maysville  Road,  upon  grounds  which  denied  to  the  Federal 
Government  power  to  construct  works  of  internal  improvement  in  the 
several  States,  thus  offering  to  the  public  another  distinct  political 
issue. 

Thus  General  Jackson's  Administration,  and  with  it  the  Republican 
party,  advanced  rapidly  in  the  line  of  the  policy  of  "  State  rights." 
They  thus  became  a  party  of  obstruction,  while  their  opponents  had  no 
such  cohesion  or  combination  as  would  enable  them  to  assert  the  more 


88  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

enlightened  and  liberal  policy  which  the  early  statesmen  of  the  repub 
lic  had  adopted,  and  which  in  our  own  day  has,  though  in  the  midst  of 
many  national  calamities,  been  effectually  restored. 


1831. 

Oration  at  Syracuse.— Railroads  and  Canals.— Visit  to  John  Quincy  Adams.— Baltimore 
Convention.— Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  and  Chief-Justice  Marshall.— William  Wirt 
for  President. — Red- Jacket. —Samuel  Miles  Hopkins. — A  Warning  from  Virginia. 

ON  the  4th  of  July  I  pronounced,  at  Syracuse,  a  carefully-studied 
speech,  in  which,  while  I  did  not  fail  to  set  forth  the  peculiar  principles 
of  my  own  party,  I  exposed  and  denounced  the  tendency  of  the  times 
toward  the  dangerous  doctrine  of  nullification,  which  had  then  already 
been  boldly  avowed  by  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  adherents  in  the  slave 
States,  without  being  authoritatively  rebuked  by  any  party,  its  organs 
or  leaders.  If  I  remember  right,  this  was  my  fifth  exercise  of  that 
description,  and  each  one  of  them,  as  well  as  my  commencement  oration 
at  college,  was  mainly  devoted  to  the  same  important  theme.  Perhaps 
I  need  to  say,  in  explanation  of  the  frequency  of  my  speech  in  this 
way,  that  the  day  of  the  popular  extension  of  the  press  had  not  yet 
arrived,  nor  had  the  day  of  extended  reports  of  debates  in  legislative 
bodies  and  political  assemblies.  The  politician  and  leader  addressed 
the  people  in  the  pamphlet  form,  borrowed  from  England,  and  in  the 
4th  of  July  oration,  which  originated  with  the  Revolution.  Until  1830 
every  public  man  felt  it  necessary  and  becoming  to  speak  out  his  senti 
ments  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  the  practice,  though  it  has  fallen  gener 
ally  into  disuse,  was  still  maintained  in  the  Southern  States  until  the 
late  rebellion.  I  cannot  but  think  that  it  was  a  good  practice,  arid 
might  wisely  be  adhered  to. 

The  first  railroad  constructed  within  the  United  States  was  the 
branch  of  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad  which  extends  from  Balti 
more  to  Ellicott's  Mills.  It  was  opened  this  year.  In  the  same  year 
the  Chesapeake  &  Ohio  Canal,  a  worthy  rival  of  our  own  New  York 
canals,  was  opened  from  Georgetown  to  Harper's  Ferry.  My  earnest 
advocacy  of  internal  improvements  made  me  distrust  the  policy  of 
obstruction  which,  as  I  have  shown,  General  Jackson's  Administration 
had  adopted. 

When  the  Legislature  had  adjourned  I  gratified  a  long-cherished 
wish  by  visiting  John  Quincy  Adams,  then  in  retirement  at  Quincy. 
In  making  this  visit  I  had  not  only  the  motive  of  giving  to  that  emi 
nent  man  assurances,  little  as  they  might  be  worth,  of  my  constancy 
in  the  support  of  the  principles  of  which  he  had  been  the  exponent 


1831.]  JUDGE    McLEAN.  89 

and  advocate,  but  also  of  learning  from  actual  observation  how  far,  in  the 
capacity  of  wisely  maintaining  republican  institutions,  the  State  of 
Massachusetts  had  been  carried  by  her  excellent  system  of  universal 
education  in  advance  of  the  State  of  New  York,  which  had  adopted 
that  system  only  within  my  own  recollection.  Both  motives  were 
gratified.  I  found  Mr.  Adams  at  home,  alone,  and  intensely  engaged 
on  a  polemic  paper  against  Freemasonry.  When  I  used  some  words 
of  condolence  or  of  sympathy  with  him,  in  regard  to  the  cruel  injus 
tice  of  which  he  had  been  the  object  during  his  Administration,  he  heard 
me  through  and  made  only  this  answer,  "  I  have  become  callous,  Mr. 
Sevvard — I  am  callous."  His  vigor  and  resolution  astonished  me.  He 
was  at  that  moment  an  Antimasonic  candidate  for  Congress,  in  his 
district,  and  he  did  not  affect  any  want  of  determination  to  become  a 
candidate  for  the  presidency.  Long  years  afterward,  in  times  of  politi 
cal  depression  and  anxiety,  I  was  accustomed  to  recur  to  this  interview 
with  the  second  Adams,  and  to  derive  fresh  courage  and  vigor  in  the 
protracted  contest  with  slavery.  Mr.  Adams  vouchsafed  me  his  friend 
ship  at  that  time,  and  it  continued  through  his  life. 

I  attended,  as  a  delegate,  the  National  Antimasonic  Convention, 
held  at  Baltimore  on  the  26th  of  September.  The  convention  was 
respectable  in  talent  and  numbers.  Its  proceedings  were  peculiarly 
grave  and  dignified.  John  C.  Spencer  presided.  John  McLean,  former 
Postmaster-General,  and  then  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  residing 
in  the  State  of  Ohio,  had  some  time  before  this  been  quickened  by 
aspirations  for  a  nomination  to  the  presidency.  Some  kind  of  commu 
nication  on  that  subject  had  passed  between  him  and  my  friend  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  had  given  to  leading  men  of  the 
party  an  assurance  that  Judge  McLean  would  condescend  to  accept  our 
nomination  for  the  presidency.  All  that  was  wanting  to  secure  for 
him  a  unanimous  nomination  was  a  letter  expressing  his  willingness 
to  accept  it,  which  we  were  assured  one  of  our  members  would  receive 
from  him. 

Mr.  McLean  was  an  exceedingly  popular  man,  and  it  seemed  to  us 
that  his  name,  identified  with  the  Antimasonic  party,  would  secure  it 
consideration  and  respect  throughout  the  Union.  But — 

"  The  best-laid  schemes  of  mice  and  men 
Gang  aft  agley." 

The  expected  letter  of  Judge  McLean  was  taken  out  of  the  post- 
office  at  Baltimore.  It  announced  that  he  could  not  accept  the  nomina 
tion  for  President,  and  it  fell  as  a  wet  blanket  upon  our  warm  expecta 
tions.  Nor  was  the  affliction  rendered  more  comforting  by  the  reason 
which  was  assigned,  either  in  the  letter  or  outside  of  it,  that  the  writer 
had  learned  that  it  was  Mr.  Clay's  intention  to  be  a  presidential  candi- 


90  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

date.  The  convention  had  turned  its  back  upon  its  oldest  and  ablest 
and  most  distinguished  champion,  John  Quincy  Adams.  It  felt  that  it 
could  derive  no  strength  or  prestige  from  a  nomination  of  one  of  its 
own  well-known  and  practised  leaders.  It  needed  a  new  name,  not 
before  identified  with  its  history,  and  a  high  name  at  that  ;  and  no  such 
star  shone  forth  from  any  quarter  of  the  horizon. 

But  the  convention  was  an  able  one.  Its  leading  members,  John  C. 
Spencer,  Thurlow  Weed,  and  others,  were  not  only  energetic  but  in 
ventive.  While  more  youthful  and  inexperienced  members,  like  my 
self,  were  studying  the  parts  assigned  to  us  in  the  presentation  of  the 
claims  of  the  party,  its  principles  and  policy,  those  more  experienced 
and  practised  gentlemen  set  themselves  to  work,  inasmuch  as  we  could 
not  find  a  candidate,  to  make  one.  They  respectfully  waited  upon  the 
illustrious  Chief -Justice  Marshall,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  who  was  then  at  Baltimore,  and  upon  the  distinguished  and 
amiable  William  Wirt,  who  had  been  the  Attorney-General  in  Monroe's 
Administration,  and  who  then  was  residing  in  the  city.  They  opened  a 
correspondence  with  Charles  Carroll,  surviving  signer  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence. 

In  the  evening  previous  to  the  public  meeting  of  the  convention 
we  were  gratified  with  assurances  that  we  might  expect  the  attendance 
of  those  great  men  at  our  convention  the  next  day.  Accordingly,  the 
two  former  came,  and  the  day  closed  with  a  letter  which  Mr.  Wirt  con 
fidentially  addressed  to  the  convention,  in  which  he  declared  himself 
willing  to  accept  the  nomination  upon  the  principles  we  had  avowed, 
if  we  should  think  it  desirable. 

No  occasion  in  the  progress  of  the  Antimasonic  party  had  ever  so 
highly  excited  my  pride  or  my  enthusiasm  as  the  sanction  thus  given 
to  our  cause  by  those  two  pure  and  eminent  patriots,  jurists,  and  states 
men. 

But  it  proved  easier  in  this  case,  as  it  had  in  others,  to  find  a  new 

~"  candidate  than  it  was  to  bring  the  convention  to  accept  him.    Mr.  Wirt 

had  been  a  Mason,  and  a  large  party  in  the  convention  were  unwilling 

to  assign  him  the  place  of  standard-bearer  upon  a  -conversion  which 

they  thought  sudden  and  interested.  ^  Others  were  of  opinion  that, 

notwithstanding  Judge  McLean's  declining,  we  might  safely  force  the 

nomination  upon  him.     It  was  in  the  maintenance  of  these  opinions 

\       that  I  found  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  unreasonable  and  im- 

\     practicable.     It  was  assigned  to  me  to  combat  them  in  private  caucus. 

We  debated  the  subject  until  midnight,  and  adjourned  under  an  appre- 

V    hension  that  the  convention  would  explode  the  next  day  by  a  refusal  to 

nominate  Mr.  Wirt,  or  a  fatal  division  on  that  question. 

I  lodged  that  night  in  a  room  with  Mr.  Stevens.  When  I  awoke  in 
the  morning,  filled  with  anxiety  which  the  last  night's  debates  had  left, 


1831.]  RED-JACKET.  91 

I  was  surprised  to  find  that  my  fellow-lodger  was  entirely  calm  and 
undisturbed.  I  remonstrated  against  his  pertinacious  adhesion  to  Mr. 
McLean,  and  so  far  prevailed  with  him  as  to  obtain  an  assurance  of  his 
acquiescence  in  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Wirt,  if  that  should  be  the 
choice  of  the  convention.  We  repaired  to  the  hall,  and  in  an  harmoni 
ous  and  general  agreement  made  the  nomination  of  that  gentleman 
unanimous. 

These  proceedings  soon  secured  the  cordial  assent  of  the  party 
throughout  all  the  States,  and  Mr.  McLean  never  afterward  appeared 
as  a  candidate  for  its  consideration  or  favor. 

The  State  elections  which  occurred  in  November,  1831,  excited  very 
little  interest.  The  Antimasonic  party  held  its  own  only  in  the  sev 
enth  senatorial  district,  while  a  general  combination  of  the  Freema 
sons  of  all  parties  gave  to  the  Republican  or  "  Jackson  party  "  large 
majorities  in  other  parts  of  the  State. 

Eminent  citizens  who  had  before  belonged  to  the  National  Republi 
can  party,  and  who  still  adhered  to  Mr.  Clay,  made  arrangements  for  a 
National  Convention,  by  which  he  should  be  nominated  for  the  presi 
dency. 

I  now  found  that  my  official,  professional,  and  political  duties  rendered 
it  impossible  for  me  to  remain,  with  any  constancy,  in  my  new  home  at 
Auburn.  I  therefore  returned,  with  my  little  family,  to  the  dwelling 
of  Judge  Miller,  which,  with  his  leave,  I  then  began  to  enlarge  and 
embellish  on  the  plans  which  have  since  been  carried  out. 

It  was  in  the  close  of  this  year  that  the  preparatory  steps  were 
taken  toward  the  extension  of  the  projected  line  of  railroads  from 
Schenectady  through  the  centre  of  the  State  to  Buffalo. 

The  Oneida  missionary,  Kirkland,  Fenimore  Cooper,  and  others,  of 
an  humanitarian  or  poetical  character,  had  deeply  impressed  public  opin 
ion,  at  home  and  abroad,  with  an  idea  of  the  chivalry  of  the  Indian 
race.  I  had  occasionally  seen  Indians,  belonging  to  the  several  tribes 
which  anciently  constituted  the  Six  Nations  ;  but  they  were  all,  if  not 
mendicants,  vagrants,  ignorant  and  debased.  One  snowy  day  in  Janu 
ary  word  came  to  me  that  Red-Jacket,  the  last  renowned  chief  and 
orator  of  the  Senecas,  was  at  the  village  hotel.  Mr.  Miller,  my  father- 
in-law,  an  early  settler  of  the  country,  had  seen  Red-Jacket  at  the 
beginning  of  the  century,  and  during  the  negotiations  by  which  those 
Indians  ceded  their  possessions  in  the  State  of  New  York.  Mr.  Miller 
was  a  gentleman  of  imposing  presence  and  dignified  bearing.  I  at 
tended  him,  thinking  that  whatever  of  character  Red-Jacket  had  would 
be  brought  out  in  such  an  interview.  We  had  not  long  sat  down  in 
the  bar-room  or  office  of  the  tavern  when  a  large,  robust  Indian  en 
tered  the  room,  clad  in  part  in  our  own  costume,  but  with  a  blanket 
over  his  shoulders,  without  covering  on  his  head,  and  with  a  medal  sus- 


92  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1831. 

pended  on  his  breast.  He  advanced  to  the  bar  and  took  a  dram,  and 
then  took  his  place  in  the  centre  of  the  room.  Some  of  the  specta 
tors,  discomfited  by  his  glare,  rose  and  walked  around  the  room,  sur 
veying  the  Indian  central  figure.  He  looked  down  upon  them  com 
placently,  and  said  :  "  I  am  Red-Jacket.  You  may  look  ! "  This  was 
his  only  greeting. 

The  late  Samuel  Miles  Hopkins  was  a  most  careful  observer  of  men 
and  manners.  His  long  life  was,  in  fact,  contemporary  with  the  with 
drawal  of  the  Indians  from  the  State  of  New  York.  A  more  benevo 
lent  and  humane  man  I  never  knew.  When  I  related  to  him  the  story 
of  my  visit  to  Red-Jacket,  his  abrupt  reception  and  contemptuous 
bearing,  Mr.  Hopkins  said  to  me  :  "  We  may  theorize  as  we  please,  and 
do  all  that  we  can  for  the  Indian  ;  he  will  never  be  civilized.  Men 
of  every  other  race  are  practical.  They  will  conform  to  the  necessities 
of  their  condition,  and  to  the  customs  of  civilized  life.  But  the  Indi 
ans  have  now  been  our  dependents  and  proteges  two  hundred  years, 
and  yet  no  one  has  ever  seen  an  Indian  in  our  prisons,  convicted  of  any 
crime  but  one  of  force  ;  and  no  man  has  ever  seen  an  Indian  hold  a 
white  man's  stirrup  or  blacken  his  boots."  The  reflections  which  I 
made  upon  these  incidents,  and  others  occurring  in  my  experience  with 
the  Indian  race,  early  reconciled  me  to  the  policy  of  the  removal  of 
the  Indians  from  the  white  settlements  to  reservations  provided  for 
them  at  the  West,  which  was  at  that  time  adopted  by  the  administra 
tion  of  the  General  Government,  and  has  been  firmly  pursued  ever 
since,  against  much  popular  distrust  and  complaint. 

The  year  1831  will  be  memorable,  in  the  history  of  the  country,  for 
being  the  one  in  which  the  nation  received  its  first  practical  and  sol 
emn  warning  against  the  error  of  perpetuating  African  slavery.  A 
savage  outbreak  of  negro  slaves  occurred  at  Southampton,  Virginia, 
and  spread  terror  and  consternation  throughout  the  State.  Although 
it  was  suppressed,  and  the  revolutionists  were  executed,  it  left  it  no 
longer  a  matter  of  doubt  that,  if  the  Government  should  not  provide 
seasonably  for  the  removal  of  slavery,  it  would,  sooner  or  later,  be 
brought  about  by  the  violent  uprising  of  the  slaves  themselves.  It  was 
this  instruction  which  first  stimulated  me  to  inculcate,  on  all  proper 
occasions  and  in  all  proper  ways,  the  necessity  of  a  peaceful  reform  of 
that  great  evil. 

It  seems  strange,  at  this  day,  that  the  country  was  indifferent,  not 
only  to  the  warning  I  have  last  mentioned,  but  also  to  another  that 
occurred  at  the  same  time.  Though  less  fearful,  it  was  not  less  signifi 
cant.  Good,  earnest,  and  patriotic  men,  throughout  the  whole  coun 
try,  and  especially  in  the  slaveholding  States,  set  on  foot  a  plan  for 
the  ultimate  colonization  of  the  African  race  in  Liberia,  on  the  conti 
nent  from  which  their  ancestors  had  been  brought.  On  the  other 


1832-'33.]  RAILROAD   COMPANIES.  93 

hand,  fugitives  from  the  slave  States  made  their  way  through  the  free 
States,  and  established  a  colony  under  the  protection  of  the  British 
Government  in  Canada.  Although  these  two  attempts  at  African 
colonization  were  very  feeble,  and  served,  perhaps,  for  the  time,  rather 
as  safety-valves  for  the  escape  of  a  dangerous  element  in  our  society, 
and  so  did  not  at  all  disturb  the  system  of  slavery,  yet  they  indicated 
a  force  antagonistic  to  it,  which  might  even  then  have  been  seen  to  be 
irrepressible. 

The  result  of  the  State  election  of  1831  disappointed  the  sanguine 
expectations  of  the  Antimasonic  party  ;  but  it  at  the  same  time  showed 
that  they  polled  an  increased  number  of  votes  in  the  district  where 
the  chief  contest  occurred.  This  circumstance,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  triumphant  success  of  the  party  in  Vermont,  and  the  large 
increase  of  popular  strength  in  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and  some  other 
States,  furnished  sufficient  encouragement  to  continue  the  strongest 
possible  efforts  in  the  presidential  and  gubernatorial  contests  to  occur 
in  the  succeeding  year.  The  nomination  of  Clay,  made  in  December 
by  the  National  Republican  Convention  at  Baltimore,  on  the  other 
hand,  showed  that,  unless  the  Antimasonic  party  should  give  up  their 
candidate  (which  they  could  not  do,  inasmuch  as  Mr.  Clay  was  content 
to  remain  an  adhering  Freemason),  there  could  be  no  hope  of  effect 
ing  a  combination  of  all  the  opponents  of  General  Jackson.  There  is, 
however,  always  some  degree  of  uncertainty  in  calculations  of  politi 
cal  events,  even  for  the  shortest  periods.  In  any  case  duty,  as  well 
as  necessity,  for  the  time  required  perseverance  in  the  Antimasonic 
cause. 


1832-1833. 

Legislative  Session.— Banks.— Railroads.— Female  Convicts.— The  Canal  System.— Debate 
on  United  States  Bank.— Van  Buren  rejected.— Court  of  Errors.—"  Citizen  "  Genet- 
Visit  from  Aaron  Burr.— His  Reminiscences.— A  Long  Chancery  Suit.— The  Cholera.— 
Jackson  reflected.— The  Nullification  Movement. 

THE  sessions  of  the  Legislature  of  New  York  which  immediately 
precede  a  presidential  election,  like  the  sessions  of  Congress,  are  occu 
pied  less  with  public  business  relating  to  State  or  local  interests  than 
with  partisan  politics.  In  1832  my  position  was  less  embarrassing  than 
in  the  previous  year.  I  took  an  active  part,  though  not  a  pretentious 
one,  in  the  debates  which  occurred  on  questions  of  taxation,  revenue, 
management  of  the  public  funds,  and  other  matters  of  State  adminis 
tration.  Among  these  were  the  charters,  or  acts  of  incorporation,  for 
railroad  companies,  which  now  became  one  of  the  most  important  sub 
jects  of  legislation.  In  the  theory  concerning  railroads  which  I  held 


94  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1832-'33. 

I  had  no  following  in  any  quarter.  I  regarded  them  simply  as  public 
highways,  like  the  older  forms  of  thoroughfare,  to  be  constructed  ex 
clusively  for  the  public  welfare  by  the  authority  of  the  State,  and  sub 
ject  to  its  immediate  direction,  as  the  canals  of  the  State  had  been. 
And  I  held  that  it  was  right  that,  while  the  use  of  them  by  the  people 
should  be  as  free  as  possible,  it  should,  at  the  same  time,  be  subject  to 
such  charges  as  would  not  only  keep  them  in  repair,  but  afford  suffi 
cient  revenue  to  allow  of  the  extension  of  the  system  throughout  the 
State.  I  held  the  same  theory  in  regard  to  works  of  material  improve 
ment  by  the  Federal  Government,  applying  what  is  called  the  princi 
ple  of  "  liberal  construction  "  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

In  opposition  to  this  principle  the  opinion  universally  prevailed 
then,  as  it  does  now,  that  the  construction  of  railroads  ought  to  be  left 
to  private  capital  and  enterprise  ;  but,  as  there  was  no  sufficient  private 
capital  and  enterprise  to  be  so  employed,  the  Legislature  ought  to  in 
corporate  voluntary  associations  with  powers  adequate  to  combine  the 
necessary  capital,  and  provide  for  their  remuneration  by  the  profits  to 
be  derived  from  the  use  of  the  thoroughfares,  in  the  shape  of  tolls  or 
transit  charges.  The  associations  thus  invited  naturally  sought  the 
advantages  of  monopoly  and  of  high  transit-tolls,  with  long  terms  for 
their  enjoyment.  Yielding  the  individual  opinion,  before  expressed, 
on  the  general  policy  of  incorporation,  I  labored  to  exclude  from  rail 
road  charters,  as  far  as  possible,  the  privileges  of  exclusive  right  of  way, 
of  high  tolls,  and  of  long  duration  of  charters,  and  insisted,  whenever  I 
could,  upon  the  private  liability  of  the  stockholders. 

While  willing  to  encourage  banking  by  increasing  the  number  of 
chartered  banks,  I  insisted  on  the  principle  of  private  liability  of  stock 
holders,  and  upon  the  keeping  inviolate  the  safety-fund,  derived  from 
the  contributions  of  all  the  banks,  for  the  indemnity  of  bill-holders. 

Finding  that,  while  the  number  of  male  convicted  felons  in  the  State 
penitentiaries  exceeded  twelve  hundred,  the  number  of  female  convicts 
was  only  seventy,  and  that  all,  though  occupying  separate  cells,  were 
imprisoned  in  the  same  penitentiaries  and  subjected  to  a  common  dis 
cipline,  I  joined  my  generous  and  enlightened  associate  in  the  Com 
mittee  on  State-prisons,  in  proposing  and  advocating  the  establishment 
of  a  separate  prison  exclusively  for  female  convicts,  and  under  the 
superintendence  of  persons  of  their  own  sex.  This  humane  measure, 
though  it  failed  at  first,  ultimately  became  incorporated  into  the  peni 
tentiary  system  of  the  State. 

The  State  had  already  completed  the  great  Erie  and  Champlain 
Canals.  Before  the  invention  of  railroads  was  adopted,  it  was  manifest 
that  the  benefits  and  profits  of  the  two  great  works  of  improvement 
would  be  increased  by  the  construction  of  branches  or  tributaries  into 
distant  portions  of  the  State,  and  that  these  portions  of  the  State  could 


1832-'33.]  JACKSON    AND   THE   BANK.  95 

justly  claim  a  right,  by  the  construction  of  such  branches,  to  share  the 
benefits  of  inland  artificial  navigation.  Prominent  among  these  pro 
posed  branches  were  :  the  Chenango  Canal,  to  connect  the  waters  of 
the  Susquehanna  with  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk ; 
the  Black  River  Canal,  which  proposed  to  connect  Lake  Ontario,  through 
the  valley  of  the  Black  River,  with  the  Erie  Canal  ;  the  Oswego  Canal, 
which  should  unite  the  Erie  Canal  with  Lake  Ontario  at  Oswego  ;  the 
Seneca  &  Cayuga  Canal,  by  which  navigation  from  the  Erie  Canal  was 
opened  into  those  two  important  lakes  ;  the  Chemung  Canal,  which,  by 
connecting  the  Susquehanna  with  Seneca  Lake,  would  open  a  way  to 
the  coal-fields  of  Pennsylvania  ;  and,  finally,  the  Genesee  Valley  Canal, 
which  would  extend  similar  communication  to  the  sources  of  the  Genesee 
River,  at  the  base  of  the  Alleghany  range  of  mountains.  In  my  mind 
the  construction  of  each  of  these  proposed  canals  was  only  a  simple 
execution  of  one  entire  plan  of  inland  navigation,  which  either  was,  or 
ought  to  have  been,  contemplated  in  the  construction  of  the  two  profit 
able  canals  which  had  been  already  built,  and  I  never  doubted  for  a 
moment  that  the  system,  as  a  whole,  would  defray  the  entire  cost  of  its 
construction.  Unfortunately,  these  several  proposed  tributaries,  while 
being  urged  upon  the  Legislature  simultaneously,  were  presented  sev 
erally,  and  !n  rivalry  with  each  other,  by  the  citizens  of  that  part  of  the 
State  which  was  most  nearly  concerned  in  their  construction.  Thus  a 
deep  apprehension  of  the  ability  of  the  State  to  complete  the  system 
was  excited,  and  this  produced,  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature,  an  oppo 
sition  to  the  construction  of  any  one.  The  Chenango  Canal,  which 
promised  the  least,  and  which  I  believe  has  yielded  the  least,  was  the 
first  one  presented,  and  the  one  which  was  pressed  with  greatest  pos 
sible  urgency.  In  the  Legislature  of  1832,  as  in  the  year  previous,  I 
gave  my  support  to  that  project,  honestly  and  earnestly,  although,  of 
course,  it  was  not  unpleasant  to  me  to  find  that  the  support  thus  ren 
dered  by  my  political  associates  and  myself,  in  the  Legislature,  was 
securing  to  the  Antimasonic  party  a  liberal  consideration  in  the  Che 
nango  Valley.  The  majority,  however,  defeated  the  measure. 

Both  Houses  of  Congress  were  known  to  hold  majorities  favorable 
to  a  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  The 
bank — though,  as  has  been  mentioned,  its  charter  was  not  to  expire 
until  1836 — presented  a  petition  for  renewal,  misconstruing  the  Presi 
dent's  reserve  on  that  subject,  in  his  message,  so  far  as  to  suppose  that 
he  would  either  approve  a  renewal,  or  suffer  it  to  pass  without  objec 
tion.  The  President  was  not  misunderstood,  however,  by  his  friends, 
constituting  the  majority  in  our  State  Legislature.  Mr.  Dietz,  a  plain 
lay  member,  introduced  a  denunciatory  resolution  into  the  Senate.  It 
was  with  much  reluctance  that  the  majority  gave  time  for  debate.  Mr. 
Maynard,  our  leader,  however,  made  a  strong  and  able  speech  in  oppo- 


96  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1832-'33. 

sition,  and  I  availed  myself  of  the  occasion  to  make  an  elaborate 
and  exhaustive  argument.  We  received  support  in  this  opposition 
from  some  Administration  members  of  the  Senate,  and  from  Mr.  Granger 
and  others  of  our  friends  in  the  Assembly,  but  all  without  avail.  The 
resolution  passed.  The  act  of  renewal  passed  Congress,  was  vetoed  by 
the  President,  and  failed  ;  and  thus  the  issue  of  a  Federal  Bank,  or  no 
bank,  was  not  only  brought  directly  before  the  people,  but  was  brought 
directly  home  to  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York.  On  that  issue 
all  the  capitalists,  who  were  interested  in  our  own  combined  system  of 
safety-fund  banks,  were  brought  in  to  the  support  of  the  dominant 
party,  now  most  generally  spoken  of  as  the  "  Jackson  party." 

It  did  not  contribute  to  improve  the  position  which  was  held  by  the 
minority  on  this  issue,  that  the  bank  appeared  in  the  political  arena  by 
zealous  advocates,  who  were  charged,  in  Congress  and  in  the  press,  with 
having  their  interest  derived  from,  or  quickened  by,  fees  or  loans. 

In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  a  majority  was  obtained  by  the 
union  of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends,  Mr.  Webster,  then  prominent  as  a 
leader  of  the  opposition  in  the  North,  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency,  and  his  friends,  who  already  carried  their  peculiar  politi 
cal  tenets  to  the  extreme  of  nullification.  The  rejection  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren  as  minister  to  the  court  of  St.  James,  by  means  of  this  coalition, 
produced  the  effect  which,  in  common  with  discreet  friends  of  the  oppo 
sition,  I  had  anticipated.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  who,  if  he  had  been  left  to 
the  gratification  of  his  tastes  and  fondness  for  society  abroad,  might 
have  passed  out  of  the  thoughts  of  the  people,  was  pronounced  by  his 
partisans  not  merely  a  martyr,  but  a  martyr  to  his  patriotic  and  per 
sonal  devotion  to  the  "  hero  of  New  Orleans,"  and  came  home  to  im 
part  new  inspiration  to  a  party  that  was  already  sufficiently  emboldened. 

I  closed  my  legislative  labors  by  preparing  this  year,  as  I  had  done 
in  the  last,  the  expose  of  the  legislative  and  political  situation,  which 
the  Antimasonic  members  of  both  Houses  submitted  to  the  people.  I 
had  need  to  do  little  more.  My  speech  on  the  United  States  Bank 
question,  and  this  address,  were  favorably  accepted  by  the  minority 
throughout  the  State. 

The  Court  of  Errors  proved  still  more  agreeable  and  instructive 
than  in  the  previous  year.  In  listening  to  the  arguments  of  such  emi 
nent  lawyers  as  Abraham  Van  Vechten,  Daniel  Cady,  David  B.  Ogden, 
George  Griffin,  Henry  R.  Storrs,  Elisha  Williams,  George  Wood,  Ben 
jamin  F.  Butler,  and  John  C.  Spencer,  I  found  models  worthy  of  all 
emulation,  and  I  especially  learned  how  far  impersonal  and  unimpas- 
sioned  reasoning  surpasses  in  effect  all  attempts  marked  by  fancy, 
humor,  or  sarcasm.  Nor  do  I  doubt  that  the  commingling  of  juridical 
functions  with  legislative  duties  was  effective  in  elevating  the  senato 
rial  character.  There  are  generally  some  greater  men  in  the  Senate  of 


1832-'33.]  AARON   BURR.  97 

the  United  States  than  in  the  Senate  of  New  York,  and  such  states 
men  in  the  former  body  at  that  period  maintained  of  course  a  higher 
standard  in  debate.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  I  have  at  no  time  seen 
the  senatorial  dignity  and  decorum  so  well  upheld  in  the  national 
Senate  as  it  was  at  that  time  in  the  body  to  which  I  belonged. 

My  occupations  at  the  State  capital  brought  me  to  the  acquaintance 
of  Edmond  C.  Genet,  who  figured  in  the  period  of  Washington's  Ad 
ministration  as  a  turbulent  minister  of  the  then  newly-born  French 
Republic,  and  who  defied  General  Washington  and  divided  the  country 
in  his  attempts  to  embroil  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  the 
civil  wars  of  France.  When  dismissed  from  office  here,  an  offer  for  his 
head  was  made  by  the  Directory  of  Robespierre.  He  wisely,  there 
fore,  determined  to  remain  in  the  United  States,  married  into  the  Clin 
ton  family  in  this  State,  and  became  a  vehement  partisan  of  Jefferson 
And  George  Clinton.  Having  a  cause  pending  in  the  Court  of  Errors, 
he  sought  my  acquaintance,  and  treated  me  with  extraordinary  courtesy 
and  politeness.  It  is  due  to  him  to  say  that  he  did  not  change  this 
demeanor  when,  under  conscientious  conviction,  I  read  an  opinion, 
which  was  sustained  by  the  court,  adverse  to  his  suit. 

My  first  chancery  cause  began  with  the  beginning  of  my  profes 
sional  life,  in  1823.  It  was  a  defense  of  freeholders  and  bona-Jide  pur 
chasers  of  a  military  lot,  under  a  title  derived  from  a  soldier,  to  whom 
it  had  been  patented  by  the  State  as  bounty-land.  The  bill  was  filed 
by  a  lawyer  in  New  York,  named  Church,  and  was  based  upon  title 
which  bore  strong  marks  of  forgery  and  fraud.  Mr.  Church  conducted 
his  suit  so  negligently  that  I  succeeded,  in  a  year  or  two,  in  ruling  him 
out  of  court.  The  complainant  revived  the  suit  by  pleading  excuses  for 
his  default,  then  employing  Gilbert  L.  Thompson,  a  new  solicitor.  Mr. 
Thompson  was  no  more  effective  than  his  predecessor,  and  I  again  ruled 
the  cause  out  of  court.  It  was  now  nine  years  old,  when  the  complain 
ant  came  back  again,  now  represented  by  Aaron  Burr,  who  had  returned 
from  his  long  exile  and  disgrace  in  Europe,  and  resumed  the  practice 
of  law  in  New  York,  and  had  already  obtained  an  unenviable  fame  for 
success  achieved  by  suspicious  practices  in  desperate  causes.  Mr.  Burr 
desired  to  be  let  into  court,  and  to  reinstate  the  cause.  He  appeared 
at  Albany,  and,  by  a  courteous  note,  applied  for  an  interview,  which, 
of  course,  I  could  not  refuse.  He  opened  the  interview  with  expres 
sions  of  sympathy  in  my  political  opinions,  and  then  easily  digressed 
into  reminiscences  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  of  the  disastrous  attack 
upon  Quebec,  of  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  of  the  military  family  of 
Washington,  of  his  generals,  Greene,  Gates,  Lafayette  ;  of  Talleyrand, 
of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  even  of  his  own  great  rival,  Hamilton,  whom  he 
had  slain.  The  interview  was  held  in  my  family,  on  a  Sunday.  He 
suffered  no  passage  in  it  to  occur  without  addressing  some  pleasing 
7 


98  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1832-'33. 

compliment  to  my  wife,  and  all  the  while  held  one  or  both  of  my  chil 
dren  on  his  knee.  At  last  he  came  to  the  object  of  his  visit.  I 
thought  I  was  wary,  as  well  as  firm  in  declining  his  request  that  I 
would  facilitate  his  application  to  reinstate  the  chancery  suit.  He 
made  his  motion,  with  an  affidavit,  which  detailed  the  proceedings  at 
our  interview  in  a  manner  which  put  me  quite  in  the  wrong,  while  I 
could  not  successfully  impeach  it,  and  so  Mr.  George  Crowder  was 
reestablished  in  court,  with  all  the  advantages  he  had  twice  lost.  It 
cost  some  delay  and  much  effort  to  procure,  from  time  to  time,  persons 
in  New  York  City  competent  to  give  perjured  testimony  of  conversa 
tions  held  with  my  clients,  on  their  farms  in  Cayuga,  in  which  they 
confessed  away  their  title  and  their  rights.  And  so  Mr.  Burr  suffered 
the  same  misfortune  as  his  predecessors,  and  was  twice  ruled  out  of 
court,  like  them,  and  twice  came  back  again,  through  the  same  means 
of  affidavits,  based  upon  gentle  and  seductive  interviews  with  myself. 
I  do  not  think  that  I  derived  any  advantage  from  the  political  sym 
pathy  and  support  he  professed  in  these  interviews.  But  his  conversa 
tion  was  fascinating,  and  in  one  sense  instructive,  though  on  most  sub 
jects  prejudiced  and  insincere.  He  represented  Washington  as  being 
entirely  without  independence  of  character  and  without  talent,  and 
completely  under  the  influence  of  Alexander  Hamilton.  Burr  said  that 
Washington  did  not  trust  himself  to  write  a  billet  of  invitation  or 
acceptance  of  a  dinner,  and  therefore  employed  Hamilton  to  do  it. 
He  said  Washington  was  formal,  cold,  and  haughty.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  especially  admired  Franklin,  whom  he  represented  as  all 
suavity,  courtesy,  and  kindness.  He  described  him  as  more  eminent  in 
his  time  as  a  genial  wit  and  humorist  in  the  social  circle  than  as  a 
philosopher,  and  he  placed  Franklin  always  in  the  same  category  with 
Talleyrand.  While  he  conceded  to  Hamilton  great  talent,  he  repre 
sented  him  as  a  parasite  of  Washington,  unamiable  and  ungenerous 
toward  all  others.  When  I  referred  to  the  histories  of  the  Revolution, 
and  especially  to  Marshall's  "  Life  of  Washington,"  as  differing  from 
his  own  representations,  he  replied  that  the  histories  were  all  partial, 
interested,  unreliable,  and  false.  "  I  was  myself  present,"  said  he, 
"  with  the  army  at  a  skirmish  which  it  had  with  the  enemy  at  Mon- 
mouth,  New  Jersey.  Of  course,  I  well  knew  what  occurred  there.  I 
have  read  accounts  of  that  battle  in  a  dozen  different  histories,  and,  if 
it  were  not  that  the  date  of  the  battle  and  the  place  where  it  was 
fought  were  mentioned,  I  should  not  recognize  in  the  description  that 
it  was  the  battle  of  Monmouth  at  all."  He  was  severely  satirical  upon 
Jefferson,  who,  he  said,  he  verily  believed  would  have  run  away  from 
Monticello  if  he  had  heard  that  he  (Burr)  had  approached  as  near  it  as 
Alexandria  or  Georgetown. 

I  closed  my  professional  business  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  in  the 


1832-'33.J  A   POLITICAL   COMBINATION.  99 

year  1850.  The  last  argument  I  made  in  the  court  was  in  that  year. 
It  was  on  the  final  hearing  of  the  Crowder  cause,  and  I  am  happy  to 
say  that  the  decision  was  in  my  favor. 

The  Legislature  had  adjourned  on  the  26th  of  April.  The  Court  of 
Errors  had  appointed  to  hold  a  term  early  in  September,  in  New  York. 
The  cholera  made  its  first  visitation  in  the  United  States  in  the  interval, 
preceded  by  a  universal  panic,  which  was  but  too  well  excused  by  the 
great  mortality  that  followed.  I  was  on  my  way  to  New  York  when  I 
met  the  painful  intelligence  that  William  H.  Maynard  had  succumbed 
to  the  disease  in  that  city,  and  that  the  court  was  dissolved.  The 
event,  which  awakened  universal  sadness,  was  an  occasion  for  me  of 
excessive  concern  and  sorrow.  I  was  in  the  Senate  of  New  York,  one 
of  a  minority  of  seven.  Only  Mr.  Maynard,  Mr.  Tracy,  and  myself, 
took  part  in  the  debates.  Mr.  Tracy  was  eccentric  and  unreliable  as  a 
leader.  I  often  needed  protection  and  aid  in  my  attempts  to  maintain 
the  attitude  which  was  forced  upon  me,  in  fact,  by  the  entire  party  in 
the  State,  of  opposition  to  the  Federal  and  State  Administrations.  Mr. 
Maynard  often  led  the  way,  and  always  with  consummate  ability,  or,  if 
it  was  left  to  me  to  lead,  he  came  with  equal  ability  to  my  defense  and 
support.  I  was  thenceforward  to  stand  alone. 

It  is  needless  to  enlarge  upon  the  story  of  the  canvass.  Our  nomi 
nations  throughout  the  State  were  judiciously  made.  Our  State  Con 
vention  adopted  the  nominations  of  William  Wirt  and  Amos  Ellmaker 
for  President  and  Vice-President,  and  submitted  to  the  people  the 
names  of  thirty-six  electors  who,  if  chosen,  would  give  effect  to  that 
nomination.  The  ticket  had  at  its  head  the  amiable  and  virtuous 
Chancellor  Kent,  the  most  eminent  member  of  the  National  Republican 
party  in  the  State,  and  John  C.  Spencer,  not  less  eminent  as  an  Anti- 
masonic  leader.  Half  the  electoral  candidates  were,  in  like  manner, 
chosen  from  each  of  the  branches  of  the  opposition,  and  all  were  men 
of  distinguished  character  and  worth.  For  Governor  and  Lieutenant- 
Governor  the  convention  nominated  our  former  candidates,  Granger 
and  Stevens. 

The  "  National  Republican  "  Convention  followed  a  few  days  later, 
ratified  the  nomination  of  Henry  Clay  for  President,  and  John  Sergeant, 
of  Pennsylvania,  for  Vice-President,  and  recommended  to  the  people 
the  support  of  Granger  and  Stevens  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  together  with  the  same  electoral  ticket  that  had  been  recently 
submitted  to  the  people  by  the  State  Antimasonic  Convention. 

In  the  combination  thus  effected,  it  was  plain  to  everybody  that 
the  National  Republican  party  had  accepted  the  gubernatorial  candi 
dates  of  the  Antimasonic  party.  But  the  question  immediately  arose, 
and  was  pressed  with  vigor  by  the  party  supporting  Jackson,  which  of 
the  two  presidential  nominations  the  electors,  if  chosen,  would  vote 


100  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1832-'33. 

for — Wirt  and  Ellmaker,  or  Clay  and  Sergeant  ?  The  question  was 
earnestly  discussed,  but,  so  far  as  I  know,  no  public  explanation  was 
ever  given.  Perhaps  I  know  all  on  that  subject  that  was  known  by 
any  one  who  was  not  a  member  of  one  or  both  of  the  State  Conventions. 
In  common  with  most  intelligent  persons  in  the  State,  I  thought  the 
chances  about  equal  that  the  combined  opposition  might  carry  the 
State.  I  expected  that,  in  that  case,  the  electoral  votes  would  be  cast 
for  Wirt  and  Ellmaker,  unless  it  should  appear  from  the  results  of  the 
elections  in  other  States  that,  being  so  cast  for  Wirt  and  Ellmaker, 
they  should  not  be  sufficient  to  secure  their  election,  but  would  secure 
the  election  of  Clay  and  Sergeant  if  cast  for  them.  Political  secrets 
lose  their  value  with  time,  but  I  am  sure  I  am  betraying  no  secret  in 
this  case,  whether  worth  anything  or  not,  since  none  was  ever  confided 
to  me.  The  electors  were  not  to  be  brought  to  a  test.  The  election 
resulted  in  a  majority  of  thirteen  thousand  for  the  national  arid  State 
Administrations.  This  result  showed  that,  while  the  Antimasonic  party 
had  stood  up  with  its  former  majorities  in  the  west,  the  coalition  had 
been  ineffectual  in  the  eastern  counties.  In  securing  this  general  result 
the  Administration  party  derived  special  advantage  from  a  movement 
which  they  made  just  previous  to  the  election,  pledging  themselves  to 
the  people  of  the  Chenango  Valley  to  adopt  the  construction  of  the 
Chenango  Canal,  and  give  it  effect  at  the  next  session  of  the  Legislature. 

My  disappointment  in  the  result  of  the  election  within  my  own  State 
was  only  relieved  by  seeing  that  the  cause  had  been  even  more  signally 
defeated  in  most  other  parts  of  the  Union.  Only  six  States  dissented, 
in  the  electoral  colleges,  from  the  reelection  of  General  Jackson. 

There  was,  of  course,  as  is  customary,  an  earnest  and  thoughtful 
inquiry  into  the  causes  of  this  great  failure.  It  was  said  that  the  result 
was  due  to  the  ill-conceived  rejection  of  Martin  Van  Buren  by  the  op 
ponents  of  General  Jackson  in  the  Senate  ;  that  it  was  due  to  the  un 
fortunate  issue  joined  with  him  on  the  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  ;  and  due  to  the  unhappy  differences  which 
divided  the  opposition  ;  and  due  to  the  determination  which  one-half 
the  people  were  understood  to  have  made,  that  they  would  maintain, 
under  General  Jackson's  Administration,  the  protective  laws  then  in 
force  ;  and  due,  on  the  other  hand,  to  the  determination  the  other  half 
were  supposed  to  have  formed,  that  that  protection  should  give  way  to 
free  trade,  or  at  least  to  a  revenue  tariff.  I  looked  upon  the  matter  in 
a  light  different  from  all  these  speculations.  It  seemed  to  me  that,  so 
far  as  the  popular  mind  was  concerned,  it  had  discovered,  early  after 
the  election  of  1824,  that  it  would  have  been  fitting  in  that  election,  as 
an  expression  of  popular  loyalty  to  the  country,  that  General  Jackson, 
who  had  closed  with  a  brilliant  victory  the  War  of  1812  with  Great 
Britain,  should  be  elected  President  of  the  United  States  ;  that,  accord- 


1832-'33.]  THE   "PLANTING   STATES."  .  1Q1 

ing  to  the  popular  judgment,  this  error  was  corrected  by  his  election  in 
the  year  1828  ;  that,  according  to  the  same  popular  judgment,  an  in 
terested  opposition  appealed  from  the  judgment  of  1828,  and  demanded 
a  reconsideration,  and  that  the  result  of  1832  was  simply  the  reaffirrnance 
of  the  popular  judgment  of  1828.  It  was  this  view  of  the  subject  that 
determined  me  to  persevere  in  the  political  principles  and  sentiments  I 
had  adopted.  It  was  certain  that  perseverance  would  be  hard  enough, 
and  for  a  time,  at  least,  must  be  maintained  alone.  It  was  clear  enough 
that  the  Antimasonic  party,  by  this  fatal  defeat,  encountered  after  such 
long  and  strenuous  efforts,  could  not  be  rallied  again  to  challenge  po 
litical  power  in  the  nation,  or  even  in  the  State.  It  remained  only  to 
be  content  with  the  partial  success  it  had  had,  in  vindicating  the  laws 
and  in  exposing  the  evils  and  dangers  of  secret  societies. 

Nor  did  this  overthrow  of  the  National  Republican  party,  in  a  con 
test  in  which  it  enjoyed  a  virtual  alliance,  in  this  State,  with  the  Anti- 
masonic  party  in  the  day  of  its  strength,  warrant  any  expectation  that 
it  could  be  successful  at  a  future  election,  when  the  Antimasonic  party 
should. have  retired  from  the  field.  Nevertheless  I  thought  I  saw,  in 
the  early  future,  that  the  question  of  protection  to  American  industry, 
the  question  of  managing  national  revenues,  the  question  of  increasing 
the  power  and  extending  the  sway  of  slavery,  and,  above  all,  the  ques 
tion  of  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  national  Union,  would  remain 
open,  and  that  I  should  be  able  to  render  more  effective  service  to  my 
country,  on  all  those  great  national  issues,  by  preserving  our  independent 
attitude,  and  not  falling  in  with  the  mass  to  support  the  triumphant 
and  dominant  party. 

The  national  events  which  succeeded  the  reelection  of  General  Jack 
son  in  1832  were  of  such  magnitude  and  seriousness  as  to  cause  those 
occurring  on  the  smaller  theatre  of  State  politics  to  seem  unimportant, 
if  not  trivial.  Flushed  by  the  great  popular  triumph,  the  President 
gave  out,  in  his  next  message,  an  intimation  of  distrust  of  the  security 
of  the  Government  deposits  in  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  These 
deposits  had  risen  to  an  immense  sum  under  the  operation  of  the  tariff 
law  of  1828,  and  of  the  sales  of  public  lands  in  the  new  States  and  Ter 
ritories.  Thus  accumulated,  they  were  waiting  the  day  when  they 
could  be  lawfully  applied  to  the  discharge  of  what  remained  of  the 
national  debt,  and  it  was  already  seen  that  a  large  surplus  of  treasure 
would  remain  after  that  debt  should  be  extinguished.  The  slaveholding 
States,  then  popularly  called  "  the  planting  States,"  because  their  great 
staple  was  cotton,  within  the  last  twenty  years  had  come,  with  great 
unanimity,  to  the  conclusion  that  the  system  of  protecting  American 
manufacturing  industry  was  exclusively  beneficial  to  the  Northern  or 
free  States,  and  destructive  of  the  prosperity  of  the  cotton-growing  or 
planting  States.  It  mattered  not  that  the  North  and  South  were  ex- 


102  -  AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  [1832-'33. 

changing  their  original  grounds  on  this  great  and  vexed  question. 
Massachusetts  and  all  the  Northern  States  now  insisted  on  upholding 
the  "  American  system,"  as  it  was  called  ;  in  fact,  the  tariff  protecting 
and  fostering  manufactures.  South  Carolina,  on  the  other  hand,  at  the 
head  of  the  planting  States,  denounced  that  policy  vehemently,  falling 
back  on  the  ancient  legislative  resolutions  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky, 
which  declared  the  national  Government  to  be  only  a  compact  among 
the  States,  in  which  any  State,  when  aggrieved,  may  lawfully  declare 
null  and  void  any  exercise  of  Federal  authority,  and  may  even  lawfully 
secede  from  the  Union  in  case  of  such  grievance.  A  convention  of  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  was  held,  which  adopted  and  proclaimed  an 
"  Ordinance,"  in  which  they  pronounced  the  tariff  laws  of  the  United 
States  unconstitutional  and  void,  and  absolved  themselves  from  the 
obligation  of  those  laws.  This  bold  and  high-handed  proceeding  was 
promptly  met,  by  General  Jackson,  with  a  proclamation  in  which  he 
maintained  the  binding  obligation  of  those  laws,  denounced  the  ordi 
nance  of  South  Carolina  as  seditious  and  treasonable,  and  announced 
his  determination  to  execute  the  laws  and  maintain  the  integrity^of  the 
Union. 

Mr.  Clay's  popularity  consisted  largely  of  two  elements  :  one,  that 
he  had  been  the  leader  of  the  Administration  party  in  Congress  during 
the  War  of  1812  ;  and  the  other  that  he  was,  above  all  others,  the  patron 
of  the  "  American  system "  or  protective  tariff.  Mr.  Clay  was  now 
elected  to  the  Senate  from  Kentucky.  When,  early  in  the  congres 
sional  session  of  1832-'33,  he  saw  the  integrity  of  the  Union  menaced 
by  the  South  Carolina  ordinance  of  nullification,  Mr.  Clay,  in  the  prac 
tice  of  that  versatility  for  which  he  was  so  preeminently  distinguished, 
conceived  the  purpose  of  averting  the  danger  by  a  legal  compromise, 
in  which  the  ground  of  protection  should  be  modified  so  as  to  remove 
the  complaint  of  the  planting  States.  Thus,  "  nullification,"  which  cer 
tainly  it  is  now  proper  to  call  "secession,"  when  it  first  broke  out  vio 
lently  was  met,  on  the  part  of  the  Executive,  with  a  defiant  declaration 
of  war,  and  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  the  Senate,  by  a  bill  of  com 
promise,  by  which  it  was  provided  that  duties,  discriminating  for  the 
purpose  of  protection,  should  altogether  cease,  and  that  the  existing 
customs  should  be  reduced  in  the  next  six  consecutive  years,  until  they 
should  uniformly  stand  at  the  rate  of  ten  per  cent. 

How  painful  the  reflection  is,  that  the  way  of  patriotic  duty  is  un 
certain,  like  the  navigator's  path  on  the  ocean — exposed  just  as  much 
to  winds  and  tempests,  or  unseen  or  misunderstood  currents.  Doubt 
less  there  is  a  purely  logical  line  of  policy  for  preserving  and  maintain 
ing  the  American  republic,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  each  of  the  two 
great  parties  is  animated  by  a  patriotic  desire  to  find  and  keep  that 
line.  On  the  other  hand,  we  cannot  but  see  that  it  devolved,  at  the 


1832-'33.]  SOUTH   CAROLINA   NULLIFICATION.  103 

close  of  the  Revolution,  upon  one  class  of  citizens  to  construct,  organize, 
and  put  in  operation,  the  Federal  Government.  This  class  necessarily 
became  a  party,  and  they  must  establish  the  necessary  institutions  and 
adopt  the  necessary  policy.  The  class  of  citizens  left  inactive  and  un 
employed  were  impelled,  by  a  natural  instinct,  to  question  and  oppose 
the  dominating  party,  and  so  became  themselves  a  party.  Differences 
of  opinion,  with  the  lapse  of  time,  became  wider  and  more  radical,  until 
each  reached  an  opposite  pole.  The  Federalists  feared  that  the  States 
would  sever  the  Union,  unless  it  was  fortified  by  the  assumption  of  the 
State  debts,  by  a  Federal  Bank  to  collect  and  disburse  the  revenues,  a 
protective  tariff,  and  a  mint.  These  institutions  being  established,  the 
Federal  Government  became  vigorous  and  effective.  The  entire  debt 
of  the  nation  and  of  the  States  was  on  the  eve  of  being  paid,  and  uni 
versal  prosperity  prevailed.  The  opposition  party,  during  the  period 
of  these  achievements,  were  acquiring  strength  and  boldness  in  assailing 
these  beneficent  institutions  and  measures.  They  sustained  Jackson's 
arm  while  he  struck  down  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  they  sus 
tained  South  Carolina  in  her  attempts  to  arrest  the  Government  and 
dissolve  the  Union,  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  the  relinquishment 
of  the  policy  of  protection.  How  could  a  patriotic  citizen  support 
General  Jackson  and  the  Republican  party  in  his  crusade  against  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  V  How  could  a  patriotic  citizen  withhold 
his  support  from  General  Jackson  in  his  suppression  of  the  South 
Carolina  rebellion  ?  It  was  in  consequence  of  this  distraction  of  the 
public  mind  that  Mr.  Clay  thought  it  wise  to  concede  protection,  for 
the  purpose  of  demoralizing  nullification.  For  my  own  part,  I  sought 
to  mitigate  party  spirit.  I  gave  my  best  abilities  to  quiet  the  dispute 
about  the  Bank  of  the  United  States — to  animate  the  Legislature  and 
the  country  to  support  the  President  in  repressing  insurrection  ;  and, 
while  I  could  not  follow  Mr.  Clay  in  his  line  of  compromise,  I  was 
silent  and  acquiesced  when  Congress  adopted  that  measure. 

The  passage  of  Mr.  Clay's  bill  inspired  Congress  with  new  courage. 
Having  put  the  incipient  rebellion  in  the  wrong,  they  came  with  great 
unanimity  and  courage  to  the  high  proceeding  of  arming  the  President 
with  all  the  necessary  power  to  suppress  it.  This  act  was  called  the 
"Enforcement  Law."  The  combined  measures  proved  effectual. 
South  Carolina  rescinded  her  ordinance,  and  secession,  baffled  in  this 
first  attempt,  retired  to  gather  new  strength  and  wait  for  a  more  pro 
pitious  occasion.  My  satisfaction  with  this  result  was  much  impaired 
by  the  discovery  that  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  while  they 
adhered  to  the  President  in  this  particular  transaction,  nevertheless 
practised  a  studied  reserve  on  the  abstract  questions  of  the  rights  of 
the  States  to  nullify  laws  of  Congress  and  to  secede  from  the  Union. 

In  addition  to  these  labors  I  performed  my  customary  task  of  pre- 


104:  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

paring  an  address,  in  which,  joining  with  my  associates,  we  gave  a 
review  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature,  and  of  the  State  and 
Federal  Administrations.  At  no  period  in  our  history  has  any  party 
ascendant  in  the  State  or  the  nation  been  stronger  than  the  Republi 
can  party  then  was.  Seldom  has  any  political  party  been  weaker  than 
that  to  which  I  belonged.  Perhaps,  however,  the  historian  may  ulti 
mately  find  that  the  small  and  then  despised  band  of  patriots  with 
whom  I  acted  were,  even  then,  preparing  the  way  and  gathering  the 
recruits  for  that  great  party  which,  in  the  culminating  struggle,  res 
cued  the  Union  in  its  supreme  contest,  and  established  it  on  the  im 
movable  basis  of  universal  equality  and  freedom. 


1833. 

First  Voyage  to  Europe. — The  Letter-Bag. — A  Lost  Sailor. — Liverpool  and  New  York. — 
Chester.— Scenes  in  Ireland.— The  Merchant's  Widow.— Emmet's  Cell.— Emigrants  to 
America. — Scotland  and  Scottish  Memories. — Edinburgh. — A  Grumbling  Legend. — 
London  Sights  and  People. — Seeing  the  King. — Malibran. — An  American  Charge*. — 
Joseph  Hume.— A  Day  in  Parliament.— Cobbett.— Peel.— Hay.— O'Connell.— Stanley. 
— American  Reformers. — Indians  and  Quakers. — Paganini. — Thoughts  on  leaving  Eng 
land. 

MY  father,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five,  although  retaining  all  his  intel 
lectual  vigor  and  much  of  his  characteristic  energy,  had  become  a 
valetudinarian,  and  determined  on  a  summer  voyage  to  Europe.  I 
cheerfully  attended  him,  at  his  request.  We  sailed  from  New  York  on 
the  1st  of  June.  One  cannot,  without  difficulty,  conceive  the  inferior 
ity  of  the  commerce  and  travel  of  the  period  to  that  of  the  present. 
New  York,  which,  counting  its  extensions  on  Long  Island  and  in  New 
Jersey,  has  more  than  a  million  and  a  half  of  people,  had  then  a  popu 
lation  of  only  two  hundred  thousand  ;  and  Liverpool  had  not  more. 
The  only  railroads  in  the  world  were  the  Liverpool  &  Manchester,  a 
small  section  of  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio,  and  the  Mohawk  &  Hudson, 
between  Albany  and  Schenectady.  No  steamship  had  yet  crossed  the 
ocean.  The  travel  between  the  United  States  and  Europe,  with  the 
exception  of  an  occasional  merchant-vessel,  was  monopolized  by  a 
weekly  line  of  sailing-packets.  Our  ship,  the  Europe,  belonging  to 
this  line,  was  deemed  a  monster,  as  she  had  a  tonnage  of  six  hundred. 
She  carried  twenty  cabin  passengers  and  sixty-four  in  the  steerage. 
Like  all  other  ships,  she  had  a  letter-bag,  and  when  we  were  approach 
ing  our  destined  port  these  bags  were  emptied  on  the  cabin-floor,  and 
the  letters,  five  thousand  in  number,  were  assorted  by  the  cabin-passen 
gers  according  to  their  address.  It  was  not  surprising  to  me  to  find 
that  far  the  largest  proportion  had  very  circumlocutory  addresses  for 
parishes  in  Ireland  ;  and  that  not  a  small  number  were  directlv  a,d- 


1833.]  LIVERPOOL  AND  NEW  YORK.  105 

dressed  to  his  Majesty  King  William  IV.,  of  the  United  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

Our  voyage  was  the  unusually  short  one  of  eighteen  days.  An 
occasional  calm  gave  me  the  opportunity  of  a  bath  in  the  sea,  or  an 
excursion  by  small  boat  to  study  marine  phenomena,  a  study  in  which 
I  profited  much  by  the  aid  of  a  fellow-passenger  who  was  a  dis 
tinguished  naturalist.  Small  as  the  volume  of  interoceanic  emigration 
then  was,  incidents  occurred  which  awakened  a  deep  interest  and  sym 
pathy  with  that  subject.  A  widow  woman  brought  her  child  to  the 
ship's  surgeon,  to  have  him  dress  its  face,  wounded  by  a  burn.  I  in 
quired  her  story.  Her  husband,  a  mechanic,  had  emigrated  two  years 
before  to  New  England.  A  fire  occurred,  in  which  his  house  and  shop 
were  destroyed,  and  he  los.  his  life.  The  wife  was  carrying  home  the 
bereaved  child. 

We  had  scarcely  left  port  when  the  first-mate,  an  experienced 
sailor,  directed  my  attention  to  one  of  the  ship's  crew,  a  dull-looking, 
clumsy  Englishman,  of  perhaps  twenty-five  years,  saying  that  he  had 
applied  in  New  York  to  be  employed  as  first-mate,  and,  failing  in  that 
application,  had  shipped  as  a  common  seaman,  and  that  he  was  not 
even  qualified  for  that.  .Lfter  being  out  two  or  three  days,  the  mate 
directed  this  seaman,  with  others,  to  go  aloft  and  furl  a  sail.  He 
climbed  to  the  top  of  the  ratlines,  and  was  unable  to  go  higher.  The 
mate  mischievously  insisted,  and  thus  obliged  the  man  to  expose  his 
ignorance  and  his  inability.  He  did  not  even  know  one  rope  in  the 
rigging  from  another.  He  was  permitted  to  descend  amid  the  derision 
of  the  passengers  and  crew.  A  day  or  two  later  the  sailor  was  seen 
toiling  amid  the  ropes  above  the  ratlines,  and,  when  we  asked  what 
he  was  doing,  we  received  for  answer  that  he  had  gone  up  on  leave  to 
try  to  perform  the  same  task  in  which  he  had  before  failed.  He  slipped 
from  his  foothold  in  the  ropes  on  which  he  was  standing,  fell  upon  a 
yard  arm  below,  and  thence  dropped  lifeless  into  the  sea,  the  ship  then 
going  at  the  rate  of  nine  knots  an  hour.  Among  the  large  crowd  of 
plain  and  humble  people  who  came  on  board  when  we  entered  the  dock 
at  Liverpool  was  the  sister  of  that  unfortunate  young  man.  She  had 
come  down  from  her  country  home  to  meet  him  who  had  thus  per 
ished  in  his  emulous  attempt  to  become  a  sailor. 

I  compared  the  magnificent  stone  docks  at  Liverpool  with  the  mean, 
rickety,  wooden  slips  and  quays  of  New  York.  The  painful  contrast 
still  remains  unchanged.  I  thought  I  found  the  scientific  institutions,  the 
charities,  and  the  cemeteries  of  Liverpool  superior  to  those  of  American 
cities.  They  have  no  such  superiority  now.  In  the  library  of  the  Athe 
naeum  I  turned  over  the  pages  of  a  British  magazine,  published  during 
our  Revolutionary  War.  It  excited  a  smile  when  I  read  an  account  of 
the  "  rebel  Congress  "  at  Philadelphia,  and  learned  that  that  treasonable 


106  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

assemblage  had  beer  brought  about  through  the  "  agitation  of  a  few 
leaders,"  among  whom  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams  were  the 
two  "  most  destitute  of  principle."  I  dined  with  William  Brown, 
founder,  I  think,  of  the  house  of  Brown  Brothers  &  Company,  which, 
although  he  no  longer  lives,  has  since  lost  none  of  its  influence, 
wealth,  or  hospitality. 

I  visited  Chester,  with  its  noble  cathedral,  its  painted  windows, 
quaint  walls,  and  monastic  statuary,  and  its  ancient  Roman  castle  and 
Caesar's  Tower,  now  reduced  to  the  "  base  uses  "  of  a  modern  armory. 
I  paid  the  usual  fee  to  the  housekeeper,  and  was  shown,  wondering, 
through  Eaton  Hall,  the  country-seat  of  the  Marquis  of  Westmin 
ster,  little  thinking  then  that  at  a  later  period  I  should  come  to  num 
ber  its  proprietor  and  his  family  among  my  personal  friends. 

We  crossed  the  Irish  Channel.  Of  course  the  passage  was  rough, 
and  the  steamer  narrow,  mean,  and  uncomfortable.  I  believe  that 
English  coast-navigation  has  these  discomforts  everywhere.  The  Irish 
passengers  made  advances  to  me  to  enlist  my  sympathy  in  their  hearty 
hatred  of  the  English.  I  found  the  Irish  porters  as  noisy,  and  the 
Irish  peasantry  as  poor  and  loquacious,  and  the  public  edifices  and 
streets  of  Dublin  as  majestic  and  melancholy,  as  they  are  usually  rep 
resented.  I  remember  even  now  the  disgust  with  which  I  looked  upon 
the  beautiful  Parliament-House  of  Ireland  converted  into  a  banking- 
house.  Among  the  crowd  who  were  waiting  in  the  vestibule  for  the 
bank-doors  to  be  opened,  I  was  shown  a  poor  woman.  She  was  a  mer 
chant's  widow,  left  entirely  destitute.  She  became  mad  with  the  idea 
that  her  husband  had  left  a  large  deposit  with  the  bank  for  her  support. 
Every  morning  she  presented  herself,  demanding  the  sum  so  necessary 
for  her  comfort,  and  went  away  astonished  and  sad  at  seeing  everybody 
get  what  he  asked  for,  while  she,  being  no  less  entitled,  was  always 
refused. 

I  had  already  seen  the  Mersey  and  the  Dee,  and  corrected  my  false 
estimate  of  the  English  rivers.  The  Liffey,  now  chiefly  used  for  sew 
erage,  was  altogether  disgusting.  I  attended  guard-mounting  at  the 
Castle,  among  a  crowd  of  many  thousand  spectators,  and  met  there  a 
son  of  one  of  the  jurors  who  convicted  Robert  Emmet.  I  attended 
him,  with  much  of  the  sympathy  that  we  bestow  upon  the  memory  of 
martyrs,  to  the  cell  in  which  he,  the  most  chivalrous  and  the  most 
unfortunate  of  the  patriots  of  Ireland,  was  confined,  the  court-room  in 
which  he  was  tried,  and  the  scaffold  on  which  he  was  executed. 

I  saw  a  curious  theatrical  entertainment  exhibited  on  cart-wheels, 
in  which  one  of  the  audience,  a  simple-minded  countryman,  interrupted 
the  performance  by  expostulating  with  the  clown  on  the  folly  of  his 
wearing  so  grotesque  a  dress,  and  playing  the  buffoon  for  so  wretched 
a  compensation. 


1833.]  SCOTLAND.  107 

My  visit  to  the  tombs  of  Dean  Swift  and  Stella,  of  course,  was  not 
omitted. 

The  rural  districts  in  Ireland,  seen  from  the  top  of  the  coach,  in 
stead  of  exhibiting,  as  I  had  expected,  beautiful  villas  and  neat  and 
comfortable  cottages,  seemed  the  abode  of  poverty  and  wretchedness. 
In  the  suburbs,  the  dwelling-houses  of  the  peasantry  were  built  of 
stone,  and  covered  with  thatch  ;  but  farther  in  the  country  they  were 
grouped  into  hamlets,  and  were  constructed  of  mud,  with  mud  roofs, 
and  only  a  bar  separated  the  different  compartments  occupied  by  the 
family,  the  cow,  and  the  swine.  The  most  cursory  glance  at  a  scene 
like  this  was  sufficient  to  disclose  all  the  evils  of  "  absenteeism,"  and 
to  show  that  the  only  remedy  was  emigration.  Indications  of  the  use 
of  that  remedy  were  all  around  us.  Placards  offering  passages  to 
Canada  and  the  United  States  covered  the  walls  in  the  streets  of 
Drogheda  and  Belfast,  and  the  deck  of  the  Maid  of  Islay,  a  mere 
tug,  which  received  us  at  Belfast,  was  crowded  with  squalid  men,  wom 
en,  and  children,  with  their  few  and  miserable  cattle  and  poultry,  bent 
upon  throwing  themselves  upon  the  shore  at  Glasgow,  even  if  they 
should  get  no  farther  in  the  path  of  exile.  In  this  visit  to  Ireland, 
made  less  than  forty  years  ago,  the  population  of  that  unhappy  coun 
try  was  counted  at  eight  millions.  The  effectiveness  of  emigration  as 
a  remedy  for  social  evils  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  the  Irish  nation  is  now 
only  four  millions.  All  this  while  a  convict-ship  lies  at  anchor  in  the 
harbor  of  Dublin,  to  receive  those  to  whom  the  privilege  of  emigra 
tion  is  denied,  except  through  the  gateway  of  crime  and  conviction. 

My  admiration  of  the  Scottish  people  is  excited  anew  when  I  re 
call  the  incidents  of  my  brief  visit  to  that  country.  Awaking  on 
board  the  steamer  at  the  quay  of  Glasgow,  it  was  a  pleasant  surprise 
to  see  that  every  vessel  on  the  river  and  every  inn  on  shore  bore  a 
name  which  reminded  me  of  the  genius  of  Scotland's  last  great  poet 
and  novelist,  Scott — the  "  Lady  of  the  Lake,"  the  "  Lord  of  the  Isles," 
"  Fitz-James,"  "  Waverley,"  etc.,  etc.  Even  more  honorable  to  the  dis 
crimination  of  the  Scottish  people  was  the  spirit  which  had  dedicated 
a  noble  statue  to  the  memory  of  General  Sir  John  Moore,  who  fell  at 
Corunna,  and  another  to  James  Watt,  the  humble  Scottish  mechanic, 
who,  although  he  let  the  invention  of  the  marine  steam-engine  escape 
to  our  countryman,  Fulton,  nevertheless  brought  the  invention  of  the 
land-engine  to  a  condition  of  perfect  adaptation  to  the  wants  of  man 
kind  ;  and  a  third,  more  colossal  than  either,  to  their  great  and  severe 
reformer,  John  Knox.  I  might  be  tempted  here  to  describe  the  city  of 
Glasgow,  with  its  streets  crossing  each  other  at  the  central  cross,  its 
dilapidated,  ancient,  and  lofty  structures  occupied  by  the  poor,  and  its 
new,  smaller,  and  more  convenient  dwellings  occupied  by  the  rich  ;  its 
Roman  Catholic  Cathedral,  the  only  one  in  Scotland,  perhaps,  saved 


108  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

from  the  vandalism  of  the  Presbyterian  reformers  ;  and  its  memorable 
battle-field  of  Langside.  But  a  citizen  of  the  modern  town,  compact, 
elegant,  and  extended  over  a  district  of  five  or  ten  miles  square,  would 
scarcely  recognize  a  feature  of  his  own  home  in  the  diminutive  Glas 
gow  which  I  saw  in  1833. 

I  may  record  it  as  honorable  to  the  Scottish  people  that,  although, 
under  the  influence  of  religious  feeling,  they  abandoned  their  fair  and 
chivalrous  queen,  after  the  catastrophe  at  Langside,  they  seemed  to 
have  come  back  now,  when  all  religious  asperity  has  passed  away,  to 
be  unanimous  in  vindicating  her  memory  from  the  suspicions  and  re 
proaches  raised  against  her  by  her  enemies. 

I  visited  Greenock,  practically  the  port,  and  Paisley,  a  large  and 
important  manufacturing  suburb  of  Glasgow  ;  examined  the  Grand 
Canal  of  Scotland,  which  unites  the  Frith  of  Clyde  with  the  Frith  of 
Forth  ;  the  rock  of  Dumbarton  with  its  castle  ;  traversed  the  beautiful 
little  Leven  Water  ;  revived  my  historical  and  poetical  reminiscences  of 
Scotland  by  an  examination  of  Bothwell  Castle,  and  Loch  Lomond,  with 
its  yew-covered  islands  ;  and  Loch  Katrine,  with  its  lofty  shores,  the 
Trosachs,  Callander,  and  Stirling.  I  wonder,  even  now,  as  I  recall  that 
tour  through  the  picturesque  but  barren  hills  and  valleys,  at  the  social 
caprice  which  planted  the  most  intellectual  and  enterprising  people  of 
Europe  in  a  home  so  cold  and  sterile.  If  I  could  revisit  Stirling,  I  should 
like  now  to  look  at  the  old  ruined  palace  which  the  Regent  Mar  built 
during  the  minority  of  James  VI.,  and  see  whether  I  could  now  decipher 
the  grumbling  legend,  even  at  that  time  almost  illegible,  in  which  the 
builder  recorded  his  protests  against  the  censorious  comments  of  his 
neighbors  upon  his  larceny  of  the  materials  for  the  structure  from  the 
abandoned  neighboring  Abbey  of  Cambuskenneth  : 

"  Esspy .  speik  .  furth  .  I  .  cair  .  nocht 
Consider  .  well  .  I  .  cair  .  nocht 
The  .  moir  .  I  .  stand     on  .  oppin  hicht 
My  .  faultis  .  moir  .  subject  .  ar  .  to  .  sight 
I  .  pray  .  at .  lukaris  .  on  .  this  .  luging  - 
With  .  gentle  .  e  .  to  .  gif .  thair  .  juging." 

The  geologist  reads  the  history  of  our  globe  in  the  strata  deposited 
in  successive  desolations.  How  often  have  I  thought  that  the  traveler 
reads  the  history  of  nations  and  races  in  the  desolations  of  successive 
dynasties,  conquests,  religions,  and  states  !  I  suppose  it  was  all  right. 
But  it  saddened  me  to  see  that  noble  old  Edinburgh  is  losing  its  own 
proper  national  pride,  its  proper  pride  as  the  capital  of  a  great  nation, 
and  the  glory  of  a  great  and  unique  people,  in  its  modern  loyalty  to  the 
British  throne,  more  zealous  than  even  London  itself. 

I  lingered  long  at  Edinburgh  ;  left  with  regret,  and  gave  up  with 


1833.]  LONDON  SIGHTS   AND   PEOPLE.  109 

reluctance,  at  last,  the  study  of  its  traditions,  in  its  dilapidated  castle, 
deserted  Holyrood,  Allan  Ramsay's  House,  St.  Giles  with  the  pulpit  of 
John  Knox,  the  dark  and  vaulted  tavern-cell  in  which  Burns  celebrated 
his  revels,  and  Salisbury  Craig,  with  its  noble  promenade,  and  the 
house  of  Jeanie  Deans,  embowered,  as  it  ought  to  be,  in  shrubbery  and 
roses. 

I  passed  through  Berwick-on-Tweed  into  England,  looked  upon 
Alnwick,  the  home  of  "  the  Percy's  high-born  race,"  examined  the  col 
lieries  at  Newcastle,  stopped  at  York  and  studied  its  noble  and  well- 
preserved  ancient  cathedral.  I  admitted  the  justice  of  a  monkish 
legend,  which  still  embellishes  its  walls,  although  I  did  not  see  the 

poetry  of  it  : 

"  Ut  rosa  phlos  phlorum, 
Sic  est  domus  ista  domorum." 

In  London  the  stage-coach  stopped  at  the  Saracen's  Head.  I  do  not 
now  remember  where  that  fierce  sign-board  was  displayed.  But  after 
a  drive  of  two  hours,  through  streets  almost  impassable,  we  found  our 
bankers,  Baring  Brothers  &  Company.  They  recommended  me  to  take 
lodgings  near  Hyde  Park,  which,  they  said,  were  three  miles  distant. 
"  Three  miles  !  "  said  I ;  "  that's  out  of  town.  That  will  never  do." 
We  compromised  on  Mrs.  Wright's  Hotel,  Adams  Street,  Adelphi,  just 
out  of  the  dust  and  smoke  of  the  city  proper,  and  from  which  most  of 
the  monuments  are  accessible. 

It  is  a  trait  of  the  English  character  that  intellectual  power,  in 
any  department,  is  accompanied  by  mediocrity  or  meanness  of  art. 
The  English  drama,  developed  by  Shakespeare,  draws  the  visitor  from 
every  part  of  the  world  to  the  theatre.  Co  vent  Garden  and  Drury 
Lane  were  dark  and  mean  forty  years  ago,  and  they  are  so  now.  It 
is  a  memory  which  I  would  not  willingly  part  with  that  I  heard  Mali- 
bran  in  "  Sonnambula  "  at  Covent  Garden. 

My  American  pride  was  humbled  at  our  reception  by  the  charg'e 
^affaires  who  had  been  left  by  Mr.  Van  Buren.  The  legation  was 
at  the  West-End,  on  the  first  floor  over  a  fashionable  tailor's  shop. 
The  charge  was  a  young  man  of  middle  stature  and  dark  complexion. 
He  spoke  English  with  a  marked  French  accent,  and  had  forgotten, 
if  he  ever  knew,  how  to  give  his  hand  with  the  cordiality  customary 
among  our  countrymen.  He  was  attended  by  an  American  youth  of 
twenty,  who  lounged,  during  our  interview,  in  a  damask-covered  arm 
chair.  Our  conversation  with  our  representative  was  cold  and  formal. 
The  chargb  seemed  to  have  no  interest  in  matters  at  home,  while 
prudence  forbade  all  allusions  to  political  affairs  in  the  country  to 
which  he  was  accredited. 

The  notes  I  then  made  might  have  served,  on  my  late  visit,  as  a 
guide-book  through  Westminster  Abbey,  the  Tower  of  London,  St. 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

Paul's,  the  bridges  over  the  Thames,  and  the  tunnel  under  it,  the  docks 
and  Windsor  Castle,  the  Royal  Academy,  the  Zoftlogical  Gardens,  and 
Newgate. 

Among  the  passengers  across  the  Atlantic  were  a  successful  Mas 
sachusetts  country  merchant,  named  Baker,  and  his  wife.  We  sepa 
rated  at  Liverpool,  and  I  saw  them  no  more  until  we  met  again  on 
my  return-voyage  from  Havre.  They  had  made  a  tour  as  I  had,  and 
we  compared  notes.  They  asked  me,  "  Did  you  see  Windsor  ? " 
"  Yes." 

"The  chapel?"     "Yes." 

"  The  palace  ?  "     "  Yes." 

"  The  pictures  ?  "     "  Yes." 

"The  forest?"     "Yes." 

"  Did  you  see  the  king  ?"     "  Yes." 

"  How  did  you  see  him  ? "  I  replied  that  I  had  paid  a  crown  to 
a  beadle,  for  which  I  obtained  leave  to  stand  at  the  foot  of  the  stair 
case  in  the  vestibule,  and  stared  at  the  king  as  he  came  down  from 
his  pew  in  the  gallery. 

"  Did  the  king  salute  you  ?  "  "  No,"  I  replied.  "  I  was  ashamed 
of  my  own  impertinence  in  staring  at  him,  and  bowed  from  mortifica 
tion." 

"  Oh  !  "  said  Mr.  Baker,  "  we  saw  the  king  better  than  that.  He 
was  especially  gracious  to  us." 

"  And  how  did  you  come  to  see  the  king  ?  " 

"  Well,  we  learned  at  the  tavern  at  Windsor  that  the  king  was  to 
ride  out  in  the  forest  at  four  o'clock,  and  that  he  would  be  in  an  open 
barouche,  with  outriders.  So  we  took  a  hackney-coach,  which  was  also 
an  open  barouche,  stipulating  with  the  coachman  that  he  should  point 
out  to  us  the  king's  coach.  There  were  a  few  private  carriages  on  the 
road  at  the  same  time.  As  we  came  near  the  place  where  we  were  to 
pass,  I  saw  that  the  persons  riding  in  these  carriages  bowed  when  the 
royal  carriage  passed  them,  and  his  majesty  returned  the  courtesy.  I 
was  so  fearful  that  I  might  lose  the  sight  of  the  king  that  I  rose  and 
stood  bolt  upright,  staring  at  him.  The  king,  thinking  from  this  ex 
traordinary  demonstration  of  respect  that  I  was  some  friend  or  sup 
porter  deserving  special  consideration,  rose  from  his  seat  and  stood 
bolt  upright,  looking  at  me.  I  bowed  quite  down  to  the  floor  of  the 
carriage,  and  the  king,  not  to  be  outdone  in  courtesy,  bowed  equally 
profoundly  to  me." 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  we  have  both  proved  the  truth  of  the  adage  that 
cats  can  look  upon  kings." 

It  was  my  fortune  in  London  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  Joseph 
Hume,  a  man  of  great  industry  and  worth,  the  leader  of  the  Radical 
party,  if  there  was  such  a  party,  in  Parliament.  Mr.  Hume  gave  me  a 


1833.]  A   DAY   IN  THE   HOUSE   OF   COMMONS.  HI 

place  under  the  galleries  in  the  House  of  Commons.  I  saw  and  heard 
Cobbett.  He  made  a  complaint  to  the  House  of  a  breach  of  faith 
practised  by  some  unknown  member  of  a  committee  to  which  he  be 
longed,  in  exposing  testimony  which  ought  to  have  been  kept  confi 
dential.  Knowing  the  vehemence  which  characterized  him,  I  was  sur 
prised  at  the  prudence  which  he  exhibited.  He  spoke  very  distinctly. 
When  he  alluded  to  the  publisher  of  the  testimony,  who  was  not  a 
member  of  the  House,  his  epithets  were  severe  and  coarse.  He  called 
him  "  a  spy."  When,  however,  he  reflected  upon  the  delinquency  of 
members  of  the  committee,  his  language  was  calm,  guarded,  and  quali 
fied.  Just  the  reverse  of  this  was  the  language  of  the  members  of  the 
House  who  replied  to  him.  They  were  respectful  toward  all  outsiders, 
intemperate  and  abusive  toward  him.  He  replied  to  all  at  once,  amid 
a  storm  of  disapprobation,  so  coolly  and  clearly  that  it  was  evident 
that,  though  sadly  in  the  minority,  he  was  a  man  of  vigor  and  power. 

Although  the  English  people  are  continually  disturbed  by  the  ap 
prehension  that  they  are  to  become  Americanized,  an  incident  which  I 
am  going  to  relate  will  show  that  political  changes  proceed  much  less 
rapidly  there  than  in  our  own  country.  The  House  of  Commons  (then 
recently  reformed)  had  passed  the  bill  making  important  alterations  in 
the  government  of  the  national  Church  in  Ireland.  The  bill  was  then 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  which  threatened  its  rejection.  The  popular 
party  were  insisting  that  the  king  should  create  peers  enough  to  pass 
the  bill.  There  was  a  motion  pending  that  the  House  be  called  next 
week  to  express  their  solicitude  for  the  fate  of  the  bill  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  adopt  an  address  to  the  king  if  it  should  be  necessary.  The 
motion  was  sustained  by  Sir  John  Wrottesley,  in  a  modest  and  well- 
conceived  speech.  A  member,  not  yet  of  middle  age,  tall  and  slender, 
neatly -dressed,  replied,  giving  vigorous  battle  against  the  resolution. 
He  dissected  the  mover's  argument  and  showed  that  its  facts  were 
doubtful  and  its  assumptions  unreasonable.  He  demanded:  "Would 
not  this  measure  be  justly  regarded  as  a  menace  to  intimidate  the 
Lords  ?  And  would  not  this  be  an  unprecedented  as  well  as  unwar 
ranted  attack  upon  the  constitutional  independence  of  a  coordinate 
branch  of  the  Legislature  ?  "  He  appealed  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
jealous  of  its  own  rights,  "  not  to  strike  that  fatal  blow."  Becoming 
impassioned  and  cheered  by  the  favorable  reception  of  his  speech,  he 
called  upon  the  mover  to  withdraw  the  resolution.  It  seemed  as  if  the 
bold  demand  would  be  sustained  by  the  whole  House.  This  speaker 
was  Sir  Robert  Peel.  His  speech  was  simple,  plain,  and  practical,  with 
out  pretension  to  learning  or  authority. 

Its  effect  was  destroyed  in  a  moment  by  a  much  shorter  speech  pro 
nounced  by  Colonel  Hay  (I  wonder  whether  this  is  the  present  Sir  John 
Hay  ?).  "I  think,"  said  he,  in  a  blunt  way,  "  that  when  a  bill  is  under 


112  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

consideration  in  either  House  of  Parliament,  so  vitally  important  to 
the  interests,  and  so  deeply  interesting  to  the  feelings  of  the  country, 
it  is  the  duty  of  the  members  of  this  House  to  be  at  their  posts.  We 
know  members  are  not  here  now.  We  know  they  ought  to  be  here. 
And  I  hope,  therefore,  the  mover  will  not  withdraw  his  resolution." 
This  speech,  warmly  cheered  by  the  Whigs,  restored  the  equality  of  the 
debate. 

A  member  who  sat  in  the  centre  of  the  hall,  and  had  a  sturdy  frame, 
and  a  broad,  Irish  countenance,  arose,  and  the  House  was  hushed  at 
once. 

"  I  hate,"  said  Daniel  O'Cormell,  "  all  kinds  of  hypocrisy.  A  re 
formed  Parliament  professes  to  be  the  friend  of  Ireland,  and  of  reform 
ing  the  oppression  under  which  my  country  labors.  This  bill  will  do 
but  little  toward  effecting  that  reform.  But  it  is  all  that  ministers 
have  offered.  Although  it  is  only  an  installment  of  what  I  want,  I 
don't  want  it  thrown  out  of  the  House  of  Lords,  because  it  is  all  that 
I  can  get.  I  want  now  to  see  the  members  of  this  reformed  House  of 
Parliament  here,  that  their  sincerity  may  be  tested.  It  has  been  said 
that  there  is  no  precedent  in  the  history  of  the  Commons.  How  could 
there  be  a  precedent,  when,  for  the  last  century,  the  Commons  have 
been  only  a  department  of  the  House  of  Lords,  their  nominees  and 
representatives  ?  They  dared  not  vote  against  their  masters.  I  am  as 
much  opposed  to  this  bill  as  anybody.  But  I  don't  want  to  see  it 
thrown  out  ;  I  want  to  see  whether  the  people  are  not  stronger  than 
the  enemies  of  the  people  ! " 

Cries  arose  from  all  sides  of  the  House,  sufficient  to  stifle  a  less 
resolute  speaker,  "  Why  did  you  vote  against  the  bill,  if  you  want  it 
to  pass  ?  " 

"  That,"  replied  O'Connell,  "  is  a  different  thing  altogether.  I  voted 
against  the  bill  because  I  wanted  a  better  bill.  I  hate  all  political 
hypocrisy.  I  voted  against  the  bill  ;  but  inasmuch  as  the  Government, 
as  a  matter  of  grace,  has  proffered  it,  I  want  to  see  the  responsibility 
of  its  defeat  fall  where  it  ought." 

Taunts  and  reproaches  of  the  speaker  for  his  inconsistency  seemed, 
for  a  moment,  to  reconcile  the  friends  and  the  enemies  of  the  nation. 
The  debate  was  continued  by  prosy  and  dull  speakers  on  both  sides; 
but  their  speeches  revealed  the  fact  that  while  the  Tories,  in  opposition, 
deprecated  the  measure  vehemently,  the  Liberal  ministry  and  their  sup 
porters  were  timid.  Only  independent  and  radical  members  gave  the 
measure  an  earnest  support. 

At  last  a  member,  apparently  about  thirty,  who  sat  opposite  to  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  obtained  the  floor.  He  seemed  too  young  to  grapple  in 
such  a  debate.  His  voice  was  musical,  but  feeble  ;  while  his  manner 
was  graceful  and  self-possessed.  Lord  Stanley,  Colonial  Secretary, 


1833.]  PARLIAMENT   AND   CONGRESS.  113 

afterward  the  distinguished  premier,  Earl  Derby,  presented  clearly  the 
true  state  of  the  question.  He  said,  with  great  frankness  and  courtesy, 
that  the  ministry,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  was  embarrassed  by  the 
motion.  If  the  Lords  should  reject  the  bill,  the  ministry  positively 
would  resign;  and  he  ventured  to  express  no  strong  hopes  that  the 
Lords  would  pass  the  bill. 

This  failure  of  ministerial  support,  for  a  measure  which  the  mover 
had  introduced  with  a  view  to  their  advantage,  brought  upon  the 
speaker  a  vehement  attack  from  independent  members.  It  was  then 
that  Lord  Stanley  rose,  and,  while  he  vindicated  the  ministry  from  all 
inconsistency,  exposed  with  scathing  severity  the  inconsistency  of  the 
assailants,  and  with  keen  satire  rebuked  O'Connell  as  "an  agitator, 
seeking  not  the  peace  or  the  advantage  of  Ireland,  or  the  welfare  of 
the  kingdom,  but  confusion  and  disorder,  destructive  to  both."  O'Con 
nell  replied,  more  vehemently  and  contemptuously  than  before.  The 
House  divided  ;  the  motion  fell.  I  am  not  able  now  to  recall  the 
result  in  the  House  of  Lords.  It  is  apparent,  however,  that,  whatever 
that  result  was,  it  left  the  state  of  the  Church  in  Ireland  substantially 
the  same  as  before. 

Sir  Robert  Peel  might  be  compared,  as  a  parliamentary  speaker, 
with  Mr.  Fessenden.  Lord  Stanley  had  the  versatility  of  Clay,  with 
the  chasteness  of  Calhoun.  Daniel  O'Connell,  with  the  fervor  of  Thomas 
Addis  Emmet,  had  all  the  boldness  and  vigor  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
but  without  his  indiscretion. 

I  do  not  now  know  how  it  happened,  but  when  the  chamber  was 
cleared,  in  order  to  the  division,  I  fell  into  an  anteroom,  in  which  the 
members,  as  fast  as  they  carne  out,  sat  down  to  dine  in  groups.  I 
found  them  social  and  communicative.  On  a  subsequent  day,  I  visited 
the  House  of  Lords,  but  the  Lord  Chancellor  was  not  on  the  wool-sack  ; 
the  House  was  thin,  and  the  debate  without  interest.  It  was  said  that 
the  Marquis  of  Westminster  was  to  give  a  dinner  that  evening  ;  and 
this  accounted  for  the  early  rising  of  both  Houses. 

Such  was  the  limited  observation  that  time  allowed  me  then  to  be 
stow  upon  Parliament.  But  it  was  enough  to  satisfy  me  that  dig 
nity,  decorum,  as  well  as  earnestness  of  attention,  all  are  promoted  by 
the  arrangement  of  the  chambers  so  as  to  bring  the  members  in  close 
proximity  to  each  other.  Neither  then,  nor  at  any  time  since,  when  I 
visited  the  House  of  Commons,  have  I  witnessed  such  listlessness  as 
generally  prevails  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  when  the  subject 
of  debate  is  uninteresting,  or  such  confusion  as  prevails  there  when 
debate  becomes  loud  and  vehement.  This  difference  must,  in  part, 
result  from  the  use  of  seats  and  desks,  which  cause  the  members  to  be 
spread  over  so  broad  an  area.  But  I  think  there  is  another  reason.  In 
England  the  Government  is  actually  carried  on  in  the  House  of  Com- 
8 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [183E. 

mons.  Its  measures  are  opened  and  decided  there.  The  spectators, 
as  well  as  the  press,  go  there,  to  learn  what  the  Government  proposes 
to  do,  and  to  see  it  done. 

But,  in  the  United  States,  the  Government  is  carried  on  by  the 
Executive  Department.  The  press  and  people  have  its  acts  before 
them  ;  and  they  attend  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  to  hear  those  acts 
considered  and  discussed.  Nobody  knows,  beforehand,  in  London, 
what  the  decision  of  any  question  by  the  House  of  Commons  will  be. 
But  I  think  that,  since  we  have  the  aid  of  the  telegraph,  the  people  of 
Boston  and  the  people  of  San  Francisco  know  what  the  result  of  any 
motion,  resolution,  or  law  proposed  in  Congress  will  be,  hours,  days, 
and  even  weeks,  before  the  vote  is  taken  there. 

One  of  the  social  enigmas  which  have  always  puzzled  me  is  the  pro 
clivity  which  political  reformers  in  our  country  have  to  go  to  England 
to  promulgate  their  theories  and  develop  their  measures.  I  suppose 
that  they  have  two  reasons  for  this  :  one  is,  the  greater  safety  with 
which  a  subject,  unpopular  at  home,  can  be  discussed  there  ;  and  the 
other,  that  reformers  who  find  fault  with  the  Government  of  their  own 
country  can  easily  enlist  followers  in  a  foreign  and  unfriendly  land. 
We  had  Americans  at  that  time  who  were  busily  engaged  in  present 
ing  to  the  English  public  the  argument  for  American  emancipation. 

Eliot  Cresson,  an  agent  of  the  Colonization  Society,  was  canvassing 
Great  Britain  and  raising  funds  there  for  its  enterprise.  William 
Lloyd  Garrison  went  to  England  as  agent  for  the  New  England  Anti- 
slavery  Society,  which  insisted  on  immediate  abolition  of  slavery. 
These  two  agents  opened  a  debate  in  London  on  the  merits  of  their 
respective  societies.  Into  this  debate  I  declined  to  enter  while  in  Eng 
land. 

A  citizen  of  Onondaga  County,  who,  I  believe,  was  partly  merchant 
and  partly  schoolmaster,  had  brought  to  London  four  Onondaga  Indi 
ans,  whom  he  called  "  chiefs,"  and  who,  perhaps,  might  have  been  so 
if  their  tribal  state  had  not  been  abolished  fifty  years  before.  He  con 
tracted  with  these  Indians,  stipulating  three  conditions  :  1.  That  they 
should  keep  sober  ;  2.  That,  although  they  spoke  English,  they  should 
sing  Indian  war-songs  and  dance  Indian  war-dances  ;  3.  That  they 
should  be  content  with  their  being  supported  at  his  expense,  while  he 
should  have  the  profit  to  be  derived  from  their  exhibition.  The  Soci 
ety  of  Friends,  always  interested  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  took  no 
tice  of  this  transaction  ;  and,  just  as  the  adventurer  was  about  to  real 
ize  his  fortune,  they  drew  the  Indians  aside  and  heard  their  complaints. 
The  exhibition  was  arrested  by  a  habeas  corpus,  sued  out  by  the 
Friends,  and  a  subscription  was  raised  and  the  Indians  sent  home  ta 
America,  while  the  exhibitor  was  left  to  beg  for  contributions  from  hi& 
countrymen  to  get  home  himself. 


1833.]  ENGLISH,   SCOTCH,   AND   IRISH.  115 

At  Drury  Lane,  as  at  Covent  Garden,  I  found,  not  the  drama,  but  a 
musical  entertainment — Paganini's  performance  on  the  violin.  I  knew 
that  this  instrument  had  vast  depths  and  variations  of  sound.  But  it 
is  impossible  for  any  one  to  conceive  the  riches  which  he  brought  out 
from  its  strings.  I  think  it  is  agreed  that  he  has  had  no  equal.  I  had 
gone  to  England,  however,  imbued  with  almost  filial  reverence  for  the 
high  attributes  of  the  parent-country.  It  was  a  disappointment  that  I 
found  no  Garrick,  or  Kean,  or  Siddons,  presenting  the  tragedies  of 
Shakespeare.  The  legitimate  drama  has  been  receding  there  and 
everywhere  else  since  that  time,  while  the  opera  has  been  everywhere 
coming  into  its  place.  Are  we  not  to  suppose  from  this  that  now, 
since  reading  has  become  universal,  the  drama,  with  its  studied  articu 
lation  and  its  scenic  aids,  is  too  tedious  a  form  of  instruction  and 
amusement  ;  and  that  henceforth  music,  with  its  quickness  of  ex 
pression  and  subtile  sympathy  with  the  passions,  is  to  become  the  uni 
versal  entertainment  ?  If  so,  the  change  will  be  no  greater  than  the 
changes  which  the  stage  has  undergone  since  the  time  when  the  Greeks 
enacted  their  poetic  tragedies,  or  the  Romans  entertained  themselves 
with  gladiators  at  the  Colosseum,  or  the  monks  in  the  middle  ages  pre 
pared  the  way  for  the  modern  stage  by  their  presentations  of  religious 
"  mysteries." 

Of  course,  like  every  other  tourist,  I  tried  the  "  Whispering  Gal' 
lery  "  at  St.  Paul's,  and  ascended  the  ball  to  obtain  a  view  of  the  city. 
Of  course,  the  city  was  covered  with  a  dense  cloud  of  fog  and  coal-smoke. 
But,  when  I  had  come  down,  half  a  crown  secured  me  admission 
to  a  panorama  which  presented  clearly  the  vision  that  had  been  denied 
to  me.  Of  course,  I  was  not  alone  in  seeing  these  sights  and  witness 
ing  these  wonders.  Although  I  had  presented  only  a  few  letters,  and 
had  little  time  to  secure  the  advantages  which  the  delivery  of  those 
few  offered  me,  I  was  all  the  while  making  acquaintances,  which, 
though  casual,  were  pleasant  and  instructive.  I  met  a  Russian  trav 
eler,  and  struck  hands  with  him  in  the  dome  of  St.  Paul's,  and  my  Ger 
man  acquaintances  made  in  the  theatre  were  intelligent  and  critical. 

And  now  I  was  to  leave  England.  It  was  an  occasion  of  sadness 
and  regret  that,  of  all  the  wonders  which  the  country  contained,  and 
all  the  instructions  that  it  offered,  I  had  seen  so  few  and  gathered  so 
little.  I  did  not  venture  to  think  that  I  had  correctly  learned  or  even 
understood  anything.  I  did  store  away  some  thoughts  for  future  ref 
erence  and  examination  :  1.  I  thought  it  worthy  of  reflection  whether 
Ireland  would  ever  acquiesce  in  British  rule  and  conform  to  British 
laws,  so  long  as  the  United  States  should  keep  open  an  asylum  for  the 
Irish  exile.  2.  I  thought  it  doubtful  whether  the  people  of  Scot 
land,  educated  and  trained  in  the  sentiments  of  John  Knox,  would 
ever  hazard  the  danger  of  licentiousness  in  a  republic.  3.  I  thought 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

that,  while  the  English  people  were  divided  into  reformers  and  Tories, 
there  was  no  real  party  of  progress  there  ;  that,  while  the  Tory  grew 
more  inveterate  all  the  while,  the  reformer  held  back  in  fear  from  every 
advance  he  made. 

I  have  never  been  one  of  those  among  my  countrymen  who  have 
thought,  or  have  affected  to  think,  that,  as  a  people,  we  cherish  an  affec 
tion  for,  or  sympathy  with,  the  parent  British  nation.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  have  seen  and  known  and  felt  that,  whether  it  was  for  good  or 
evil,  we  are  always  jealous  and  dissatisfied  with  the  British  nation.  It 
was  an  object  of  inquiry  with  me  on  my  first  visit  to  England,  as  it  has 
been  ever  since,  to  study  how  far  this  discontent  of  ours  is  reciprocated 
there.  It  seemed  to  me  then  that,  little  as  we  loved  the  English  na 
tion,  they  loved  us  still  less.  Certainly,  in  establishing  the  republic, 
and  demanding  its  universal  acceptance,  we  made  a  bold  claim  on  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  mankind — a  claim  which  might  well  have 
shocked  our  British  brethren,  even  if  it  had  been  made  with  less  of 
pretension  and  presumption.  In  England,  during  the  time  of  my  first 
visit  there,  political  opinion,  as  well  as  the  policy  of  the  Government,  was 
as  yet  determined  only  by  the  upper  class.  The  middle  class  had  only 
begun  to  organize  itself.  The  lower  class  was  without  a  voice.  Cer 
tainly  the  upper  class,  under  the  circumstances,  could  not  be  expected 
to  love  us,  even  if  we  had  been  humbler  than  we  were,  and  loved  the 
British  nation  more  than  we  did.  A  change  of  temper  toward  us  in 
Great  Britain  was  only  to  be  effected  by  the  reflection  upon  Great 
Britain  of  the  experiences  of  her  own  people,  who  should  emigrate  and 
become  absorbed  in  the  United  States. 

That  emigration  had  then  only  just  begun.  Not  only  did  the  exiles 
whom  we  received,  by  their  teachings  and  correspondence,  produce  no 
impression  in  our  favor  upon  public  opinion  in  Great  Britain,  but  it 
may  be  remembered  that,  at  that  day,  these  emigrants  were  received 
with  distrust  and  jealousy  by  our  own  countrymen.  So  slow  is  the 
process  of  political  change,  and  so  difficult  is  it  to  solve  any  political 
problem  until  it  has  been  subjected  to  the  development  of  time  and 
experience. 


1833. 

Crossing  the  German  Ocean. — Traveling  through  Holland  by  Canal. — Dutch  Towns  and 
Thrift. — Amsterdam  and  the  Hague. — Broeck. — The  Children's  Patron  Saint. — Meeting 
an  Army. — A  Woman' s-Rights  Question. — Diisseldorf  and  Cologne. — The  Rhine. — 
Coblentz. — Bingen. — Mayence. — Frankfort. —  Heidelberg. — Among  the  Swiss  Moun 
tains. — Young  and  Old  Republics. — A  Tavern  Adventure. — Berne. — Lausanne. — Ge 
neva. — An  Unhappy  Man. — St.-Gervais. 

WHAT  a  romance  was  this  journey  that  I  was  making  !     I  was  alter 
nating  drives  and  walks,  through  green  fields  and  shrubbery,  in  July, 


1833.]  THE   DUTCH   CANALS. 

with  summer  voyages  in  northern  seas.  A  trip  by  steamboat  on  the 
German  Ocean,  with  its  customary  roughness  and  privations,  was  made 
an  amusing  one  for  me  by  the  manifest  reserve  of  the  English  and  the 
phlegmatic  and  grotesque  ways  of  the  Dutch  passengers.  With  what 
wonder  did  I  look  upon  the  rich  landscape  reclaimed  from  the  sea,  on 
both  sides  of  the  Meuse  !  Rotterdam,  with  its  lofty,  narrow  dwellings, 
canals  traversing  all  its  streets,  its  markets  filled  with  flowers,  even 
more  than  fruits  and  meats,  its  busy  merchants  dressed,  though  neatly, 
in  fashions  which  had  become  obsolete  elsewhere,  its  unbonneted  mar 
ket  women  and  children,  making  the  pavements  resound  with  the  clat 
ter  of  their  wooden  shoes  —  all  was  unique  and  peculiar.  But  the 
cholera  was  in  Rotterdam.  It  was  one  of  the  caprices  of  that  disease, 
when  it  first  appeared  in  the  West,  that  it  clung  to  the  banks  of  canals 
and  marshes.  Sixty  persons  died  of  it  in  the  day  we  were  at  Rotter 
dam.  I  knew  seventy-two  persons  to  perish  of  cholera  in  a  day,  at 
Syracuse,  on  the  Erie  Canal,  and  nearly  as  many  at  Seneca  Falls,  on 
the  Seneca  Canal  ;  while  there  has  never  been  a  death  from  cholera 
at  Auburn,  which  is  elevated  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  above  those 
places. 

I  have  never  enjoyed  any  form  of  travel  so  much  as  that  of  the 
canals  in  Holland.  The  canals  are  deep,  and  the  water  clear.  The 
small  boat,  divided  into  two  apartments,  calls,  like  a  stage-coach,  at 
•every  village  ;  and  you  may  rest  on  your  journey  at  any  place,  and 
resume  it  at  any  hour  afterward.  Coffee-gardens  solicit  you  at  every 
stopping-place,  and  the  banks  of  the  canal  are  lined  with  tasteful  villas, 
each  of  which  has  a  kiosk,  or  tea-house,  projecting  over  the  water. 

The  Dutch  canals,  unlike  ours,  do  not  have  a  towpath  under  the 
bridges.  Of  course,  on  approaching  a  bridge,  the  rope  is  cast  off,  and 
reattached  after  passing  it.  An  attendant,  generally  a  female,  is  in 
waiting  at  the  bridge  to  render  this  service,  who  places  on  the  boat's 
deck  a  little  wooden  box  in  which  the  passengers  are  expected  each  to 
deposit  a  stiver.  When  we  were  passing  under  a  bridge  we  deposited 
the  perquisites  in  the  box,  and  gave  it  to  the  captain,  who,  instead  of 
giving  it  to  the  woman,  or  even  placing  it  on  the  bank,  to  my  great 
disgust  threw  box  with  money  and  all  into  the  canal.  Just  as  I  was 
raising  a  loud  complaint  against  this  discourteous  proceeding,  the 
woman's  dog  dived  into  the  canal,  brought  out  the  box  and  delivered 
it  to  the  woman.  These  painstaking  Dutch  people  seem  to  teach  the 
dog  to  do  anything.  They  draw  carts  for  marketmen  and  fishermen. 
But  in  these  occupations  they  are  not  always  steady-going,  often 
stopping  to  bark  and  bite. 

On  the  banks  of  the  canal,  outside  of  the  villages,  are  smooth,  grav 
eled  roads,  ornamented  with  shade-trees.  The  fields  and  meadows  of 
Holland  have  a  neatness  unknown  elsewhere  ;  and  it  is  not  without 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1838. 

reason  that  the  landscape  artist  chooses  for  his  study  the  sedgy  brook, 
the  willow-trees,  the  cattle,  and  the  poultry  of  the  farmyard  of  a  Dutch 
farm.  And  so,  in  this  leisurely  and  idle  way,  we  traversed  the  country 
of  the  Lowlands.  I  saw  Delft  ;  spent  two  days  at  the  Hague  ;  saw  its 
wonderful  Chinese  collection,  and  its  great  museum  ;  looked  through 
the  Palace  in  the  Wood  ;  and  then  Amsterdam,  an  illustration  that  a 
Venice  can  be  reproduced  by  an  enterprising  race  in  a  northern  clime, 
with  all  its  commercial  success  and  effect,  but  without  having  a  par 
ticle  or  a  trace  of  the  beauty,  splendor,  or  poetry,  of  the  original. 
Nevertheless,  men  and  nations  do  not  live  for  beauty  alone,  and  Am 
sterdam  is  a  marvel.  Built  on  dikes,  with  the  narrowest  streets,  the 
tall  houses  incline  toward  each  other  at  their  roofs,  and  no  carriages 
are  allowed  to  rattle  at  speed  through  the  streets,  for  fear  of  shaking 
the  tenements  down.  The  Spanish,  the  Portuguese,  and  the  French 
nation  went  about  the  world — after  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  and 
Vasco  de  Gama — making  conquests  and  Christianizing  the  natives, 
and  establishing  empire.  The  Dutch,  on  the  contrary,  went  East  and 
West  with  equal  zeal  and  perseverance,  content  to  make  money. 
Spain,  Portugal,  and  France,  have  saved  little  or  nothing  of  empire, 
and  effected  little  in  the  way  of  proselytism.  But  Holland  has  saved 
nearly  all  her  acquired  territory,  besides  laying  up  wealth  which  makes 
her  a  capitalist  among  the  nations.  Great  Britain  has  only  just  now 
learned  the  secret  from  Holland,  and  begun  to  apply  it  in  India. 

We  saw  Leyden  and  we  visited  Scheveningen. 

A  year  ago  they  showed  me  at  Salt  Lake,  in  the  Tabernacle,  their 
new  organ,  which  they  claim  to  be  second  only  to  that  at  Boston  ;  and 
at  Boston  they  boast  the  largest  organ  in  the  world,  except  the  one  at 
Haarlem.  That  great  one  I  saw  at  Haarlem,  with  its  eight  thousand 
pipes  and  sixty-eight  stops.  I  could  not  perceive  that  it  gave  any 
finer  effect  than  another  instrument  to  the  prescribed  psalms  and 
hymns  of  the  ordinary  service.  But  certainly  it  poured  out  the  an 
thems,  with  which  the  worship  began  and  ended,  with  a  grandeur  of 
volume  that  I  have  never  known  to  be  approached.  I  \vonder  whether 
the  good  Lutherans  at  Haarlem  still  deny  to  strangers  the  loan  of  a 
chair  to  sit  in  during  divine  service,  as  they  did  then  ?  The  chairs  were 
very  common  and  cheap.  I  think  that  I  could  buy  at  Richardson's 
shop  a  sitting  as  good  and  as  large  as  those  which  graced  the  Cathedral 
of  St.  Peter  at  Haarlem,  for  fifty  cents. 

Everybody  who  visits  Holland  ought  to  see  Broeck,  a  suburb  of 
three  hundred  villas,  six  miles  out  of  Amsterdam.  The  travelers,  with 
their  vehicles,  stopped  outside  of  the  town.  Its  streets  are  only  foot 
paths,  but  each  villa  is  embosomed  in  a  parterre  of  flowers  and  statuary. 
No  carriage  or  animal  is  allowed  in  its  narrow  streets;  the  wants  of  the 
inhabitants  are  supplied  only  by  canals.  No  sound  of  hammer  or  shut- 


1833.]  UP   THE   RHINE.  ;Q9 

tie  disturbs  the  repose.  A  motto,  expressive  of  welcome  or  benedic 
tion,  is  over  every  door.  Alas  !  no  door  was  open  to  me  ;  nor  did 
I  meet,  in  Holland,  anybody  for  whom  the  golden  hinges  had 
turned. 

The  Museum  at  Amsterdam  is  inexhaustible  in  richness  and  variety. 
Only  one  people  in  the  world  have  been  able  to  shape  out,  in  imagina 
tion,  a  patron  saint  for  children.  That  is  the  Dutch  people  ;  and  their 
creation  is  Santa  Glaus.  I  think  that  only  the  people  who  could  de 
velop  a  Santa  Glaus  could  produce  the  expressive,  grotesque,  and  hu 
morous  art  of  the  Dutch  school. 

The  Royal  Palace,  not  now  inhabited  by  the  king,  was  interesting 
chiefly  for  its  pictures,  furniture,  and  statuary,  reminding  you  of  the 
brief  and  brilliant  reign  of  Hortense  and  her  husband,  the  unenter 
prising  and  unambitious  Louis  Bonaparte. 

But  I  must  not  linger  longer  in  reminiscences  of  Holland.  We 
struck  across  the  country,  by  diligence,  from  Amsterdam  through 
Saardam  and  Utrecht  to  Nimeguen,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine. 
At  that  place  we  found  an  army,  waiting  command  to  march  against 
the  seceding  province  of  Belgium.  War,  however,  was  avoided,  wisely 
as  well  as  fortunately.  There  is  only  one  political  experience  to  which 
Belgium,  with  its  ambitious  and  flourishing  cities,  Brussels  and  Ant 
werp,  could  not  reconcile  itself,  and  that  is,  subjugation  to  Holland 
with  its  cities  of  Amsterdam  and  the  Hague. 

Of  course,  the  state  of  war  required  an  examination  of  passports, 
and  a  close  inspection  of  baggage.  The  former  matter  was  easily 
settled  ;  but,  when  the  Dutch  officer  demanded  my  trunk,  I  pointed  it 
out  to  him,  as  it  lay  on  the  top  of  the  huge  diligence.  He  directed  a 
young  woman,  who  seemed  not  loath,  to  bring  it  down.  Shocked  at  the 
idea  of  seeing  such  low  and  severe  labor  put  upon  a  woman,  I  remon 
strated  ;  but  she  ascended  the  ladder.  I  rushed  upon  it  to  bring  down 
the  baggage  myself.  She  contended  with  me,  and  I  was  soon  obliged 
to  give  up  to  her  superior  strength,  and  the  superior  argument,  which 
I  came  at  last  to  understand,  that  she  had  a  professional  title  to  the  fee 
for  the  service.  It  is  of  no  use  to  contend  with  these  German  women. 
They  are  as  tenacious  of  the  rights  of  their  sex  as  our  own  woman's- 
rights  women  in  America,  only  they  take  a  different  view  of  what 
those  rights  are  ! 

The  tour  up  the  Rhine,  by  steamer,  was  then  the  most  attractive 
feature  of  travel  in  Europe.  Small  but  strong  steamers,  adapted  to  the 
shallow  and  powerful  currents,  navigated  the  river  every  day  ;  while 
their  movement  was  so  slow  as  to  allow  a  distinct  and  leisurely  contem 
plative  view  of  every  hill,  crested  with  its  ruined  tower  or  castle,  and 
every  dark  and  shaded  valley,  with  its  busy  hamlet  and  terraced  banks. 
Sitting  on  the  deck,  with  a  collection  of  legends  in  my  hand,  I  studied 


120  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833, 

the  history  of  each  villa,  and  castle,  and  ruined  monastery,  until  the 
whole  voyage  seemed  to  me  only  the  changes  of  a  varying  but  not  alto 
gether  incoherent  dream. 

I  looked  in  at  Diisseldorf,  whose  school  of  artists  was  just  then  lay 
ing  the  foundation  of  its  fame  ;  at  Neuburg,  the  very  prototype 
of  our  own  Newburg  on  the  Hudson  ;  at  Cleves  ;  then  stopped,  for  a 
night  and  a  day,  at  ancient,  archiepiscopal  Cologne.  They  told  me  that 
the  cathedral,  begun  in  1248,  was  still  in  process  of  construction,  and 
that,  with  the  contributions  of  the  pious,  it  would  yet  be  completed. 
Contrary  to  what  I  supposed,  I  have  lived  to  see  it  done  ;  and  I  think 
it,  perhaps,  the  last  that  will  be  completed  in  Europe.  I  am  coming 
to  think  it  probable  that  these  great  ecclesiastical  structures  of  Eu 
rope  will  yet  be  surpassed  in  America,  where  no  church  or  religion 
enjoys  any  special  political  privileges. 

Here  for  the  first  time  I  found  myself  in  the  land  of  the  vine.  The 
famous  vineyards  of  Rlidesheim,  Johannisberg,  and  others,  lay  around 
me.  I  have  never  been  quite  able  to  understand  why  the  manner  of 
culture  differs  so  much  in  the  different  climates  propitious  to  the  grape. 
In  Italy,  and  the  south  of  France,  and  Palestine,  they  leave  the  vine 
much  of  its  natural  shape  and  proportions,  training  it  on  trellises,  or 
leaving  it  to  spread  over  the  trees.  But  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  the 
vines  are  planted  about  four  feet  apart,  and  are  never  suffered  to  grow 
more  than  five  feet  in  height,  nor  to  mingle  their  tendrils  with  each 
other.  They  say  they  produce  more  perfect  fruit.  Perhaps  they  ripen 
better  under  this  discipline  in  a  cold  climate.  Nevertheless,  a  cultiva 
tor  in  Italy  once  told  me  he  was  satisfied  that  the  German  culture  was 
better  than  the  Italian,  and  said  that  a  grape-vine  ought  to  be  so  low 
that  you  can  step  over  it,  instead  of  being  so  high  that  you  can  walk 
under  it. 

Coblentz,  with  the  stupendous  fortifications  of  Ehrenbreitstein, 
gave  us  our  first  evidence  that  we  had  entered  Prussia.  Then,  passing 
the  ruined  castle  of  Lahnstein,  I  surveyed  the  then  principalities  of 
Hesse  and  Nassau.  I  know  not  whether  I  was  more  interested  in  the 
little  town  of  Bingen,  known  to  everybody  by  that  most  pathetic  of  all 
songs,  "  Bingen  on  the  Rhine,"  or  in  the  vine-clad  ruins  of  the  castles 
of  Ehrenf els  and  Rheinf els,  whose  legends  revive  the  always  attrac 
tive  pictures  of  chivalry.  Mayence,  even  then,  might  have  interested 
me  by  its  garrison  and  its  trade.  But  I  was  interested  more  in  the 
dwelling-house  of  Faust,  and  the  palace  which  Napoleon  occupied  on 
the  way  to  his  disastrous  campaign  in  Russia,  not  to  speak  of  the  tomb 
of  the  wife  of  Charlemagne.  At  Mayence  I  changed  from  the  river 
back  to  the  diligence,  stopping  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  and  after 
ward  at  Darmstadt,  the  capital  of  the  then  Hesse-Darmstadt.  Its  little 
court  was  then  abroad,  and  the  town  was  as  dull  as  I  suppose  it  is  now. 


1833.]  IN  THE  SWISS   MOUNTAINS.  121 

I  admired  much  the  little  town  of  Heidelberg,  its  elegant  bridge  em 
bellished  with  statuary,  and  the  river  Neckar,  covered  with  barges. 
Nor  did  I  forget  to  look  into  the  house,  still  standing,  in  which  Luther 
slept  when  on  his  way  to  the  Diet  at  Worms. 

We  were  now  rising  the  mountain-slope  into  Switzerland.  The 
country  was  fertile  and  beautiful.  The  crops  seemed  equally  luxuriant, 
whether  of  grapes,  Indian-corn,  hemp,  tobacco,  oats,  clover,  or  wheat. 
But  I  remarked  everywhere  that  the  labor  was  chiefly  performed  by 
women.  The  men  had  gone  to  the  armies,  or  to  plant  new  fields  in  the 
United  States.  Carlsruhe,  surrounded  with  walnut-groves,  was  the 
beautiful  capital  of  the  grand-duchy  of  Baden,  having  in  the  back 
ground  the  Black  Forest,  and,  as  we  ascended  the  mountain,  we  con 
templated  with  interest  the  ruined  castle  in  which  Richard  Coeur  de 
Lion  was  imprisoned  on  his  return  from  the  crusades.  Here  I  began 
my  pedestrian  exercise,  being  able  generally  to  keep  in  advance  of  the 
diligence.  Reaching  the  summit  I  traced  the  now  miniature  Rhine  up 
through  a  long,  smiling  valley,  until  I  caught  a  view  of  the  turrets  of 
Basle.  I  was  able  to  distinguish  at  once  between  the  mountaineers  of 
Switzerland  and  the  peasant  inhabitants  of  Germany. 

The  accounts  of  disaffection  in  the  canton  of  Basle  toward  the 
Swiss  Republic  led  me  to  fear  an  immediate  revolution.  But  this 
calamity  was  not  to  happen  so  soon.  Is  it  true  that  no  republic  can 
exist  except  it  embrace  distinct  and  several  republican  states  or  can 
tons  ?  Is  it  true  that,  originally,  these  cantons  or  states  must  all  be 
independent  of  each  other  until  they  are  federalized,  under  the  press 
ure  of  a  common  danger?  And  is  it  true  that  such  confederations 
must  always  encounter  the  shocks  of  secession  and  anarchy  resulting 
from  a  pertinacious  adherence  to  the  doctrine  of  state  rights  ?  It  is 
so,  at  least,  in  Mexico  ;  it  has  been  so  in  the  United  States  ;  and  it  was 
so  in  Switzerland. 

The  Protestant  visitor  at  Basle  will  not  fail  to  see  the  tomb  of 
Erasmus.  I  followed  a  tributary  of  the  Rhine  through  the  cantons  of 
Soleure  and  Berne  to  Berne.  It  was  obvious  that  the  people  of  Switz 
erland  were  very  poor.  The  mountains  were  crowned  with  ruins,  but 
these  structures  had  generally  been  perpendicular,  high  towers  ;  not 
chateaux,  like  those  which  bordered  the  Rhine.  The  villages  were 
dwarfed,  old,  and  not  cleanly  ;  the  farmhouses  dilapidated,  generally 
consisting  of  one  long,  low  stone  or  wooden  building,  whose  roof 
covered  not  only  the  family  dwelling,  but  also  the  barn,  with  stables 
for  horses,  cattle,  and  swine.  The  peasantry  had  as  yet  that  marked 
uniformity  of  costume  which  only  railroads  obliterate. 

The  scenery  became  exceedingly  picturesque,  the  road,  for  leagues 
in  extent,  traversing  declivities  too  sharp  to  allow  dwellings.  For  the 
first  time  in  Europe,  I  found  the  native  forest  and  heard  the  stroke  of 


122  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

the  woodman's  axe,  as  I  heard  the  music  of  waters  in  the  deep  ravines. 
The  dwellings  are  isolated,  with  only  a  patch  of  cultivation.  Some 
times  the  dwelling  would  be  in  a  dingle,  of  which  the  eye  would  ob 
tain  a  glimpse  at  the  angle  of  the  road.  At  other  times  it  would  be 
on  the  hill,  hundreds  of  feet  above  our  heads.  The  horses  of  all 
vehicles,  like  those  of  our  own  diligence,  had  bells  to  warn  the  travelers 
of  their  approach. 

At  night  we  rattled  rapidly  down  a  long,  winding  hill,  at  the 
foot  of  which  we  came  to  a  solitary,  rude  stone  structure  of  two 
stories.  Leaving  the  horses  in  the  basement,  we  climbed  a  ladder  to 
the  first  floor.  There  were  well-dressed  ladies  and  gentlemen,  but  no 
servants  visible.  They  were,  in  fact,  a  party  who  had  come  in  before 
us,  just  in  time  to  order  their  supper.  One  of  the  gentlemen  was  very 
active,  arranging  the  table.  To  him  I  applied  in  English,  being  able 
to  speak  no  other  language,  for  coffee.  He  replied,  out  of  a  phrase- 
book,  "  You — shall — have — coffee ; — coffee — is — good — at — all — times.'' 
I  thought  this  waiter  a  more  accomplished  gar$on  than  I  had  before 
found.  At  length  supper  was  served,  smoking  hot,  on  two  long  tables. 
The  other  party  seated  themselves  at  one,  and  our  party  of  the  diligence 
at  the  other.  Poultry,  venison,  coffee,  tea,  wine,  for  every  taste.  My 
gar$on  served  me  assiduously  and  exclusively,  and  when,  in  answer  to 
another  inquiry  from  the  phrase-book,  I  assured  him  that  I  was  entirely 
content,  he  laid  aside  his  apron,  assumed  his  fashionable  coat,  and  took 
his  seat  with  the  other  party,  to  the  infinite  amusement  of  the  joint 
assembly  of  travelers,  who  had  all  found  themselves  indebted  to  a 
Parisian  gentleman  for  a  good  supper,  as  well  as  a  good  joke,  at  mid 
night,  in  an  auberge  in  the  Swiss  mountains.  The  way  I  discovered 
the  joke  was  in  his  continually  looking  at  me  archly,  and  repeating  the 
words,  "  Coffee — is — good — at — all — times." 

Our  night-ride  was  silent  and  cold.  But,  when  the  day  dawned,  we 
were  slowly  and  carefully  descending,  by  terraces,  the  declivity  of 
Weissenstein,  having  on  one  side  the  rugged  face  of  that  mountain,  and, 
on  the  other,  scattered,  scanty  pasturages  spreading  out  before  a  cottage 
which  seemed  inaccessible.  Now  we  were  in  a  valley,  surrounded  by 
mountains,  and  when  we  turned  an  abrupt  angle  one  of  the  three  beau 
tiful  lakes  of  Morat,  Neufchatel,  and  Bienne,  spread  itself  out  at  our 
feet.  In  the  Lake  of  Bienne  we  caught  a  view  of  the  little  Island  of 
St. -Pierre,  which  Rousseau  selected  for  his  retreat  in  exile  from  France. 
Passing  the  summit  beyond  Bienne,  I  obtained  a  comprehensive  view, 
which  embraced  the  Jura,  as  well  as  a  long  range  of  the  Italian  Alps. 
Mont  Blanc  was  there,  but  lost  in  the  clouds. 

I  am  sure  I  shall  never  forget  Berne,  encircled  as  it  is  by  the  Aar. 
The  palace  of  the  Federal  Government  of  Switzerland  is  there  ;  the 
fountains,  full  of  health  and  cleanliness,  are  there  ;  the  clock  is  there, 


1833.]  GENEVA.  123 

which  gives  you  a  dramatic  performance  of  a  cock  crowing,  a  cavalry- 
march,  a  parade,  and  a  waking  warder,  every  day  at  noon. 

Fribourg  and  Avenches  exhibited  to  me  their  antiquities,  then 
peculiarly  interesting  to  me,  because — if  the  expression  is  not  an 
anachronism — all  antiquities  were  new  to  me,  especially  the  triumphal 
arch  erected  in  honor  of  Vespasian.  Lord  Byron,  before  me,  had 
celebrated,  in  "  Childe  Harold,"  the  monument  of  Julia  Alpinula,  an 
"  unhappy  daughter  of  an  unhappy  land." 

I  arrived  late  at  Lausanne,  and,  though  I  found  a  good  bed  at  the 
Lion  d'Or,  how  restless  I  was,  when  attempting  to  sleep  on  the  shore 
of  the  Leman  Lake,  without  yet  having  had  a  glimpse  of  its  beauties  ! 
The  canton  of  Vaud  is,  I  think,  the  largest  of  the  Swiss  cantons.  The 
city  of  Lausanne  contained  then  only  about  ten  thousand  inhabitants; 
and,  though  its  streets  were  narrow  and  rough,  yet  it  had  been  rendered 
very  attractive  by  the  villas  of  persons  of  wealth,  learning,  and  refine 
ment,  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  The  view  from  the  shore  gives  you 
the  Alps,  as  well  as  the  Jura  Mountains. 

While  I  remained  at  Lausanne,  the  Federal  troops  marched  out,  to 
suppress  the  insurrection  threatened  at  Basle.  Although  they  were 
only  a  militia  force,  they  were  well  disciplined  ;  and  an  examination 
which  I  then  gave  to  the  militia  system  of  Switzerland  confirmed  me 
in  the  opinions  of  militia  reform  which  at  that  time  I  was  assiduously 
attempting  to  inculcate  upon  the  Legislature  at  home. 

But,  though  I  found  Switzerland  in  advance  of  the  United  States 
in  its  system  of  military  defense,  I  found  a  compensation  in  the  fact 
that  the  Government  had  copied  the  penitentiary  system  then  recently 
adopted  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Of  course,  I  did  not  leave 
Lausanne  without  visiting  the  garden  where  Gibbon  wrote  the  con 
clusion  of  his  splendid  history ;  and  the  chateau  of  Bon  Repos,  where 
Voltaire  dwelt,  and  enacted  his  own  tragedies,  before  going  to  reside 
at  Sans-Souci  with  Frederick  the  Great.  Recurring  to  the  last  in 
cident  inclines  me  to  review  the  opinion,  uncharitable  to  Dickens, 
which  I  formed  when  he,  in  the  United  States,  recited  his  own  in 
imitable  novels.  Since  Shakespeare  acted  parts  in  his  own  plays,  and 
Voltaire  in  his,  I  am  inclined  to  think,  now,  that  the  dramatist  ought 
to  be  a  good,  if  not  the  best,  actor. 

The  first  acquaintance  I  made  at  Geneva  was  a  Pole,  more  grave  and 
serious  even  than  his  countrymen  of  the  present  day  habitually  are.  He 
was  now  fifty-three  years  old.  When  young,  he  went  to  attend  the  nup 
tials  of  a  very  near  friend.  After  the  marriage  ceremony,  a  scene  of 
animated  gayety  came,  in  which  this  gentleman  laid  his  hand  on  a  mus 
ket,  supposed  to  be  unloaded.  The  weapon  discharged  in  his  hand, 
and  killed  the  bride.  The  bridegroom  remained  always  afterward  un 
married,  and  the  unhappy  actor  in  the  affliction  became  a  wanderer. 


124:  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

Except  for  its  environs,  Geneva  was  not  then  particularly  beautiful. 
The  Rhone,  which  flows  in  swift  rapids  through  the  city,  is  disfigured 
by  wheels  and  laundry-apparatus.  The  town,  at  that  day,  maintained 
its  strong  fortifications,  and  kept  its  gates  closed  with  as  much  jeal 
ousy,  at  night,  as  Peking  in  China.  This  inconvenience  mattered  less, 
as  Geneva  is  without  trade,  and  chiefly  occupied  in  the  manufacture  of 
watches.  I  was  glad  to  see  that  Geneva,  although  its  population  was 
chiefly  French,  had  not  been  demoralized  by  its  compulsory  submission 
to  the  arms  of  republican  France,  in  1798,  and  consequent  incorpora 
tion  into  the  French  Empire  under  the  first  Napoleon. 

I  wonder  if  there  has  been  any  persecution  for  political,  moral,  or 
religious  opinions,  from  which  Geneva  has  not  furnished  an  asylum  ? 
One  spends  days  there  in  following  the  footsteps  of  Calvin  and  Vol 
taire  ;  and,  when  I  was  there  last,  it  was  filled  with  "  Communist "  and 
"  Imperial "  exiles  from  France. 

On  leaving  Geneva,  one  abruptly  enters  the  Sardinian  territory.  I 
remarked  then,  as  I  have  on  a  later  visit,  that  you  leave  the  Protestant 
Church  behind  you  in  Switzerland  ;  and  the  Catholic  Church  univer 
sally  prevails  on  the  Italian  side  of  the  border.  Chapels,  crosses, 
shrines,  and  crucifixes,  admonish  you  to  devotion  everywhere.  The  road 
to  Mont  Blanc  follows  the  course  of  the  Aar.  At  that  day  the  dili 
gence  stopped  at  Sallenches  ;  and  thence  the  tourist  proceeded  in  a  one- 
horse  cart  or  chaise.  But  now  the  stage-road  has  been  extended  to 
Chamouni.  I  spent  a  night  at  the  baths  of  St.-Gervais,  situated  in  a 
ravine  which  Rip  Van  Winkle  might  have  mistaken  for  his  home  in 
the  Catskills.  I  turned  from  the  music  of  the  concert  in  the  evening, 
to  be  entertained  by  an  English  gentleman,  who  had  intimated  a  will 
ingness  to  patronize,  in  that  European  company,  the  poor  young 
American  who  could  speak  no  French.  He  complimented  me  by  ex 
pressing  his  surprise  to  hear  me  speak  English  as  well  as  an  English 
man  ;  assured  me  that  he  was  gratified  at  being  informed  that  there  is 
an  organized  Episcopal  Church  in  America;  and  condescended  to  hope 
that  I  might  prove  correct  in  a  belief  that  the  Christian  religion  can 
continue  to  exist  in  our  country  without  a  church  establishment  con 
nected  with  the  state.  In  one  opinion  that  he  expressed  I  am  induced 
to  think  him  correct.  When,  in  answer  to  a  question,  I  told  him  that 
the  population  of  New  York  was  two  hundred  thousand,  he  replied  it 
was  a  great  city,  but  it  would  be  a  long  time  yet  before  it  would  be 
as  large  as  London. 

I  retired  early  to  slumbers,  to  which  I  was  lulled  by  the  notes  of 
the  harp  and  the  piano  within  ;  the  dropping  of  the  rain,  and  the  dash 
ing  of  the  mountain-cascade,  without. 


1833.]  CHAMOUNI.  125 


1833. 

Chamouni. — Mont  Blanc. — En  Voiture. — Politics  in  the  Coupe". — Paris. — Scenes  of  Revolu 
tionary  Changes. — The  Tenants  of  the  Tuileries. — Lafayette  in  the  Chamber  of  Depu 
ties. — Trying  the  Guillotine. — Napoleon's  Old  Soldiers. — The  Orleans  Family. — The 
Pantheon. — La  Chapelle  Expiatoire. — Josephine's  Cottage. 

I  WAS  earliest  awake  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  St.-Gervais,  except 
the  chamois.  But,  though  the  rain  had  ceased,  the  weather  was  cloudy, 
and  Mont  Blanc  refused  to  accept  my  homage.  As  I  advanced  up 
ward  in  the  mountain-road,  I  noticed  that  the  only  cereals  cultivated 
were  wheat  and  oats  ;  that  large  stores  of  hay  were  gathered  for  the 
winter  ;  while  every  cottage  had  a  little  orchard  of  dwarf  apples,  pears, 
or  plums.  The  cattle  were  dwarfish  also.  The  peasants  of  both  sexes 
were  clothed  in  woolen  habits  ;  and  the  women  and  children  industri 
ously  worked  at  their  knitting  and  sewing  while  watching  their  cows, 
sheep,  and  goats,  at  pasture.  I  met  not  less  than  a  dozen  persons  of 
both  sexes  of  various  ages,  who  were  deformed  with  the  goitre,  a  disease 
peculiar  to  mountainous  districts.  I  think  I  cannot  be  mistaken,  also,  in 
thinking  that  idiocy  prevails  more  in  that  mountain-region  than  in  other 
parts  of  Europe.  It  was  strange  in  those  solitudes  to  see  the  truthful 
ness  of  church-architecture  preserved  amid  so  much  poverty.  It  was  in 
the  hamlet  of  St.-Servoz.  The  church  had  its  rude  Gothic  arches  of  wood, 
its  turrets  of  coarse  masonry.  Its  images  were  the  work  of  some  village 
sculptor,  and  its  pictures  the  daubs  of  an  untrained  hand.  It  was  the 
Catholic  Church,  as  distinct  from  all  others,  as  it  is  seen  in  Rome.  At 
length  I  surmounted  the  last  summit,  and,  climbing  upon  a  steep  rock, 
looked  down  upon  the  lovely  narrow  valley  of  Chamouni,  some  eight  or 
ten  miles  long,  and  not  more  than  a  mile  wide,  depressed  between  the 
Aiguilles  and  the  group  of  mountains  known  as  Mont  Blanc.  On  the 
declivities  of  the  mountains,  at  my  right  hand,  hung  the  glaciers,  which 
have  remained  there  forever.  Still,  Mont  Blanc,  although  immediately 
above  that  line  of  glaciers,  was  invisible. 

The  valley  of  Chamouni,  far  more  elevated  than  the  Leman  Lake, 
is  three  thousand  feet  above  the  sea.  Of  course,  I  climbed  the  Mont- 
anvert,  and  descended  from  it  with  spiked  staves  upon  the  treacherous 
Mer  de  Glace.  It  was  then  majestic,  and  well  deserved  its  name.  When 
I  revisited  it,  nearly  forty  years  afterward,  the  mountain-sides  and 
valleys  had  been  stripped  of  their  forests,  and  the  soil  exposed  to 
cultivation.  The  Mer  de  Glace  was  shrunk,  and  seemed  little  more 
than  a  congealed  torrent  in  the  deep  ravine.  It  was  not  until  I 
reached  St. -Martin,  at  nine  o'clock  at  night,  on  my  way  back  from 
Chamouni,  that  the  clouds  rolled  away  and  gave  me  a  full  view  of 
Mont  Blanc,  its  snows  lighting  my  way. 

Returning  to  Geneva,  I  attended  a  concert  of  the  National  Music 


126  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

Society,  constituted  under  the  patronage  of  the  state,  and  heard  the 
opera  of  "  Fra  Diavolo."  I  had  the  satisfaction  to  learn,  before  I  left 
Switzerland,  that  the  revolution  which  was  breaking  out  at  Basle  when 
I  passed  through  that  place  had  been  entirely  suppressed. 

The  special  voiture  was  a  pleasant  mode  of  travel,  which,  I  suppose, 
has  disappeared  before  the  march  of  railroads.  The  voiture  has  four 
inside  seats,  and  two  seats  in  the  glass  coupe  in  front.  It  is  drawn  by 
three  horses,  with  one  or  more  additional  ones,  obtained  at  post-houses, 
when  necessary.  The  carriage  traveled  by  day,  and  stopped  at  fixed 
distances  for  meals  and  lodging.  My  father  and  myself  occupied  the 
coupe  ;  and  our  fellow-travelers  within  were  a  young  married  pair  of 
Belgians,  and  two  very  accomplished  Genevese  girls,  going  to  join  their 
parents,  who  had  recently  taken  up  their  residence  in  Paris. 

Our  route  across  the  Jura  Alps  was  over  a  military  road,  which  had 
been  constructed  by  Napoleon.  As  we  traveled  slowly,  I  walked  nearly 
half-way  to  Paris,  accompanied  sometimes  by  other  members  of  the 
party,  more  often  alone.  We  stopped  at  Genlis  and  Dijon  ;  walked  on 
the  banks  of  the  then  dry  canal  of  Burgundy  ;  rested  at  Auxerre,  Joigny, 
and  Sens  ;  admired,  as  everybody  must,  the  vine-clad  Cote  d'Or. 
While  I  found  the  landscape  in  France  had  not  been  exaggerated,  it 
was  painful  to  contrast  the  poverty  and  rudeness  of  the  villages  and 
hamlets  with  those  of  our  own  country,  or  of  England.  One  might 
easily  read  the  recent  history  of  France  in  the  monuments  we  passed. 
In  one  town,  an  inscription  on  the  H6tel-de-Ville  records  its  erection 
in  the  reign  of  Louis  XVI.  An  inscription  in  another  bore  the  date  of 
the  consulate.  A  gateway  at  Auxerre  is  surmounted  by  a  group  em 
blematic  of  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  ;  while  on  all  sides  and 
everywhere  all  the  public  edifices  present  the  motto  just  then  adopted 
by  Louis  Philippe,  commemorating  the  recent  expulsion  of  Charles 
X.,  " Liberte  et  Ordre  publique" 

On  one  of  these  walks  I  had  got  so  far  in  advance  of  the  carriage 
that  I  turned  back  to  see  whether  any  accident  had  befallen  it.  The 
coachman,  who  had  been  one  of  Napoleon's  veterans,  said  he  had 
stopped  through  fear  that  the  young  Englishman  was  lost.  I  said, 
mildly — 

"  I  am  not  an  Englishman." 

"  What  are  you,  then  ?  " 

I  replied,  "  An  American." 

"  Oh,"  said  he,  "  that's  all  the  same  thing." 

"  No,"  said  I,  "  America  is  a  quite  different  country  from  England." 
He  still  insisted  it  was  all  the  same.  I  said,  "  Where  do  you  think 
America  is  ?  " 

"  Oh  !  I  don't  know,"  he  answered,  "where  it  is,  but  somewhere  on 
the  borders  of  England." 


1833.]  PARIS   UNDER   LOUIS  PHILIPPE.  127 

As  we  approached  Paris  I  asked  him  who  he  supposed  was  ruling  in 
Paris  now. 

"  I  don't  know,"  said  he  ;  "  Louis  Philippe  was  king  when  I  left 
Paris  three  weeks  ago.  God  knows  what  they've  got  there  now  !  " 

These  episodes  amused  my  fellow-passengers,  but  did  not  excite  them 
so  intensely  as  one  which  occurred  in  the  coupe  in  relation  to  American 
politics.  My  father,  who,  I  think  I  have  mentioned,  had  trained  me  up 
in  the  Jeffersonian  school  of  politics,  had  always  distrusted  the  wisdom 
of  my  deviations  from  that  path.  He  had  seen,  as  I  had,  the  disastrous 
defeat  throughout  the  Union,  in  the  previous  year,  of  all  the  combina 
tions  in  which  I  had  been  engaged  to  defeat  the  reelection  of  General 
Jackson,  and  the  success  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  and  his  political  associ 
ates  in  New  York.  He  took  advantage  of  a  long  morning  ride,  as  we 
sat  together  in  the  coup&,  to  discuss  the  new  situation,  which,  in  truth, 
I  saw  in  no  very  different  light  from  that  in  which  he  presented  it,  as  at 
present  unpromising  and  hopeless.  Dwelling,  like  all  of  that  school  of 
politicians  at  that  day,  on  the  impregnability,  if  not  the  immaculateness, 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  upon  the  imprudence  of  longer  fighting 
against  it,  he  said  that  this  temporary  separation  of  mine  from  political 
transactions  at  home  would  give  me  pause  for  change,  and  earnestly 
recommended  to  me,  on  my  return  to  the  United  States,  to  declare  my 
adhesion  to  the  triumphant  party.  At  first,  I  expressed  my  dissent 
from  this  advice,  and  parried  the  argument  with  which  he  supported  it 
with  the  calmness  which  filial  reverence  commanded.  But,  finding  his 
earnestness  increase  to  vehemence,  I  became  earnest  also.  The  con 
versation  waxed  louder,  until  all  the  passengers  within  became  alarmed, 
and  the  French  coachman  thought  it  his  duty  to  interpose.  As  none 
of  them  spoke  English,  we  gave  up  the  attempt  at  explanation,  when 
we  found  that,  besides  an  understanding  of  that  language,  our  audience 
required  an  introduction  into  the  mysteries  of  a  system  of  politics  en 
tirely  above  their  comprehension. 

Paris  was  not  then  the  most  splendid  city  in  the  world,  as  it  became 
under  the  reign  of  Louis  Napoleon.  Its  spacious  and  shaded  boule 
vards,  indeed,  were  attractive,  but  all  the  other  streets  were  low,  nar 
row,  rudely  paved,  and  worse  lighted,  and  thronged  with  vagrants  and 
mendicants.  Even  the  boulevards  were  then  disfigured,  bearing  marks 
of  the  recent  revolution.  Everything  here,  as  I  had  already  noticed  in 
the  country,  reminded  me  of  the  frequency  and  violence  of  political 
changes. 

It  may  not  be  remembered  that  the  site  of  the  celebrated  column 
in  the  Place  Vendome  was  originally  occupied  by  an  equestrian  statue 
of  Louis  XIV.  That  of  Napoleon,  which  succeeded  it,  was  thrown 
down  in  1814.  Louis  Philippe,  at  the  celebration  just  held.  :>f  the 
anniversary  of  the  Revolution  of  1830,  had  restored  the  statue  to  its 


128  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

place,  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony,  and  again  conferred  the  name 
of  Napoleon  upon  the  street.  In  looking  upon  that  splendid  work  of 
art,  which  was  constructed  of  the  captured  cannon,  and  recited,  in  its 
bass-reliefs  and  inscriptions,  the  victories  of  France  in  the  most  memo 
rable  of  her  German  campaigns,  I  could  not  but  pity,  as  a  weakness, 
the  affectation  which  the  founder  showed  in  the  inscription  upon  the 
base  of  the  column,  "  Erected  by  Napoleon,  Emperor  Augustus."  It 
would  seem,  from  this,  that  the  emperor  fed  his  ambition  with  aspira 
tions  to  imitate  the  conquering  Octavius,  just  as  his  less  talented  and 
equally  unfortunate  successor,  Napoleon  III.,  stimulated  his  ambition 
by  his  studies  of  the  life  of  Julius  Caesar.  Napoleonism  was  manifestly 
the  popular  rage  in  Paris  at  this  time.  One  might,  even  thus  early, 
have  forecast  the  second  empire.  Everybody  that  came  to  the  Place 
Vendome  bought  pictures  and  descriptions  of  the  column. 

"  What  is  the  price  ?  "  said  I. 

"Unsou." 

"  Who  strewed  these  immortelles  over  the  pedestal  ?  "  asked  I. 

"  Tout  le  monde,"  was  the  answer,  and  so  indeed  it  seemed. 

At  an  early  day  I  sought  Galignani's  reading-room,  for  American 
newspapers.  Is  it  worth  while  to  reproduce  here  the  comments  I  then 
made,  in  Paris,  on  that  morning's  reading  ? 

The  angry  controversies,  the  malicious  political  warfare,  and  the  reckless 
party  spirit,  which  distinguish  our  journals,  and  which  at  home  excite  more  or 
less  interest  among  all  our  citizens,  sink  into  insignificance,  except  as  a  subject 
of  regret  and  shame,  when  they  reach  us  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  I  know 
nothing  which  does  our  country  so  much  injury  abroad  as  this  everlasting 
obloquy,  heaped  upon  the  heads  of  patriots  and  statesmen  of  whom  any  nation 
might  be  proud.  I  am  sure,  could  any  one  of  our  citizens  who  is  in  the  habit  of 
speculating  so  coolly  upon  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the  establishment 
of  other  confederacies  or  states,  but  hear  the  alarm  expressed,  in  every  European 
.country,  by  the  friends  of  free  and  liberal  government,  and  witness  the  exulta 
tion  of  tories  and  loyalists,  whenever  anything  occurs  which  indicates  the  disso 
lution,  which  to  him  seems  so  tolerable,  he  would  feel  a  degree  of  remorse  and 
shame  which  would  go  very  far  to  recall  him  from  the  fatal  delusion.  It  is  not 
until  one  visits  old,  oppressed,  suffering  Europe,  that  he  can  appreciate  his  own 
government;  nor  is  it  until  he  learns,  from  the  lips  of  patriots  here,  the  con 
firmation  of  what  he  has  so  often  heard  at  home,  that  he  realizes  the  fearful 
responsibility  of  the  American  people  to  the  nations  of  the  whole  earth,  to  carry 
successfully  through  the  experiment  which,  with  the  prayers  and  blessings  of 
the  good  and  wise,  is  to  prove  that  men  are  capable  of  self-government.  And 
if  he,  in  the  folly  of  his  heart,  and  under  the  excitement  of  supposed  cause  of 
complaint  against  the  General  Government,  and  false  views  of  the  importance 
of  a  member  of  the  confederacy,  dreams  that  a  Northern  or  a  Southern,  an 
Eastern  or  a  Western  confederacy,  or  the  independence  of  Massachusetts,  or  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  Carolina,  or  Georgia,  would  still  be  enough  to  ac 
complish  this  great  purpose  of  proving  the  capability  of  man  for  self-govern- 


1833.]  THE   TUILERIES.  129 

merit,  he  would  find  that  it  is  only  as  a  whole,  one  great,  nourishing,  united, 
happy  people,  that  the  United  States  command  respect  abroad.  Dissolve  the 
Union,  how  or  where  we  may,  the  experiment,  so  far  as  the  rest  of  the  world, 
if  not  ourselves,  are  concerned,  is  ended ;  the  members  of  it  sink  below  the 
level  of  the  South  American  states ;  the  cherished  hopes  of  universal  restora 
tion  of  power  to  the  governed  are  lost  forever,  and  the  chains  of  tyranny,  now 
half  broken  and  ready  to  fall  off,  will  be  riveted  too  strongly  to  be  broken 
forever. 

I  devoted  a  day  to  the  Louvre,  which  had  only  shortly  before  given 
back  to  the  despoiled  nations  the  treasures  of  art  which  Napoleon  had 
stolen  from  them.  And  I  visited  the  Tuileries.  It  was  not  so  much 
the  magnificence  of  that  palace  as  its  historical  associations  which  in 
terested  me.  It  seemed  the  central  scene  of  the  Revolution,  begun  in 
1789,  and,  alas  !  not  yet  finished.  I  remembered  how  it  became  the 
prison  of  Louis  XVI.  and  his  queen,  after  their  short  season  of  revelry 
and  dissipation  at  Versailles  ;  how  they  escaped  from  it  to  the  frontier, 
and  were  brought  back  in  humiliation  and  shame  by  their  exasperated 
subjects  ;  how  they  were  removed  from  it  when  its  security  as  a  dun 
geon  failed  ;  how  they  found  a  temporary  refuge  only  in  the  halls  of 
the  National  Assembly,  and  thence  passed  through  the  prisons  of  the 
Temple  to  the  guillotine.  I  thought  how  Napoleon,  at  first,  cautiously 
made  it  an  official  residence  as  consul,  and  afterward  inaugurated  it  as 
the  imperial  palace.  I  thought  of  the  divorce  of  Josephine,  who  graced 
it  as  no  other  woman  could  ;  of  the  marriage  of  Maria  Louisa  ;  the 
birth  of  the  King  of  Rome  ;  the  hopes  that  it  excited  ;  the  defeat  of 
Napoleon,  and  the  downfall  of  the  empire  ;  the  short  and  hurried  but 
eventful  hundred  days  during  which  the  restored  Bourbons  were  ex 
pelled,  and  the  expelled  Napoleon  restored  to  the  proud  residence  of 
kings  ;  then  the  setting  of  Napoleon's  star  forever  ;  and  the  successive 
revolutions  which  had  caused  the  Tuileries  again  to  receive  tenants, 
chosen  in  a  moment  of  popular  excitement,  and  holding  their  possession 
at  the  fickle  will  of  that  versatile  people.  Louis  Philippe  occupied  the 
palace  then.  When  I  next  saw  the  Tuileries,  after  a  lapse  of  twenty- 
seven  years,  the  court  of  a  second  empire  was  there.  In  1871  I  saw 
it  once  more.  It  was  in  ashes,  and  I  found  a  republican  Government 
of  France  installed  in  the  same  palace  at  Versailles  from  which  the 
populace  of  Paris  had  brought  away  the  captured  king  and  queen  to 
occupy  the  Tuileries  at  the  beginning  of  the  great  drama  of  revolution. 

Who  can  look  at  the  ruins  of  the  Tuileries,  when  this  throng  of 
reflections  crowd  upon  his  thoughts,  without  interest?  Who  that 
gives  time  to  these  reflections  can  for  a  moment  doubt  that,  however 
unfit  the  French  people  may  seem,  however  incapable  of  self-govern 
ment  the  French  nation  may  have  proved  itself,  vet  the  age  of  monarchy, 
and  even  the  period  of  imperialism,  have  passed  ? 
9 


130  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

I  shall  hardly  oe  believed  when  I  say  that,  in  my  first  visit  to  Paris,. 
I  questioned  the  wisdom,  not  less  than  the  taste,  of  the  monumental 
boasting  which  pervaded  that  capital.  Yet  the  notes  I  wrote  censured 
the  egoism  of  the  monument  in  the  Place  Vendome,  and  deprecated 
further  retaliation  than  Paris  had  yet  suffered,  in  being  compelled 
to  restore  the  horses  of  St.  Mark  ravished  from  Venice,  and  the  other 
trophies  of  Napoleon's  Continental  victories.  One  of  these  humiliations,, 
more  painful  than  all  the  rest,  I  saw  on  my  last  visit  to  Paris,  in  the 
Place  de  la  Concorde.  It  may  be  remembered  that  the  Place  de  Grove 
was  the  scene  of  the  most  atrocious  of  the  cruelties  of  the  Revolution^ 
Every  trace  and  relic  of  those  cruelties  having  been  removed,  the  Place 
de  Greve  received  appropriately  the  name  of  Place  de  la  Concorde  ^ 
and  at  its  several  corners  the  first  Napoleon  erected  graceful  monuments, 
emblematical  of  the  chief  external  cities  of  France,  Marseilles,  Rouen, 
Havre,  and  Strasbourg.  When  I  came  there  in  1871,  I  found  a  black 
drapery  drawn  over  the  name  and  statuary  of  Strasbourg. 

Paris  has  one  consolation  in  this  respect.  When  I  first  saw  the  Arc 
d'fitoile,  which  Napoleon  had  designed  to  be  the  most  majestic  of  the 
monuments  of  Paris,  it  was  in  an  unfinished  state,  and  spoke  less  of 
the  victories  of  Bonaparte  than  of  his  disappointed  ambition.  Louis 
Philippe  was  now  completing  it,  according  to  its  original  design  ;  and 
the  public  sentiment  required  that  it  should  be  embellished  with  illus 
trations  of  the  achievements  of  its  illustrious  founder.  I  know  not  by 
what  good  fortune  the  monument  escaped  serious  detriment  from  the- 
German  bombardment,  and  Communist  violence,  in  the  culminating 
calamities  of  France. 

In  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  I  inquired  first  for  the  seat  of  Lafay 
ette.  This  great  advocate  of  liberty  in  the.  two  hemispheres  had  just 
separated  from  Louis  Philippe,  whom,  as  he  suggested,  France  called 
to  her  throne.  The  breach  occurred  on  the  refusal  of  Louis  Philippe 
to  support  a  revolution  in  Poland,  which  refusal,  Lafayette  always  rep 
resented,  was  a  violation  of  a  promise  that  the  king  gave  as  a  condi 
tion  of  accession.  Lafayette  was  then  at  the  height  of  a  popularity 
a  third  time  renewed.  Though  infirm,  he  never  failed  to  ascend  the 
tribune  when  any  profound  political  question  was  discussed.  It  was 
affecting,  on  such  occasions,  to  see  him  painfully  drag  a  feeble  and 
trembling  frame,  worn  by  age  and  accident,  hacked  and  marred  like  an 
old  suit  of  iron  armor.  But  when  he  had  reached  his  ancient  post  he  re 
sumed  at  once  his  vigor  and  his  benevolent  smile.  That  smile  and  that 
peculiar  .utterance  of  his  are  indescribable.  He  preserved  entire  the 
chivalry,  the  courtesy,  and  the  tact,  of  the  ancient  rkgime.  But  he 
combined  with  it  the  directness,  the  simplicity,  and  the  sincerity,  that 
we  imagine  to  be  characteristic  of  the  ideal  republic.  Sometimes  a 
modern  parliamentarian,  with  a  self-sufficient  air,  would  select  some 


1833.]  THE   CHAMBER   OF  DEPUTIES.  131 

Revolutionary  incident,  and,  separating  it  from  its  true  connections, 
would  shape  an  argument  from  it  for  some  untenable  or  objectionable 
measure  or  principle.  It  was  then  that  Lafayette  would  reinvest  the 
incident,  thus  seized  upon,  with  its  true  historical  connection  and  col 
oring,  and  thus  by  a  simple  narrative  destroy  the  subtlest  sophistry. 
Thiers  was  then  in  the  ministry  ;  and  it  was  amusing  to  see  the  great 
historiographer  of  the  Revolution,  in  a  debate  of  that  kind,  succumb 
before  its  great  general,  its  living  monument,  Lafayette.  While  advo 
cating  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  United  States  he  re 
marked  :  "  It  will  be  said  that  on  this  point  I  show  myself  an  Ameri 
can.  Gentlemen,  that  is  a  title  of  which  I  am  proud  !  It  is  a  title 
dear  to  my  heart.  But  no  one  will  ever,  I  believe,  venture  to  tell  me 
that  it  has  made  me  forget  that  I  am  a  Frenchman." 

I  noticed  in  the  Chamber  a  man  sitting  opposite  the  tribune,  seem 
ingly  as  old  as  the  structure  itself,  his  silver  hair  falling  back  on  a 
black  habit,  which  was  girt  up  with  a  large  tricolored  scarf.  This  was 
the  old  messenger  who  had  done  the  errands  of  the  Legislature  of 
France  under  all  its  changes  of  name  and  constitution  since  the  com 
mencement  of  the  Revolution,  preserving  all  the  while,  as  such  inferior 
officers  are  accustomed  to,  a  due  esprit  de  corps.  He  delighted  in 
speaking  of  "  the  good  Monsieur  de  Robespierre."  The  only  disease  of 
his  advanced  age  was  his  inclination  to  sleep,  during  this  dull  adminis 
tration  of  the  juste  milieu.  He  slept  even  when  Mauquin  spoke.  But, 
whenever  Lafayette  rose  to  the  tribune,  the  old  messenger  started  in 
stantly  from  his  slumbers,  as  animated  as  a  cavalry-horse  when  he  hears 
the  bugle-call.  Sweet  recollections  of  youthful  days  revived  ;  and 
through  the  whole  debate  he  eagerly  inclined  his  hoary  head  to  catch 
every  word  of  the  speaker. 

I  think  it  is  only  the  French  who  pass  gracefully,  as  well  as  quickly, 


'  From  grave  to  gay,  from  lively  to  severe.' 


We  found  the  house  of  the  public  executioner.  He  politely  told  us 
that  we  could  not  appreciate  the  guillotine's  excellence  without  trying 
it  ;  and  for  that  purpose  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  procure  three 
assistants  with  one  sheep,  which  would  involve  an  expense  of  fifteen 
francs.  We  paid  the  money  and  saw,  to  his  satisfaction  as  well  as  our 
own,  the  working  of  the  instrument  which  had  executed  the  fearful 
Revolutionary  judgments  upon  Louis  XVI.,  his  heroic  queen,  Robes 
pierre,  the  inventor  of  the  machine  itself,  and  a  thousand  other  vic 
tims. 

They  still  preserve  at  Mount  Vernon  the  keys  of  the  Bastile.  I 
found  a  fountain,  in  the  shape  of  an  elephant,  upon  the  site  of  that 
odious  prison. 

A  visit  to  the  Hotel  des  Invalides  was  as  instructive  as  it  was  inter- 


132  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

esting.  The  inmates  of  this  great  military  charity  were  allowed  to  in 
dulge  all  the  esprit  de  corps  of  the  actual  service.  I  was  allowed  to 
enter  all  the  rooms  in  the  absence  of  their  proper  tenants,  and  to  see 
the  soldiers  at  their  rations.  No  visitor  could  enter  the  ward  where 
retired  or  decayed  officers  were  dining.  But  soldiers  and  officers,  all 
alike,  were  delighted  with  the  opportunity  to  tell  the  praises  of  their 
great  chief.  They  told  me  that  Napoleon  had  planned  to  convert  the 
large  and  beautiful  court  which  lies  between  the  Hotel  des  Invalides 
and  the  Seine  into  a  garden,  arid  to  have  contrasted  its  foliage  by 
thousands  of  marble  statues  of  illustrious  soldiers  of  France.  This 
I  thought  at  the  time  apocryphal ;  but  I  came  to  believe  it  true  after 
ward,  when  his  remains  were  deposited  there,  in  conformity  to  his  dying 
request  that  he  might  be  buried  "  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  in  that 
beautiful  France  he  loved  so  well." 

The  Palais  Royal,  like  the  Tuileries,  might  serve  as  a  text  for  a 
homily.  In  the  centre  of  Paris,  a  monument  of  its  builder,  Cardinal 
Richelieu,  the  cradle  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  covering  sixteen  acres  of 
ground,  this  splendid  palace,  with  a  reservation  of  a  portion  of  the 
upper  chambers  for  a  private  residence,  was  converted,  by  Philippe 
figalite,  into  a  great  bazaar  ;  and  filled  with  merchants,  shopkeepers, 
cafes,  barber-shops,  theatres,  tailors,  hatters,  valets,  and  boot-blacks. 
Confiscated  with  its  rents  by  the  republic,  on  the  execution  of  its  pro 
prietor,  and  afterward  appropriated  by  the  empire,  it  was  restored  in 
the  time  of  Louis  Philippe  to  his  family  ;  again  seized  by  the  second 
empire,  and  bestowed  as  a  princely  home  on  King  Jerome,  with  suc 
cession  by  the  Prince  Napoleon. 

It  was  in  1871  reduced  to  ashes  by  the  violent  rage  of  the  Com 
munists.  At  my  first  visit  it  had,  for  an  American,  one  pleasing  feat 
ure  :  its  walls  were  graced  with  a  series  of  elaborate  paintings,  pre 
senting  marked  incidents  in  the  history  of  the  Orleans  branch  of  the 
Bourbon  family.  Among  these  was  one  which  commemorated  the  re 
ception  of  Dr.  Franklin  at  the  Palais  Royal  ;  and  another,  the  return 
of  the  then  King  Louis  Philippe,  in  1814,  from  his  exile  in  the  United 
States. 

Louis  Philippe  was  possessed,  as  everybody  knows,  of  immense 
wealth.  He  was  a  man  of  exemplary  morals,  fine  talents,  and  exten 
sive  learning.  He  was,  moreover,  a  careful  manager  of  his  estates  and 
revenues.  His  opponents,  I  know  not  how  justly,  called  him  mean 
and  penurious.  In  every  country  the  throne  is  popularly  regarded  as 
the  fountain,  not  only  of  honors,  but  of  wealth.  The  virtue  of  a  king 
is  measured,  not  even  by  what  he  saves  for  the  state,  much  less  what 
he  saves  for  himself,  but  by  what  he  gives  to  his  subjects.  All  political 
questions  aside,  I  think  Louis  Philippe  would  have  fallen  before  the 
complaint  of  avarice.  Having,  in  later  life,  formed  an  interesting  ac- 


1833.]  NOTRE-DAME   AND   THE   PANTHEON.  133 

quaintance  with  the  Orleans  princes  of  this  day,  it  is  not  without  pleas 
ure  that  I  have  reverted  to  the  account  which  I  wrote  in  1833  of  the 
Orleans  family  :  "  The  king  has  done  much  to  reform  the  grossest  out 
rages  against  decency  and  public  morals  in  the  management  of  the 
Palais  Royal,  although  enough  is  yet  seen,  from  every  window  of  the 
state  apartments,  to  shock  and  disgust  its  inmates.  The  queen  is 
above  suspicion  and  reproach  of  any  sort,  universally  respected  and 
beloved.  The  young  princes  also  are  popular  ;  they  attend  the  public 
schools  and  colleges,  and  they  compete  there  with  the  plebeians — an 
emulation  in  which,  to  their  great  credit  it  is  said,  they  ably  sustain 
themselves,  by  force  of  talent  and  application." 

I  should  like  to  know  who  invented,  and  how  long  ago,  the  table 
of  the  zodiac.  In  Notre-Dame  I  found  it  adorning  the  portal  of  the 
church.  What  a  curious  and  yet  speaking  conceit  it  was,  that  the  cir 
cumference  contained  only  eleven  of  the  signs,  while  that  of  Virgo 
was  transferred  conspicuously  to  the  centre  !  Many  years  afterward  I 
found  the  table  of  the  zodiac  distinctly  presented  among  the  hiero 
glyphics  on  the  ceiling  of  an  ancient  Egyptian  temple.  It  varied  from 
the  modern  table  only  in  having  some  other  figure  substituted  for 
Libra. 

Notre-Dame  seems  an  enduring  provocation  to  the  Republican 
party.  It  suffered  great  devastation  of  decorations  and  relics  in  the 
Revolution  of  1793;  so  again  in  1830,  when  the  Archiepiscopal  Palace 
was  demolished.  In  1871  I  found  it  protected  by  a  military  guard 
against  the  Communists.  The  delirium  of  revolution  has  left  no 
monument  so  significant  as  the  Pantheon.  When  founded,  it  was  the 
church  of  St.-Genevieve,  and  dedicated  to  religion.  The  republic 
seized  it,  and,  under  the  name  of  the  Pantheon,  inscribed  upon  its 
lofty  pediment  :  "  Dedicated^  by  a  grateful  country,  to  its  illustrious 
men." 

Marble  sarcophagi,  filled  with  the  dust  of  statesmen,  scholars,  and 
warriors,  were  heaped  up  in  its  vaulted  basement.  Surrounded  by 
these,  but  separated  from  them  and  from  each  other,  when  I  visited 
the  Pantheon,  were  two  wooden  coffins,  elaborately  carved,  but  even 
then  falling  into  dust.  One  of  these  contained  the  ashes  of  Voltaire  ; 
the  other  the  remains  of  Rousseau.  I  have  since  read  that  both  the 
coffins  have  been  despoiled  of  their  sacred  treasure. 

On  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  the  edifice  was  again  conse 
crated  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  as  the  church  of  St.-Genevieve. 
Public  worship  was  celebrated  there  until  1830,  when  its  Christian 
name  was  again  abolished,  and  the  heathen  name  of  Pantheon  restored. 
Christian  worship  was  excluded  from  it,  and  the  temple  reverted  to  its 
republican  use,  a  Westminster  for  France. 

I  think  no  one  who  sees  Paris  fails  to  visit  the  Chapelle  Expiatoire, 


134  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

which  covers  the  remains,  real  or  supposed,  of  Louis  XVI.  and  Marie 
Antoinette.  On  each  side  of  the  choir  is  a  monumental  altar.  On  one 
of  these  is  inscribed  that  affecting  piece  of  composition,  so  marked  by 
Christian  resignation,  faith,  and  charity,  the  will  of  Louis  XVI.;  on 
the  other,  that  no  less  touching  memorial,  the  last  letter  of  Marie  An 
toinette  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth. 

When  Paris  is  tranquil  its  people  seem  most  humane  and  gentle. 
So  far  as  I  could  learn,  the  whole  French  people  regarded  the  violent 
fate  of  those  monarchs  with  horror.  It  was  a  common  expression  that 
the  Revolution  was  a  season  of  universal  madness.  Perhaps  it  is  ow 
ing  to  the  strong  influence  of  this  sentiment  that  this  little  chapel  has 
never  been  disturbed. 

In  my  wanderings  through  Paris  I  looked  upon  a  scene  which,  al 
though  it  has  since  been  entirely  obliterated,  I  shall  never  be  able  to 
forget.  In  the  Rue  Chartreuse  I  passed  through  a  wooden  fence,  pick 
eted  with  Roman  fasces,  up  a  long,  narrow,  shaded  avenue,  into  a  cot 
tage-house  of  octagon  form,  one  story  high,  with  only  three  or  four 
rooms,  and  surrounded  by  .a  neglected  garden.  It  seemed  to  have  been 
long  closed;  its  walls,  porches,  and  piazza,  exhibited  faded  frescoes  of 
consular  emblems  and  ornaments.  It  was  the  dwelling  which  Napoleon 
occupied  with  Josephine  before  his  political  career  began ;  and  the 
perishing  adornments  reminded  me  how  the  imperial  system  here,  as  in 
Rome,  affected  assimilation  to  the  consular  regime.  At  the  end  of  the 
little  garden  was  a  small  marble  bust  of  Napoleon,  the  base  of  which 
bore  this  inscription  :  "In  hac  minima  jam  maximus  plus  quam 
maxima  concepit"  I  looked  in  vain  for  the  picket  fence  and  its  in- 
closure  in  my  subsequent  visits  to  Paris  ;  they  were  gone. 

The  Jardin  des  Plantes  was,  I  think,  the  model  of  institutions  de 
voted  to  the  cultivation  of  natural  science,  which  have  since  become 
common  in  European  capitals.  No  wonder  that  Paris,  combining  its 
admirable  system  of  lectures  with  institutions  of  this  kind,  became  a 
school  for  all  nations. 

Paris  had  already  a  national  opera  ;  and  its  theatre  surpassed  the 
English  stage  then  not  less  than  now. 


1833. 

A  Visit  to  La  Grange. — Lafayette's  Affection  for  America. — His  Family. — His  Conversation 
and  Habits.— His  Description  of  the  Revolution  of  1830.— Views  of  French  Politics,  Past 
and  Future. 

"  I  HASTEN  to  welcome  you  on  your  arrival  in  France,  and  I  hope, 
with  my  family,  to  have  the  pleasure  of  receiving  you  at  La  Grange. 
Meanwhile,  I  expect  to  be  in  Paris  on  Wednesday  next,  for  only  one 


1833.J  A   VISIT   TO   LAFAYETTE.  135 

day,  and  will  receive  you  there  at  my  own  house,  or  will  wait  upon  you 
at  your  hotel,  as  may  be  agreeable  to  you."  This  was  General  Lafa 
yette's  note  received  by  post  a  few  days  after  we  came  to  Paris. 

We  repaired  to  his  house  in  the  Rue  d'Anjou,  St.-Honore,  early  on 
Wednesday,  so  as  to  anticipate  his  coming  to  our  lodgings.  A  servant 
seated  us  in  the  antechamber,  as  expected  guests.  We  waited  there, 
however,  nearly  half  an  hour,  but  not  without  receiving  from  the  gen 
eral  an  apology  for  the  delay.  When  he  came  in,  he  said  that  the 
gentleman  whom  he  had  just  dismissed  was  a  Polish  general  officer, 
"  who  always  comes  to  converse  with  me,  when  I  come  to  town,  on  the 
condition  of  his  unhappy  country."  Pressing  my  hands  warmly,  he 
said,  "  I  am  happy  to  see  you  again  ! " 

Did  the  venerable  guest  of  the  United  States  actually  remember  the 
young  militia  adjutant,  who  attended  him  in  his  progress  from  the 
Oayuga  Bridge  to  Syracuse  in  1825  ?  Or  did  he  benignantly  assume 
that,  in  the  general  acclamations  with  which  he  had  been  received  in 
the  United  States,  he  had  met  every  citizen  who  could  by  any  possi 
bility  come  to  Paris  ? 

He  conducted  me  at  once  to  his  bedroom.  This  apartment,  as  well 
as  the  antechamber,  was  furnished  in  the  simplest  fashion.  On  the 
wall  hung  a  copy  of  the  "  Declaration  of  Independence."  The  ante 
chamber  was  graced  only  with  two  busts — one  of  Washington,  the 
-other  of  Lafayette.  He  walked  with  difficulty,  owing  to  an  old  fract 
ure.  His  complexion  was  fresh,  and  he  seemed  more  vigorous  and 
animated  than  when  in  the  United  States.  After  inquiring  concerning 
my  voyage  and  health,  he  said,  "  And  how  did  you  leave  all  my  friends 
in  America  ?  "  I  replied,  "  The  question  is  too  broad."  I  could  answer, 
however,  for  the  continued  health  and  usefulness  of  those  who  had 
given  me  letters  to  him. 

He  renewed  the  invitation  to  visit  La  Grange.  When  I  expressed 
a  desire  to  decline  it  through  a  fear  of  trespassing  on  his  kindness,  he 
declared  that  he  had  a  right,  and  his  family  had  a  right,  to  a  visit  from 
every  American  who  came  to  Paris.  I  must  go  to  La  Grange.  He 
would  not  have  a  doubt  left  upon  it.  He  adverted  to  the  then  recent 
political  convulsion  in  South  Carolina,  but  took  care  to  refer  to  no  one 
of  the  politicians  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  conflict.  He  said  the 
suspense  suffered  by  the  friends  of  republicanism  in  Europe,  on  that 
occasion,  was  dreadful,  and  his  own  position  exceedingly  embarrassing. 
The  reactionists  of  every  country  in  Europe  exulted  in  the  anticipated 
overthrow  of  the  United  States,  upon  whose  stability  the  liberals  of  the 
whole  world  had  staked  their  all. 

He  expressed  himself  in  language  of  the  highest  friendship  con 
cerning  many  statesmen,  living  and  dead,  who  had  belonged  to  dif 
ferent  political  parties. 


136  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

It  was  only  when  seeing  Lafayette  at  home  that  one  could  come  to 
realize  the  truly  paternal  character  which  he  held  toward  the  American 
people.  His  affection  and  solicitude  were  for  the  whole  nation,  and 
he  seemed  unwilling  to  dwell  on  the  party  controversies  with  which  it 
is  disturbed. 

While  listening  to  him  I  yielded  for  the  moment  to  a  belief  that,  if 
he  could  remain  among  us,  his  teachings  and  example  would  inspire 
us  with  mutual  forbearance,  and  lift  us  to  higher  purity  of  purpose. 
Doubtless  this  was  an  error.  Political  controversies  seldom  or  never 
yield  to  such  soothing  and  redeeming  influences.  Even  Lafayette,  if 
among  us,  would  retain  only  so  much  influence  as  he  could  exert  by 
casting  it  on  the  side  of  one  political  party  or  the  other.  Nor  is  the 
case  different  now.  We  have  "  Moses  and  the  prophets  ; "  if  we  will 
not  hear  them,  neither  would  we  "  be  persuaded  though  one  rose  from 
the  dead." 

It  was  with  not  less  of  surprise  than  of  gratification  that  I  listened 
to  the  general,  while  he  told  the  events  of  the  three  days'  Revolution 
in  1830,  with  as  much  simplicity  as  if  the  recital  concerned  only  a  vil 
lage  commotion. 

"It  has  been  said,"  he  remarked,  "that  I  made  Louis  Philippe 
king.  That  is  not  true  ;  it  is  true,  however,  that  I  consented  he  should 
be  king  ;  and,  without  that  consent,  he  could  not  have  been.  It  was 
not  without  hesitation  that  I  gave  that  consent.  But  what  was  to  be 
done  ?  The  people  had  achieved  a  revolution.  In  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  there  was  a  large  majority  of  Liberals  "  (Lafayette  called  them 
Whigs) ;  "  there  were  many  Republicans  among  them,  but  such  a  horror 
of  republicanism  existed  in  France,  resulting  from  the  terrible  scenes 
of  the  republic  of  '93,  that  nobody  was  willing  to  renew  the  experi 
ment  so  soon.  It  was  the  earnest  desire  of  all  to  have  the  revolution 
ended,  because,  although  the  people  had  behaved  with  the  greatest 
moderation  and  prudence  thus  far,  yet  painful  apprehensions  were  en 
tertained  that  turbulence  and  anarchy  would  ensue,  and  the  bloody 
scenes  of  '93  be  ree'nacted  if  a  government  should  not  be  immediately 
established. 

"  What  was  to  be  done  ?  "  repeated  Lafayette.  "  The  only  one  of 
the  Bonaparte  family  whom  it  would  be  practicable  to  call  to  the  throne 
was  the  Duke  de  Reichstadt.  He  was  a  valetudinarian,  a  minor,  in  the 
hands  of  the  Austrians,  who  had  educated  him.  Naturally,  it  was  be 
lieved  that  he  was  imbued  with  the  principles  and  prejudices  of  that 
court.  Besides,  the  name  of  Bonaparte  awakened  recollections  of  a 
military  despotism.  The  throne  of  a  new  Bonaparte  must  be  rendered 
secure  by  a  return  to  the  principles  and  policy  of  the  empire,  and  thus 
there  were  insuperable  objections  to  a  restoration  of  the  Napoleonic 
dynasty.  We  could  not  safely  proclaim  a  republic  ;  we  had  no  reliable 


1833.]  LAFAYETTE   AND   LOUIS   PHILIPPE.  137 

republican  army  ;  nor  could  a  government  of  this  form  at  that  time 
secure  popular  confidence  ;  and  we  knew  well  that,  so  soon  as  it  should 
be  established,  we  should  have  all  Europe  combined  against  us.  Louis 
Philippe  preoccupied  the  attention  of  all  the  actors  in  the  Revolution. 
I  was  little  acquainted  with  him  ;  I  knew  that,  in  his  youth,  he  had 
been  a  republican  ;  that  he  possessed  talents  and  information  ;  and, 
although  a  little  too  fond  of  money,  yet  that  he  had  hitherto  conducted 
himself  with  dignity  and  propriety,  especially  in  America.  The  gen 
eral  sentiment  indicated  Louis  Philippe  ;  but  it  was  agreed  that  before 
he  should  be  created  king  he  should  be  sounded  ;  and  that  he  should 
be  bound  to  a  constitutional  monarchy,  which  should  be  so  framed  as 
to  constitute  a  distinct  advance  toward  a  republic.  I  left  the  people  at 
the  H6tel-de-Ville  and  visited  Louis  Philippe.  The  first  thing  he  said 
to  me  was,  '  General  Lafayette,  what  is  to  be  done  ? '  I  said,  *  You 
well  know  that  I  am  a  republican,  and  that  I  think  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  the  best  government  ever  devised  by  man.'  '  I 
think  so,  too,'  replied  Louis  Philippe,  '  and  any  person  who  should  be  in 
America  for  two  years,  as  I  have  been,  must  be  convinced  that  the 
American  Government  is  the  best  possible  one.  But  what  shall  be 
done  ?  You  know,'  continued  he,  '  the  prejudices  and  fears  that  the 
people  entertain  against  the  republic.  We  cannot  depend  on  the  army. 
Half  the  troops  are  Carlists '  (friends  of  Charles  X.,  just  dethroned), 
'  and  we  shall  have  all  Europe  down  on  us  as  soon  as  we  proclaim  a 
republic.'  '  I  answeredj'  continued  Lafayette,  '  I  am  aware  of  all 
this  ;  and  I  think,  therefore,  that  insomuch  as  it  is  most  desirable  to 
consummate  the  revolution,  and  give  quiet  to  France,  it  is  best  to 
establish  at  present  a  monarchy,  with  as  many  limitations  as  are  possi 
ble,  and  to  surround  it  with  republican  institutions,  which  will  prepare 
the  way  for  establishing  a  republic  as  soon  as  it  can  be  done  with  pru 
dence.'  Louis  Philippe  declared,  i  These  are  indeed  my  own  thoughts 
on  the  situation.' 

"  I  returned  to  the  H6tel-de-Ville,  and  announced  to  the  people 
there  that  the  sentiments  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  accorded  with  our 
own  ;  and,  as  you  know,  he  was  then  made  king.  We  made  him  swear 
to  a  charter  containing  two  fundamental  principles  :  one,  the  responsi 
bility  of  the  Government  to  the  people  ;  the  other,  universal  suffrage. 
He  pledged  himself  that  laws  should  be  passed  to  begin  the  work  of 
general  education  immediately.  I  did  not  wish  to  accept  the  office  of 
lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom  ;  but  it  seemed  necessary,  to  satisfy 
the  people,  and  attach  them  to  the  Government ;  besides,  by  declining 
it,  I  should  furnish  ground  for  a  suspicion  that  I  wanted  to  be  king 
myself.  I  therefore  accepted  it ;  and  for  a  short  time  all  went  on 
well.  Louis  Philippe  promised  to  support  Italy,  and  the  liberal  cause 
throughout  Europe.  Excited  by  our  example  and  success.''  said  La- 


138  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

f  ayette,  "  the  republican  cause  asserted  itself  in  Poland,  Belgium,  and 
Italy.  It  met  the  resistance  we  had  anticipated,  and  looked  to  us  for 
support.  Louis  Philippe  had  not  courage  to  support  it,  as  he  had  prom 
ised.  I  remonstrated.  He  shrank  from  it,  and  finally  abandoned  the 
republicans  of  those  countries  to  their  fate.  Then  he  became  very 
desirous  that  I  should  resign.  His  supporters  entertained,  or  affected, 
apprehension  that  the  office  I  held  might,  in  the  hands  of  my  successor, 
prove  dangerous  ;  but  they  were  unwilling  to  deprive  me  of  it.  I  was 
more  desirous  to  resign  than  they  were  that  I  should.  Louis  Philippe 
had  already  begun  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  new  Bourbon  dynasty, 
which  should  be  perpetual ;  instead  of  wielding  the  government  in 
such  manner  as  to  bring  in  the  republic,  as  he  had  promised  me  to  do. 
In  this  I  would  have  no  part.  I  was  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  a 
republican.  My  name  was  associated  with  the  cause  of  liberty  and 
republicanism  wherever  that  name  was  known.  I  never  sought  or 
held  office  merely  for  the  sake  of  office,  under  any  government.  I 
could  not  now  retain  it  without  lending  my  sanction,  whatever  might 
be  its  worth,  to  the  principles  of  the  new  dynasty.  I  therefore  re 
signed.  Louis  Philippe  has  since  said  that  he  made  no  preparatory 
engagements  with  me  concerning  the  principles  of  his  government. 
As  soon  as  I  learned  this  reliably,  I  sent  him  word  that  I  should  no 
longer  go  to  the  Tuileries." 

La  Grange  adjoins  Rosoit,  a  village  of  two  thousand  inhabitants, 
and  distant  thirty  miles  from  Paris.  The  chateau,  three  stories  in 
height,  is  built  on  the  three  sides  of  a  square,  and  at  each  angle  is 
flanked  by  a  circular  tower.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  moat,  with  military 
drawbridges.  The  front  wall  is  covered  with  an  ivy  which  was  planted 
by  Charles  James  Fox.  Two  small  brass  cannon  guarded  the  staircase. 
They  were  trophies,  taken  from  the  royal  troops,  in  the  three  days' 
revolution,  by  the  people  of  Paris,  and  presented  to  General  Lafayette. 
The  staircase  was  decorated  with  flags,  tricolored  and  American.  I 
was  received  by  the  general,  Madame  Maubourg  his  daughter,  and  two 
of  his  grandsons,  in  a  parlor  still  more  plainly  furnished  than  the  one 
in  Paris.  It  contained  busts  of  Washington  and  Franklin,  and  some 
American  maps,  and  also  portraits  of  all  the  Presidents  of  the  United 
States.  The  library  was  filled  with  American  books  ;  the  sleeping- 
rooms  had  only  pictures  of  American  battle-scenes,  on  land  and  sea, 
Mount  Vernon,  John  Hancock's  house,  and  Quincy.  Other  members 
of  the  family  soon  appeared,  and  I  had  a  welcome  from  all  at  La 
Grange.  The  general  said  :  "  I  did  not  visit  Colonel  Burr,  when  he 
came  to  Paris  ;  he  had  lately  conspired  against  one  of  my  friends,  Mr. 
Jerferson  ;  and  had  killed  another,  Colonel  Hamilton."  In  making  this 
remark,  he  indicated  not  the  least  consciousness  of  the  mutual  an 
tagonism  of  those  eminent  statesmen.  He  spoke  again  and  more  freely 


1833.]  THE   FAMILY   AT   LA   GRANGE.  139 

of  Louis  Philippe  ;  and  alleged  that  the  king  had  distinctly  engaged 
to  him  that  the  new  monarchy  should  be  surrounded  by  republican 
institutions,  and  be  only  temporary,  so  as  to  prepare  the  way  for  a 
Republic.  "  But,"  said  Lafayette,  "  the  king  has  chosen  to  build  up  a 
dynasty  ;  and  so  he  has  made  a  bad  choice.  Had  he  fulfilled  his  en 
gagements,  he  might  have  been  king  twenty-five  years  ;  but,  in  trying 
to  make  his  dynasty  perpetual,  he  will  lose  all.  In  the  former  case, 
the  Revolution  of  France  would  have  ended  in  four  acts  ;  now  it  will 
be  five.  Louis  Philippe  and  his  dynasty  are  sure  to  come  down  some 
time,  and  that  not  far  off.  I  do  not  think  they  have  twenty  years  to 
reign."  If  this  prophecy  was  at  fault  in  anything,  it  was  in  limiting 
the  Revolution  of  France  to  five  acts.  It  has  already  passed  through 
five,  and  the  end  is  not  yet. 

At  dinner  we  had  the  entire  family,  twenty-two  persons.  The 
general  sat  opposite  the  centre  of  the  table,  Madame  Maubourg  and 
Madame  Perier  at  either  end.  The  viands  and  the  wine,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  champagne  and  Madeira,  were  the  products  of  La  Grange. 
Lafayette  entertained  the  party  with  an  account  of  his  progress  through 
the  United  States,  with  vivid  descriptions  of  the  country.  "  I  never 
think,"  said  he,  "  of  Niagara  Falls,  without  feeling  a  wish  to  buy  Goat 
Island,  and  live  there."  Madame  Maubourg  described  to  me  the  Castle 
of  Olmlitz,  and  her  stay  there,  with  her  mother  and  sister,  during  her 
father's  imprisonment.  She  told,  in  the  simplest  manner,  but  with 
touching  effect,  how  the  agent  of  the  Prussian  Government  came  to  the 
prison  and  offered  Lafayette  his  release,  on  condition  that  he  should 
renounce  republicanism.  "  I  will  subscribe  no  declaration,"  said  La 
fayette,  "  inconsistent  with  my  duties  as  an  American  citizen."  After 
an  hour  and  a  half,  we  retired  to  the  drawing-room,  where  the  evening 
was  spent  in  cheerful  conversation  on  books,  music,  art,  and  political 
events.  Precisely  at  ten  o'clock  each  member  of  the  family,  old  and 
young,  kissed  the  general,  and  he  retired.  In  taking  leave  of  me  for 
the  night  he  said,  "  We  breakfast  at  ten  o'clock."  I  found  my  bed 
room,  in  the  upper  story  of  one  of  the  towers,  daintily  prepared  ;  the 
curtains  were  dropped,  arm-chair  and  slippers  before  the  fire,  and  the 
bed-coverings  turned  down. 

When  I  came  to  breakfast  every  one  inquired  if  I  had  been  out. 
The  general,  they  said,  always  rose  at  six.  All  the  gentlemen,  and 
some  of  the  ladies,  had  been  abroad  on  the  plantation.  From  break 
fast  we  repaired  to  a  bower  on  the  lawn.  Mdlle.  Clementine,  a  daugh 
ter  of  George  Washington  Lafayette,  conducted  me  to  an  artificial 
lake,  shaded  by  evergreens,  where  we  passed  an  hour  in  rowing.  The 
general  met  us  on  our  return.  He  walked  with  us  over  the  plantation, 
which  contained  eight  hundred  acres.  It  was  in  fine  order,  and  man 
aged  with  perfect  economy.  All  the  animals  were  carefully  housed  ; 


140  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833. 

even  the  acorns  were  stored  for  the  swine.  He  had  another  larger 
farm  in  the  south  of  France,  on  which  his  son  resided.  Regular  daily 
accounts  of  both  were  kept  at  La  Grange,  and  were  examined  and 
posted  every  Saturday,  the  domestic  expenses  being  carefully  super 
vised  and  regulated  by  the  daughters. 

The  morning  closed  with  Lafayette's  exhibition  to  me  of  his  mu 
seum  of  American  presents.  Among  these  he  seemed  especially 
pleased  with  a  vase  presented  to  him  by  the  officers  of  the  Brandy- 
wine,  and  a  volume  published  in  New  York  in  commemoration  of  his 
reception  in  the  United  States.  This  exhibition  ended  with  a  visit  to 
the  beautiful  barge  presented  to  him  by  the  Whitehall  boatmen  of 
New  York  as  a  trophy  of  their  victory  over  the  Thames  boatmen  in 
New  York  Harbor.  It  bore  an  inscription,  which  recited  the  wager, 
the  names  of  the  victors,  and  the  fact  of  its  presentation  to  him.  He 
had  built  a  house  over  it,  and  inclosed  it  with  an  iron  network,  protect 
ing  it  even  from  the  touch  of  visitors.  "Tell  the  Whitehallers  I 
have  their  boat  safe,"  said  Lafayette,  "  and  it  will  last  longer  than  I 
shall." 

I  took  my  leave  of  the  general  and  his  family  that  night  at  ten 
o'clock,  preparatory  to  a  departure  at  six  the  next  morning.  I  was 
surprised,  while  taking  my  coffee  before  daylight,  by  a  summons  to  his 
bedroom,  where  I  found  him,  in  a  white-flannel  undress,  engaged  with 
his  correspondence,  of  which  he  showed  me  a  letter  he  had  just  re 
ceived  from  Madame  Malibran.  I  said  to  him,  "  We  constantly  cherish 
a  hope  that  you  will  come  back  to  the  United  States." 

"  My  dear  sir,"  said  Lafayette,  "  it  would  make  me  very  sad  to 
think  I  should  never  see  America  again,  but  you  know  how  it  is.  I 
am  confined  to  France  for  two  or  three  years  by  my  office,  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  House  of  Deputies  ;  and  in  that  time  what  may  happen 
only  God  knows  ! "  With  these  words  he  threw  his  arms  around  me, 
and,  kissing  me  affectionately,  bade  me  good-by. 

He  died  during  the  next  year.  I  think  it  a  subject  of  great  satis 
faction  that  I  thus  enjoyed  a  personal  and  even  intimate  acquaint 
ance  with  Lafayette,  so  heroic  an  actor  in  our  Revolution,  and  the 
only  one  of  the  patriotic  movers  of  the  great  Revolution  in  France 
who  survived  the  first  four  acts  of  that  yet  unfinished  drama,  and  who 
throughout  all  those  vicissitudes  was  consistent  with  his  own  character 
and  principles. 


1833-'34.J  RETURNING   HOME. 


1833-1834. 

Home  again.— Colonel  S wart wout.—  Protecting  Settlers  in  the  Court  of  Errors.— Jackson's 
Progress. — Edward  Livingston. — Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  West  Indies. — Coloniza 
tion  and  Antislavery  Movements. — Kemovalof  the  Deposits. — Dissolution  of  the  Anti- 
masonic  Party. 

MY  journey  from  Paris  to  Havre  was  by  diligence,  resting  at  night 
at  Rouen,  whose  monuments  are  so  rich  in  the  memories  of  the  won 
derful  story  of  Jeanne  d'Arc  and  the  chivalrous  campaign  of  Henry 
V.  At  dinner  the  passengers  sat  four  at  each  table.  Two  young 
Englishmen  talked  so  volubly  and  appropriated  to  themselves  so  large 
a  share  of  the  entertainment,  that  I  asked  them  of  what  particular 
college  at  Oxford  they  were  speaking.  They  answered  Christ  College, 
and  politely  asked  whether  I  was  educated  there.  On  my  replying  in 
the  negative  they  put  me  through  a  catechism  as  to  the  college  I  had 
been  educated  in,  mentioning  most  of  the  colleges  and  universities  in 
Europe.  At  last  I  said  that  I  was  graduated  at  Union  College.  As 
they  had  never  heard  of  that,  I  told  them  that  it  was  in  Schenectady. 

"  Sche-nec-ta-dy  !  where  is  that  ?  " 

"  In  the  State  of  New  York." 

"  New  York  ? "  said  one  of  them  ;  "  why,  that's  in  America  ! 
Then  you  live  in  America  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  I  replied. 

"  Why,  Tom,  only  think  of  that  !  Here  is  a  gentleman  who  lives 
in  America.  Perhaps  he  has  seen  Niagara  Falls. — Have  you  seen 
Niagara  Falls  ?  " 

"Yes,  I  live  near  the  falls,  and  see  them  three  or  four  times  a 
year." 

"  O  my  God  !  "  he  exclaimed,  "  how  I  do  wish  I  could  see  Niagara 
Falls!" 

We  were  close  friends,  those  young  travelers  and  I,  from  that  time. 

After  remaining  a  fortnight  at  Havre  I  sailed  with  my  father,  whose 
health  had  been  somewhat  improved,  on  the  ship  Sully,  arriving  at 
New  York  after  a  voyage  of  thirty-two  days.  The  voyage  was  rough 
and  stormy,  and,  with  all  my  eagerness  to  get  an  early  sight  of  the  light 
at  Sandy  Hook  at  midnight,  I  was  driven  from  the  deck  by  the  bleak 
ness  of  the  blast.  There  was  sunshine,  however,  when  we  reached  the 
wharf  the  next  afternoon.  I  saw  the  baggage  quickly  placed  on  carts. 
There  were  no  coaches  or  hacks  in  waiting,  and,  as  I  had  learned  cau 
tion  and  carefulness  in  European  travel,  I  mounted  the  cart  with  my 
baggage,  and  was  first  seen  in  that  situation  by  friends  and  acquaint 
ances  in  the  streets  as  I  passed  to  the  custom-house. 

The  collector  was  Colonel  Samuel  Swartwout,  who  afterward  fell 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [lb33-'34. 

into  irredeemable  disgrace  as  a  defaulter.  He  was  bland  and  cour 
teous,  and  his  knowledge  of  my  father  and  myself  influenced  him  to 
give  our  trunks  a  quick  clearance — a  compliment  which  had  not  been 
accorded  to  us  anywhere  abroad.  My  mother  awaited  us  at  my  elder 
brother's,  who  then  resided  in  New  York. 

My  first  impressions  on  landing  were  discouraging  enough.  The 
public  edifices  and  the  dwellings  of  New  York,  built  generally  of  brick 
and  wood,  seemed  low  and  mean,  the  equipages  cheap  and  vulgar,  the 
streets  narrow  and  dirty.  The  placards  showed  that  the  State  elec 
tion  was  going  on  ;  that  my  political  friends  were  cowed  and  recreant ; 
and  that  the  party  of  the  Administration  were  enjoying  an  easy  and 
complete  triumph. 

I  had  time  to  spend  only  a  few  days  with  my  family  at  Au 
burn  before  taking  my  seat  in  the  Court  of  Errors.  Addressing  my 
self  directly  to  my  judicial  duties,  I  heard  all  the  causes,  and  took 
my  part  in  the  decision  of  them.  There  was  one  cause  which  gave 
me  much  anxiety.  In  the  centre  of  the  State  around  Auburn,  the 
lands  which  had  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations,  when  their  possessory 
title  was  extinguished,  belonged  to  the  State  of  New  York,  and  had 
been  divided  and  distributed  in  lots,  each  of  one  mile  square,  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  the  New  York  line  in  the  Revolutionary 
War.  Generally  speculators  had  bought  these  lots  for  small  sums  of 
money  while  they  remained  wild,  and  had  sold  them  at  large  advances 
to  poor  and  humble  men,  who  held  them  at  prices  continually  advancing 
with  the  improvement  of  the  country.  A  flourishing  village  in  Onta 
rio  County  was  built  by  such  purchasers  on  one  of  these  lots,  every 
part  of  which  had  thus  become  very  valuable.  A  custom  had,  at  that 
time,  universally  obtained  in  the  State  in  regard  to  the  sale  of  land 
upon  credit,  by  which  the  owner  in  fee  entered  into  a  conditional  con 
tract  with  the  purchasers,  agreeing  to  sell  them  certain  defined  por 
tions,  on  credit  of  several  years,  but  permitting  them  to  enter  into 
immediate  possession,  and  derive  from  the  improvement  and  cultivation 
of  the  lands  the  means  to  pay  for  them  ;  the  deeds  were  to  be  given 
when  the  lands  were  fully  paid  for.  A  mercantile  creditor  of  the 
owner  of  the  lot  in  question  brought  an  action  in  the  Supreme  Court 
to  recover  a  debt  due  him,  and  he  at  the  same  time  filed  in  the  office  of 
the  Register  in  Chancery  a  bill  to  set  aside  the  title  of  that  owner  for 
fraud,  giving  no  actual  notice  of  this  litigation  to  the  persons  who  had 
settled  on  these  lands  under  contracts  of  sale.  The  litigation  between 
these  two  original  parties  continued  all  the  time  during  which  the 
lands  were  being  improved  and  the  village  was  built. 

The  creditor  finally  obtained  a  decree  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  by 
which  the  title  of  the  owner  was  declared  fraudulent  and  void.  He 
then  caused  all  the  lands  to  be  sold  on  execution,  becoming  the  pur- 


1833-'34.]  THE   ONTARIO  SETTLERS.  143 

chaser  thereof,  to  satisfy  his  judgment.  The  occupants  refused  to 
leave  the  lands.  He  brought  actions  of  ejectment  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  to  recover  the  lands.  He  proved  in  these  actions  that  he  had 
complied  with  existing  laws,  by  filing  in  the  register's  office  of  the 
Court  of  Chancery  a  written  notice  of  lis  pendens,  that  is  to  say,  of 
the  fact  that  he  had  instituted  his  suit  in  chancery. 

The  Supreme  Court,  upon  this  showing,  rendered  judgment  in  favor 
of  the  complainant,  and  directed  an  eviction  of  the  occupants  of  the 
land,  who,  in  the  mean  time,  having  had  no  actual  knowledge  of  the 
litigation,  had  made  the  payments  stipulated  in  their  several  contracts, 
and  taken  absolute  deeds,  in  fee,  for  the  premises.  The  tenants 
brought  a  writ  of  error  to  the  Court  of  Errors,  to  reverse  the  judgment 
of  the  Supreme  Court  in  these  actions.  One  cause  was  argued,  to  test 
the  principle  of  all. 

On  the  hearing  of  this  cause,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  to  inform  the  Court  of  Errors  of  the  reasons  of  their 
judgment  ;  but  they  had  no  voice  in  the  review.  The  Chancellor  only, 
with  the  Senators,  sat  in  review. 

The  practice  that  obtained  in  the  Court  of  Errors  was  probably 
derived  from  an  analogous  proceeding  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  Eng 
land.  The  opinions  of  the  Chancellor  were  generally  accepted  by  the 
Senators  in  reviewing  alleged  errors  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and,  vice 
versa,  the  court  accepted  the  opinions  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  revision  of  the  decisions  of  the  Chancellor.  No  case  had 
ever  occurred  in  which  a  majority  of  the  Senate  had  disagreed  with 
the  Chancellor  when  he  declared  his  opinion  in  favor  of  affirming  a  de 
cision  which  had  been  unanimously  made  by  the  Supreme  Court.  It 
was  not  a  habit  of  the  members  of  the  Court  of  Errors  to  confer  with 
each  other  with  a  view  to  obtaining  an  agreement  in  opinion,  although, 
when  a  cause  was  argued,  a  member  of  the  court  would  naturally  state 
to  others  sitting  near  him  the  impressions  which  were  made  upon  him 
by  the  arguments  of  counsel.  In  this  way,  I  incidentally  learned 
enough  of  the  views  of  the  Chancellor  to  satisfy  me  that  his  final  opin 
ion,  in  the  present  case,  would  be  in  favor  of  affirming  the  judgment 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  Shocked  at  the  hardship  and  injustice  of  evict 
ing  the  occupants  of  the  lands  in  question  from  their  dearly-earned 
and  valuable  possessions,  upon  a  ground  which  was  merely  technical, 
while  they  were  not  only  innocent  but  meritorious  purchasers,  and  in  a 
case  entirely  new,  there  being  no  precedent  for  it,  I  sounded  my  brother 
Senators,  and  found  them  all  conscientiously  aiYected  as  I  was  ;  but 
each  one  declaring  that  he  could  not  satisfactorily  controvert  the  rea 
sons  which  the  Chancellor  was  to  give  for  affirming  the  judgment.  In 
replying  to  them  I  said:  "The  case  is  entirely  new.  I  think  we  can 
make  an  argument  in  which  I  can  show  that  we  may  safely  place  the 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833-'34. 

tenant  who  is  in  actual  occupation,  under  a  written  contract,  on  the 
footing  of  a  grantee  or  mortgagee  of  record,  entitled  to  actual  notice, 
or  not  to  be  affected  by  the  mere  constructive  notice  of  Us  pendens." 

The  Senators  who  were  members  of  the  bar  declared  their  unwill 
ingness  to  make  such  a  statement  of  reasons,  but  their  willingness  to 
concur  with  me  if  I  should  do  so.  Accordingly,  I  drew  up  an  opinion, 
and  confidentially  submitted  it  to  each  member  of  the  court  who  was  a 
lawyer,  and  received  his  promise  to  sustain  the  opinion  by  his  vote. 
It  was  a  thrilling  scene  when  the  cause  was  decided.  The  Chancellor 
read  a  strong  opinion,  in  favor  of  affirmance,  and  sat  down  by  the  side 
of  the  judges,  all  of  whom  looked  a  unanimous  concurrence.  Senator 
Levi  Beardsley,  sitting  by  me,  said,  "Now,  Seward,  call  out  the 
militia  !"  I,  the  youngest,  not  only  of  the  lawyers,  but  of  all  the 
Senators,  read  the  opinion  which  I  had  prepared,  all  the  other  members 
remaining  silent.  The  roll  was  called,  and  the  vote  stood  :  For  affirm 
ing  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Chancellor  ;  for  reversing 
it,  Mr.  Seward  and  all  the  other  members  of  the  court  ! 

It  is  due,  perhaps,  to  the  legal  profession  and  the  legislators  of  the 
State  to  say  that  this  decision,  so  equitable  and  so  beneficent,  has  ever 
since  been  acquiesced  in,  and  continues,  unshaken  and  unquestioned, 
as  a  conclusive  and  final  precedent. 

From  the  Court  of  Errors  I  passed,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1834,  to 
the  duties  of  my  last  year  in  the  Senate  of  New  York.  This  year  was 
marked  by  more  than  the  usual  political  vicissitudes.  Opening  under 
circumstances  of  overwhelming  embarrassment,  it  changed  rapidly  to 
scenes  of  high  enthusiasm  and  hope,  and  closed  in  a  disappointment 
which  might  well  have  deterred  me  from  reentering  the  political  field 
thereafter. 

Some  important  political  events  had  occurred  during  my  absence 
from  the  country,  among  which  were  the  following  :  Flushed  with  the 
well-deserved  praises  of  the  party  opposed  to  him  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  a  respectable  portion  of  his  own  party  in  those  States,  for 
the  boldness,  vigor,  and  energy,  with  which  he  had  wielded  the  Execu 
tive  arm  of  the  Government  in  suppressing  nullification  in  South  Caro 
lina,  General  Jackson,  early  in  the  summer,  following  the  precedent  set 
by  President  Monroe,  began  a  popular  progress  through  the  Northern 
and  Eastern  States.  His  party,  which  had  dropped  all  other  names 
and  assumed  that  of  the  "  Democratic  party,"  in  the  Northern  States, 
while  they  rejoiced  in  the  suppression  of  nullification,  were  by  no 
means  prepared  for  demonstrations  of  approval  of  that  measure,  which 
should  be  offensive  and  tend  to  alienate  the  nullifiers  themselves  from 
the  party,  and  turn  them  over  to  the  opposition.  Jealousies  arose  from 
this  cause  when  it  was  seen  that  the  President  was  receiving  too  de 
monstrative  and  hearty  a  welcome  from  the  opposition. 


1833-'34.]  MOVEMENTS  AGAINST   SLAVERY.  145 

Owing  to  this,  as  it  was  said  at  the  time,  the  President,  at  Concord, 
abruptly  brought  his  progress  to  a  close,  and  hastened  back  to  the 
capital  in  the  quickest  and  quietest  manner  possible. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  always  active,  industrious,  and  vigorous,  now 
released  from  all  former  partisan  associations  and  obligations,  threw 
himself  into  the  lead  of  the  Antimasonic  party,  arid  addressed  an  able 
and  powerful  series  of  letters  to  Edward  Livingston  on  the  subject  of 
masonry.  Livingston  was  then  Secretary  of  State,  and  arrived  at  the 
acme  of  his  great  fame  by  being  recognized  as  the  real  author  of  the 
President's  proclamation  and  other  state  papers  directed  against  nulli 
fication.  The  form  of  Mr.  Adams's  address  to  Mr.  Livingston  in  those 
letters  was,  "  Edward  Livingston,  Grand  High-Priest  of  the  General 
Grand  Royal  Arch  Chapter  of  the  United  States,  and  Secretary  of 
State  of  the  said  States."  Mr.  Livingston  was  silent,  and  thus  ignored 
this  challenge. 

Other  eminent  statesmen,  among  them  Richard  Rush  and  Edward 
Everett,  followed  Mr.  Adams  into  the  same  field.  The  Antimasonic 
party  showed  much  vigor  in  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Vermont.  On  the  other  hand,  the  President  had,  in  a  letter  of  com 
pliment  to  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Massachusetts,  declared  that,  in  his 
opinion,  the  Masonic  society  was  an  institution  "  calculated  to  benefit 
mankind,"  and  he  trusted  it  would  continue  to  prosper.  At  the  same 
time,  in  all  those  portions  of  the  State  of  New  York  and  other  States 
into  which  the  Antimasonic  debate  had  extended,  the  institution  sur 
rendered  ;  dissolving  its  chapters  and  lodges,  devoting  its  halls  and 
temples  to  secular  uses,  and  selling  its  regalia  ;  so  that  Mr.  Hammond, 
the  impartial  historian  of  that  period,  impressed  by  these  facts,  declared, 
in  his  history,  published  in  1842,  that  the  institution  "  had,  in  point  of 
fact,  ceased  to  exist." 

The  sixty  years'  labors  of  the  abolitionists  of  Great  Britain  cul 
minated,  this  year,  in  an  act  of  Parliament,  which  abolished  African 
slavery  in  the  West  Indies,  and  awarded  an  indemnity  of  twenty  mill 
ion  pounds  sterling  to  the  slaveholders.  Three  simultaneous  move 
ments  against  slavery  in  the  United  States  excited  more  or  less  atten 
tion  : 

1.  Israel  Lewis,  with  scanty  subscriptions  by  scattered  individuals, 
founded,  in  Chatham,  Upper   Canada,  a  colony  of  fugitive  slaves,  and 
occasionally  this  settlement   received  an  immigrant  by  what  later  was 
known  as  "  the  Underground  Railroad." 

2.  A  very  imposing  official  organization,  embracing  good   and  ear 
nest  men  of  all  parties  and  in  all  the  States,  had  been  made,  under  the 
name  of  the  "  American  Colonization  Society,"  which  had  for  its  ob 
ject  the  establishment  of  a  free  republic  in  Liberia,  to  consist  of  freed- 
men  from  the  United  States  ;  and  contemplated  nothing  less  than  an 

10 


146  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833-'34. 

ultimate  transfer  of  the  entire  negro  element  from  the  United  States 
to  its  native  continent. 

3.  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Arthur  Tappan,  Lewis  Tappan,  and 
others,  justly,  I  think,  conceived  the  idea  that  this  plan  of  colonization 
was  practically  impossible,  and  that  its  operation  would  be  to  remove 
out  of  the  United  States  only  a  few  manumitted  slaves,  and  so  leave 
the  great  slave  population  without  popular  aid  or  sympathy.  They, 
therefore,  organized  an  antagonistical  institution,  which  they  called 
the  "  American  Antislavery  Society,"  and  inscribed  on  their  banner  the 
watchword  of  "  Immediate  and  universal  emancipation." 

The  first  of  these  three  movements  was  conducted  without  ostenta 
tion,  and  almost  without  publicity  ;  but,  so  far  as  it  was  known,  was 
regarded  as  unimportant  and  harmless.  The  agents  of  the  Coloniza 
tion  Society  and  the  Antislavery  Society,  who  had  repaired  to  London 
to  obtain  there  favor  and  funds  for  their  respective  associations,  came 
into  conflict  before  the  British  public.  The  conflict  begun  there  of 
course  was  soon  reopened  here  ;  and  out  of  this  conflict  grew  an  agi 
tation  in  the  great  cities  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  that  gave 
birth  to  mobs  which,  in  a  few  instances,  malevolently  pursued  and 
hunted  down  the  negroes,  and  the  leaders,  preachers,  and  advocates,  of 
the  American  Antislavery  Society. 

These  mobs  seemed  to  consist  of  persons  who  apprehended  that  an 
immediate  effect  of  antislavery  debate  would  be  an  amalgamation  of 
races. 

Prudence  Crandall  established  a  school  in  Connecticut  for  the  in 
struction  of  colored  children,  and  was  brought  to  trial  for  that  proceed 
ing,  which  was  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  State.  A  church  in  the 
town  prohibited  the  colored  pupils  from  attending  divine  worship  in 
the  meeting-house. 

Although  South  Carolina  had  repealed  her  ordinance  of  nullifica 
tion,  yet  the  principle  of  nullification  was  avowed  boldly,  widely,  and 
persistently,  in  many  parts  of  that  State  and  in  Alabama. 

Edward  Livingston  resigned  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Louis  McLane.  The  President,  on  the  18th  of  Sep 
tember,  1833,  overruling  the  advice  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  General  Cass,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
William  J.  Duane,  directed  that  the  deposit  of  public  moneys  in  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  should  cease  on  the  1st  of  October,  and 
be  transferred  to  designated  State  banks  ;  and  that  the  deposits  then 
remaining  in  the  former  institution  should  be  withdrawn  as  the  exi 
gencies  of  the  Government  should  require.  The  President  read,  in 
cabinet,  a  paper  in  which  he  assumed  the  responsibility  for  this  act 
exclusively  ;  and  assigned,  as  causes  for  it,  that  it  was  necessary  to 
preserve  the  morals  of  the  public,  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  the 


1833-'34.]  END   OF  THE   ANTIMASONIC  PARTY.  147 

purity  of  the  elective  franchise  ;  and  insisted  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  should,  on  the  spot,  sign  the  necessary  order.  The  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  declined ;  and  thereupon  the  President  sum 
marily  removed  the  refractory  Duane,  and  appointed  in  his  place  the 
then  Attorney-General,  Roger  B.  Taney,  who  proceeded  at  once  to 
execute  the  President's  mandate.  The  Bank  of  the  United  States 
prepared  to  appeal  to  Congress,  and  the  country,  against  this  bold 
proceeding ;  and  gave  out  that,  if  it  should  be  carried  into  execution, 
it  would  be  necessary  for  the  bank  to  contract  its  discounts,  to  enable 
it  to  meet  the  new  policy  of  the  Government.  Apprehensions  of  a 
commercial  crisis  arose  ;  and  the  President's  proceeding  was  denounced, 
by  his  opponents,  throughout  the  country,  as  an  arbitrary  usurpation 
of  power,  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  of  the  true  spirit 
of  the  Constitution. 

The  annual  elections,  however,  came  on  so  speedily  after  this  trans 
action,  that  it  did  not  enter  at  all  into  the  canvass.  That  canvass  was 
everywhere  languid,  and  practically  the  election  was  taken  by  the 
Democratic  party,  or  friends  of  the  President,  by  default,  in  the  State 
of  New  York.  Only  one  Antimasonic  Senator  was  elected,  and  he  by 
only  a  majority  of  one  hundred  where  in  previous  elections  the  ma 
jority  had  been  ten  thousand.  My  own  district  was  lost  by  a  decisive 
majority.  Only  nine  Antimasonic  members  came  to  the  Assembly, 
instead  of  our  former  number,  thirty-five.  The  election  in  other  States 
was  equally  disastrous  to  the  party  with  which  I  had  acted.  What 
was  now  to  be  done  ?  It  was  not  difficult  to  convene  the  few  more 
discreet  members  of  our  small  delegation,  and  political  friends,  at  the 
capital.  Practically,  at  that  moment,  there  was  only  one  existing 
party  in  the  country.  That  was  now  the  Democratic  party.  The 
National  Republican  party,  with  whose  policy  we  most  nearly  assimi 
lated,  had  become  demoralized  and  hopeless,  seeming  to  have  no  issue 
upon  which  to  reorganize,  except  a  personal  one  with  Henry  Clay  as  a 
candidate  for  President,  three  years  in  advance. 

After  this  disastrous  defeat,  not  a  particle  of  hope  remained  that 
the  Antimasonic  party  could  successfully  challenge  the  political  power 
of  the  country.  We  were  obliged  to  admit  that,  in  the  two  chief 
objects  of  its  organization,  it  had  failed.  Its  first  object  was  to  restore 
the  supremacy  of  the  laws  of  the  State,  by  bringing  to  the  judgment 
and  punishment  which  those  laws  denounced  the  conspirators  and 
murderers  of  William  Morgan.  With  a  larger  experience  since  that 
time,  I  have  become  satisfied  that  no  political  movement,  however 
successful  otherwise,  succeeds  in  accomplishing  an  object  so  simple 
and  so  definite  as  this.  For  a  long  time  I  agreed  with  those  who 
thought  that  the  late  civil  war  would  fail  of  one  of  its  chief  ends,  if  it 
should  fail  to  convict  Jefferson  Davis,  or  other  distinguished  rebels,  in 


148  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1833-'34. 

a  court  of  justice.  The  second  object  of  the  Antimasonic  party  was, 
the  establishment  of  the  principle  that  popular  secret  combinations, 
with  oaths  and  penalties,  capable  of  being  directed  to  act  politically, 
judicially,  or  socially,  but  secretly,  ought  to  be  condemned  and  made 
odious.  This  object  also  failed,  while  it  seemed  to  triumph.  If  it 
was  mortifying,  a  few  years  afterward,  to  see  the  institution  of  free 
masonry  reappear,  in  its  ancient  life  and  vigor,  after  having  been  left 
for  dead  on  the  field  of  combat,  it  was  some  consolation  to  see  that,  if 
the  warnings  of  the  Antimasonic  party  against  secret  political  com 
binations  had  been  accepted  by  the  people,  the  country  would  have 
been  spared  the  shame  of  the  pitiful  "Know-nothing"  conspiracy, 
and  the  dangerous  order  of  the  "  Golden  Circle  "  which  claimed  to  in 
augurate  the  late  rebellion.  However  we  might  think  on  this  subject, 
it  was  now  apparent  that  our  occasion  had  passed  by,  and  that  to  con 
tinue  to  flaunt  the  Antimasonic  banner,  when  not  a  single  recruit  was 
to  be  gained,  and  110  past  defeat  could  be  retrieved,  would  be  to  sink 
that  noble  and  patriotic  organization  into  a  mere  discontented,  liti 
gious,  retaliatory  faction.  These  reflections  brought  us  to  a  unani 
mous  agreement  that,  so  far  as  might  depend  on  our  action,  the  Anti- 
masonic  party  should  be  dissolved,  and  every  member  of  it  left  at 
liberty  to  act  as  his  judgment  and  conscience  should  dictate,  without 
censure  or  complaint  from  his  former  associates. 

After  reaching  this  conclusion,  some  naturally  asked  the  others 
what  use  we  should  make  of  our  new  liberty.  I  answered,  for  myself  : 
"  While  I  see  no  present  organization  for  combined  action  except  the 
Democratic  party,  I  see  too  much  in  the  policy  and  principles  of  that 
party  to  think  of  giving  it  my  adhesion.  I  have  opposed  it  from  its 
beginning,  throughout  its  aggressive  career,  and  in  its  public  triumph, 
as  entertaining  principles  and  policy  injurious  to  the  public  welfare, 
subversive  of  the  Constitution,  and  dangerous  to  public  liberty.  If 
I  shall  prove  wrong  in  this,  I  shall  have  no  longer  occasion  nor  justifi 
cation  for  political  activity.  If  I  am  right  in  these  opinions,  time  will 
show  it,  and  necessity  will  bring  round  the  associations  with  which  I 
can  labor  for  the  welfare,  safety,  and  advancement,  of , the  country." 

These  opinions  were  accepted  generally  by  my  old  political  associ 
ates.  A  few,  however,  with  more  or  less  directness,  availed  themselves 
of  their  new  freedom  to  join  the  triumphant  Democratic  party  under 
General  Jackson. 


1834.]  REMOVAL   OF   THE   DEPOSITS.  149 


1834. 

Last  Year  in  the  Senate. — Speech  on  Removal  of  the  Deposits. — The  Six-Million  Loan. — A 
Warm  Debate. — Honest  John  Griffin. — Land  Distribution. — Improvement  of  the  Hud 
son  River. — Beginning  of  the  Whig  Party. — Eulogy  on  Lafayette.— Searching  for  a 
Candidate  under  Difficulties. — Nomination  for  Governor.— Where  Great  Men  live. — 
Silas  M.  Stilwell. 

MY  new  political  attitude  proved  convenient,  and  even  pleasing. 
I  was  treated  with  respect  and  consideration  by  the  members  of  the 
Senate  ;  and,  indeed,  all  public  men  treated  me  with  as  much  as  I  could 
claim.  On  all  subjects  they  listened  to  me  kindly,  and  adopted  any 
just  views  that  I  presented  upon  questions  which  involved  no  differences 
of  political  opinion. 

Three  or  four  weeks,  however,  was  the  limit  assigned  to  my  political 
indifference  and  inactivity.  Congress  was  in  session.  A  derangement 
of  the  currency,  with  a  commercial  panic,  interrupted  trade  ;  and  failures 
of  banks,  corporate  and  individual  credits,  had  followed  quickly  on  the 
removal  of  the  deposits  from  the  United  States  Bank.  Debates,  never 
before  nor  since  surpassed  in  earnestness  and  vehemence,  divided  and 
distracted  the  country.  A  majority  of  the  Senate,  and  a  minority  in 
the  House,  denounced  the  conduct  of  the  President  as  unconstitutional, 
destructive  of  the  public  welfare,  and  an  illegal  usurpation  of  power. 
The  Senate  called  on  him  for  a  copy  of  the  paper  which  he  had  read 
in  cabinet  on  that  occasion.  He  defiantly  refused.  The  Democratic 
party,  in  the  two  Houses,  adopted  the  language  by  which,  in  that  paper, 
he  had  justified  his  assumption  of  authority  to  direct  the  removal  of 
the  deposits,  and  the  reasons  which  he  assigned  for  it. 

Adequate  provision  having  been  made  for  extinguishing  the  entire 
national  debt,  a  large  surplus  fund  was  found  in  the  Treasury.  Con 
gress  had,  at  the  preceding  session,  passed  an  act  directing  the  distribu 
tion  of  this  surplus  fund  among  the  several  States,  to  be  applied  by 
them  to  purposes  of  education  and  internal  improvement.  The  Presi 
dent  vetoed  this  act ;  and  insisted  that  thereafter  the  sales  of  the 
national  domain  should  cease,  and  the  lands  therein  should  be  ceded  to 
the  new  States  and  Territories  in  which  they  lay. 

The  State  of  South  Carolina  having  rescinded  its  ordinance  of  nulli 
fication,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  debated  a  proposition  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  to  repeal  the  "  enforcement  law." 

The  Bank  of  the  United  States  appealed  to  Congress  from  the 
President's  order  removing  the  deposits.  There  were  loud  complaints 
of  extravagance  and  corruption  in  the  management  of  the  Post-Office 
Department.  The  commercial  crisis  steadily  advanced,  spreading  like 
a  pestilence.  Many  State  banks  suspended  payment  and  went  into 
liquidation  throughout  the  country,  while  applicants  for  bank  charters 


150  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1834. 

multiplied,  tempted  by  the  profits  expected  to  follow  from  the  transfer 
of  the  deposits  to  institutions  of  that  sort.  Immense  meetings  were 
held  in  the  commercial  cities  to  deplore  the  financial  convulsion,  and 
Congress  and  the  President  were  beset  on  all  sides  by  petitions  and 
committees  imploring  interposition  and  relief.  "  Relief  "  and  "  stay 
laws  "  were  passed  in  the  State  Legislatures.  Propositions  were  made 
by  Mr.  Webster,  in  the  Senate,  for  a  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States  ;  and  by  Mr.  Clay,  for  a  temporary  renewal. 
Counter-movements  were  made  by  the  friends  of  the  Administration  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress.  There  were  other  incidents  intensifying 
public  anxiety  throughout  the  country,  which,  if  I  were  writing  a  his 
tory  instead  of  my  own  personal  memoirs,  it  would  be  proper  to  relate. 

The  Governor  of  the  State,  William  L.  Marcy,  taking  notice  of  the 
pecuniary  distress,  and  the  derangement  of  the  currency  and  embar 
rassment  of  the  banks,  in  his  annual  message,  attributing  those  evils 
to  an  action  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  hostile  and  injurious  to 
the  State  banking  institutions,  proposed  to  the  Legislature  to  raise,  by 
the  sale  of  State  stocks,  four  or  five  million  dollars,  and  to  lend  the 
same  to  the  banks  to  enable  them  to  sustain  themselves  against  the 
oppression  of  the  United  States  Bank. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  a  member  of  the  majority  in 
the  Assembly,  with  a  view  to  procure  the  support  of  the  Legislature 
of  the  State  for  the  President,  introduced  resolutions  in  these  words  : 

"  Resolved  (if  the  Senate  concur),  That  the  removal  of  the  public 
deposits  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  is  a  measure  of  the  Ad 
ministration  of  which  we  highly  approve. 

"That  the  Senators  from  this  State  be  directed,  and  the  Represent 
atives  from  this  State  be  requested,  to  oppose  any  attempt  to  restore 
the  deposits  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States. 

"  That  we  approve  of  the  communication  made  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  his  cabinet,  on  the  18th  of  September  last,  and 
of  the  reasons  given  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  relative  to  the 
removal  of  the  deposits. 

"  That  the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  ought  not  to 
be  renewed." 

These  resolutions  promptly  passed  that  House,  without  debate,  and 
with  the  dissenting  votes  of  only  nine  members.  It  was  understood  at 
the  time  that  none  of  the  dissenting  members  had  any  experience  or 
practice  in  legislative  debate.  They  were  passed  in  the  Assembly  on 
Friday.  They  were  received  in  the  Senate  on  Saturday,  and  the  Sen 
ate,  overruling  my  proposition  for  delay,  and  with  strong  intimations 
of  a  desire  to  avoid  debate,  and  to  press  them  to  an  early  vote,  made 
them  the  special  order  for  the  Wednesday  following. 

We   of  the  minority  were  only  six.     Public  sentiment,  outside  of 


1834.]  A   WARM   DEBATE. 

the  Legislature,  vehemently  demanded  that  the  resolutions  should  be 
debated,  although  it  was  well  understood  that  resistance  to  their  pas 
sage  would  be  unavailing.  Mr.  Tracy,  who  after  the  death  of  Mr. 
Maynard  had  been  our  recognized  leader,  peremptorily  refused  to 
speak,  and  strongly  dissuaded  his  associates  from  debate.  One  other 
of  our  associates  declared  himself  in  favor  of  the  more  important  of 
the  resolutions.  My  three  remaining  associates  were  always  silent 
members,  but  earnestly  insisted  that  I  should  assign  our  reasons  for 
our  intended  vote  in  opposition  to  the  resolutions. 

On  Thursday  and  Friday  I  addressed  the  Senate  in  opposition  to 
the  resolutions.  It  was  not  difficult  to  find  the  required  arguments. 
The  elaborate  and  exhaustive  speeches  of  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Clay,  and 
others,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  were  before  me.  But  the 
time  allowed  was  quite  too  short  for  an  analytic  and  concise  prepara 
tion.  When  I  had  concluded  a  speech,  which  had  been  listened  to 
with  profound  and  sympathizing  interest  by  a  large  audience,  the  ma 
jority  announced  a  change  of  tactics.  Instead  of  desiring  to  arrest  the 
debate,  and  press  the  vote,  they  insisted  that  I  should  be  fully  and 
elaborately  answered.  The  duty  of  making  this  reply  was  devolved 
on  Mr.  Maison.  He  had  scarcely  opened  his  argument  when  he  fainted 
and  sank  into  his  seat.  Time  was  allowed  for  his  recovery,  and  he 
resumed  and  completed  his  argument  in  the  following  week.  In  the 
mean  time  Mr.  Dodge  made  a  labored  argument.  The  majority  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  exhibition  of  their  cause  which  had  thus  been 
made,  and  it  was  determined  that  Mr.  Sudani,  recognized  as  the  ablest 
of  the  Democratic  members,  should,  after  being  allowed  time  to  pre 
pare,  close  the  debate  for  the  majority.  When  the  day  assigned  for 
him  arrived,  he  was  found  in  the  morning  confined  to  his  bed  with  a 
brain-fever.  Mr.  Maison  resumed  and  concluded  his  speech.  The 
speeches  of  Mr.  Dodge  and  Mr.  Maison  did  not  seem  to  me  to  have 
shaken  the  positions  I  had  assumed.  Both  these  gentlemen,  however, 
were  of  that  class  of  debaters  who  delight  not  so  much  in  logical  argu 
ment  as  in  parrying  the  argument  of  an  opponent,  by  diverting  the 
attention  of  the  audience  with  anecdote,  and  with  allusions  to  the  per 
son,  position,  or  character,  of  their  adversary.  On  this  occasion,  I  for 
the  last  time  yielded  to  the  seeming  necessity  of  a  self-vindicating 
reply.  My  reply,  I  need  hardly  say,  was  even  more  popular  than  the 
original  argument.  But  I  did  not  fail  myself  to  see  that  I  had  erred, 
in  substituting  myself  in  place  of  my  cause. 

The  agitation  upon  Federal  measures  increased  throughout  the 
State  and  country,  constantly  presenting  new  and  incidental  questions 
for  discussion  in  the  Legislature.  I  spoke  with  moderation  upon  these 
questions  until  a  new  one  occurred,  which  required  an  effort  as  great 
as  that  which  I  had  made  in  the  debate  before  described. 


152  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1834. 

This  new  subject  was  a  bill  introduced  into  the  Assembly  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  suggestion  of  the  Governor  in  his  message,  and 
passed  practically  without  debate,  by  which  it  was  provided  that-  State 
stocks  should  be  created,  and  sold  to  the  amount  of  six  millions  of  dol 
lars,  and  that  four  million  dollars  should  be  loaned  to  the  State 
banks  in  the  city  of  New  York  for  twelve  years,  at  five  per  cent.,  and 
two  million  more  should  be  distributed  in  loans  to  the  several  counties 
in  the  State,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  banks  and  the  counties  to 
counteract  the  alleged  oppression  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States. 

While  all  my  associates  disapproved  of  this  measure,  there  was  the 
same  difficulty  as  before  on  the  question  of  debating  it.  John  Griffin, 
one  of  our  members  from  Alleghany  County,  was  a  tall,  uncouth,  as  well 
as  unlettered  man,  who  had  acquired  some  skill  and  popularity  in 
local  rural  assemblies,  with  rough  manner  and  abrupt  and  intemper 
ate  speech,  but  of  fair  and  honorable  character.  Desirous,  if  I  could, 
to  avoid  throwing  my  solitary  gauntlet  at  the  feet  of  so  many  com 
batants,  it  occurred  to  me  that  Mr.  Griffin  might  make  a  skirmish 
ing  attack,  and  leave  me  to  come  later  into  the  debate.  I  applied 
to  him  to  do  so.  He  hesitated,  and  then  said,  "  I  don't  know  how  to 
make  a  speech,  but  I  can  sometimes  write  down  what  I  think  and 
read  that."  I  replied,  "  That  would  do  exactly."  He  consented  then 
to  write  and  read,  by  way  of  opening  the  debate,  a  few  thoughts,  oc 
cupying,  say,  ten  or  fifteen  minutes.  I  had  no  difficulty  in  procuring 
from  the  courtesy  of  the  Senate  the  delay  which  he  required  for 
preparation.  I  did  not  think  of  asking  him  to  show  me  his  notes. 
On  the  day  assigned,  Mr.  Griffin  rose  to  read  a  maiden  speech.  It 
began  with  a  violent  vituperation  against  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  the  party  leaders,  and  the  opposing  Senators,  designating  them 
as  "  minions  of  Executive  power."  The  first  sentence  was  a  long  one, 
incoherent,  violent,  and  objurgatory,  and  in  the  succession  each  sen 
tence  was  more  offensive  in  that  respect  than  the  last.  The  speaker, 
at  no  time  lifting  his  eyes  from  the  paper,  continued  to  read  this 
tirade  two  hours.  At  first  Senators  took  notes,  as  if -intending  to 
reply.  But  it  would  have  been  as  possible  to  make  points  and  reply  to 
a  continuous  northeast  storm  of  sleet.  Long  before  the  speaker  ended 
the  majority  had  consulted  what  they  should  do.  They  saw  in  the  speech 
manifestations  of  declamatory  power  which  they  could  not  believe 
belonged  to  the  speaker  ;  and,  assuming  that  I  must  have  seen  and 
sanctioned  the  assault,  they  prepared,  if  possible,  to  hold  me  responsi 
ble.  I  was  quite  as  much  shocked  as  they,  but  quite  as  innocent  of 
the  offenses  which  Mr.  Griffin  had  committed.  The  speech  as  it  was 
served  my  purpose  in  requiring  my  opponents  to  enter  the  debate 
before  me.  In  the  end  I  came  in,  on  the  10th  of  April,  with  my 
argument  in  reply  to  them.  This  reply,  while  it  was  temperate  and 


1834.]  CLOSE   OF   LEGISLATIVE   LIFE.  153 

respectful,  seemed  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  opponents  of  the  meas 
ure,  and  served  to  stamp  my  name  on  the  issue  thus  made.  All  was 
well,  except  that  Mr.  Griffin  then  came  and  desired  to  have  his  speech 
printed.  He  reminded  me  of  my  promise  to  revise  it,  and  I  could  not 
refuse.  When  the  manuscript  came  before  me  I  found  it  impos 
sible,  with  such  freedom  as  a  critic  had,  to  reduce  the  tirade  into  the 
form  of  an  argument,  and  concluded  it  was  best  to  relieve  it  of  what 
little  pretensions  in  this  way  it  had.  So,  striking  out  the  occasional 
gentle  and  soft  words,  and  leaving  the  epithets  and  confused  meta 
phors  to  jostle  through  an  inextricable  maze,  without  the  interrup 
tion  of  stops  or  exclamation-points,  I  let  the  manuscript  go  to  the 
press.  The  effect  was  extraordinary.  Senators,  seeing  the  printed 
speech,  pronounced  it  entirely  original,  while  the  opposing  party 
accepted  it  as  a  bold  challenge  to  the  Administration.  For  a  long 
time  it  seemed  doubtful  whether  they  would  not  insist  upon  making 
"honest  John  Griffin,"  as  they  called  him,  a  candidate  for  the  highest 
honors  which  the  State  can  bestow  upon  a  patriot  citizen. 

Of  course,  the  bill  passed,  by  nineteen  to  five,  and  became  a  law. 

In  the  same  manner  in  which  the  Assembly  had  passed  the  resolu 
tions  upon  national  subjects,  which  I  have  before  noticed,  that  body 
further  passed,  and  sent  to  the  Senate,  resolutions  approving  the  Presi 
dent's  veto  of  the  act  of  Congress  providing  for  a  distribution  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  sales  of  public  lands  among  the  several  States  for  pur 
poses  of  education  and  of  internal  improvement,  and  of  his  reasons  for 
his  disapproval,  and  of  the  policy  which  was  announced  in  that  message. 
When  these  resolutions  came  into  the  Senate  I  challenged  them,  and 
insisted  on  being  heard  in  opposition  to  them.  Whether  it  was  that 
the  majority  of  the  Senate  only  deprecated  further  debate  on  national 
questions,  or  that  they  were  not  yet  prepared  to  sustain  the  President 
on  the  great  question  involved  in  the  resolution,  I  do  not  know.  But 
they  came  promptly  to  a  compromise  with  me,  in  which  they  agreed 
that  the  resolutions  should  lie  on  the  table. 

Simultaneously,  I  moved  in  the  Senate  a  declaration  on  the  part  of 
the  Legislature  in  favor  of  a  bill  pending  in  Congress  for  removing  the 
obstructions  to  navigation  in  the  tide-waters  of  the  Hudson  River — an 
improvement  of  the  class  against  which  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  committed  himself  before  Congress.  The  majority  shrank 
from  the  subject  and  evaded  debate  ;  but  a  popular  issue  upon  it  was 
sufficiently  formed.  Piquancy  was  now  imparted  to  the  political  dis 
cussions  in  the  State  Senate  by  a  new  and  amusing  incident  :  It  was 
discovered,  by  some  betrayal  of  confidence  in  the  printing-office  of  the 
majority,  that  a  form  of  popular  petition  to  the  Legislature  had  been 
printed  in  that  office  by  direction  of  the  party  managers,  copies  of 
which  had  been  sent  out  in  large  quantities  to  local  leaders,  with  in- 


154:  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1834. 

structions  to  procure  signatures  to  them,  and  forward  them  to  their  rep 
resentatives  in  the  Legislature.  This  was  regarded  as  indicating  an 
apprehension  that  the  six-million-dollar  bill,  now  called  by  the  opposi 
tion  a  "  monster  mortgage  bill,"  had  suffered  by  the  expositions  of  it  in 
our  debates.  While,  as  yet,  the  secret  of  the  concerted  action  at  the 
capital  concerning  petitions  of  that  sort  was  unknown,  a  memorial 
from  a  remote  county  was  announced  in  the  Senate  and  was  read.  I 
moved  that  it  might  be  printed  ;  the  majority  opposed.  When  I  said 
that  I  desired  it  to  be  printed,  as  legislative  papers  are,  in  order  that 
it  might  be  more  conveniently  read  by  the  members,  I  was  answered 
that  the  memorial  was  in  print,  as  it  came  to  the  Senate,  and  could  be 
examined  by  all  the  members  at  the  Clerk's  table.  Two  or  three  days 
afterward  came  another  petition,  the  reading  of  which  the  majority 
proposed  to  dispense  with.  I  insisted  on  its  being  printed.  I  then 
demanded  the  reading.  When  it  was  read  I  remarked  upon  the  sin 
gular  coincidence  of  persons,  in  different  parts  of  the  State,  addressing 
the  Legislature,  not  only  simultaneously,  but  in  language  which  bore 
a  striking  similarity.  As  petitions  came  in  day  after  day  from  other 
parts  of  the  State,  I  dwelt  upon  this  same  coincidence  until  I  ex 
posed  in  that  way,  and  obtained  a  reluctant  confession  from  the  ma 
jority  of,  the  concert  of  action,  which  they  had  before  endeavored  to 
keep  secret,  because  it  tended  to  destroy  the  entire  effect  of  the  pro 
ceeding. 

In  the  midst  of  the  great  popular  excitement  which  had  been 
awakened  by  the  debates  on  national  policy  in  Congress,  and  in  the 
State  Senate,  came  the  annual  charter  election  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  in  which  the  opposition  to  the  Federal  and  State  Administra 
tions  had  assumed  the  name  of  "  Whig."  The  Whig  ticket  secured  a 
majority  of  four  in  the  Common  Council,  and  only  failed  of  electing 
their  candidate  for  mayor,  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  by  one  hundred  and 
eleven  votes.  This  election  was  followed  by  town  meetings,  which 
everywhere  indicated  a  revolution  of  opinion  against  the  Administra 
tion  and  the  dominant  party. 

It  became  manifest  to  that  party  that  it  must  expect  a  defeat  in 
the  charter  election,  which  was  soon  to  come  off  in  the  city  of  Albany, 
like  that  which  it  had  suffered  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Alarmed  at 
the  effect  upon  the  popular  mind  which  would  be  produced  by  defeats, 
not  only  in  the  metropolis,  but  in  the  State  capital,  the  party  man 
agers  resorted  to  an  expedient,  then  quite  a  novel  one,  to  avert  a  de 
feat  in  Albany.  They  introduced  a  bill  remodeling  the  city  charter, 
and  postponing  the  election  a  year,  during  which  time  the  present  in 
cumbents  should  hold  over.  This  high-handed  measure,  partaking  of 
the  defiance  of  popular  opinion  which  then  distinguished  the  Admin 
istration  at  Washington,  excited  violent  opposition  in  the  city  and 


1834.]  THE  NEW   PARTY.  155 

throughout  the  State.  I  was  relied  upon  to  be  the  organ  of  that  oppo 
sition  ;  and  I  challenged  the  proceeding  as  being  a  flagrant  political 
abuse,  and  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  State  constitution.  If  I 
failed  in  this  speech,  the  failure  consisted  in  my  moderation.  Chief- 
Justice  Spencer,  then  a  political  actor,  insisted  upon  my  denouncing 
the  new  law  as  a  violation,  not  merely  of  the  spirit  but  of  the  letter 
of  the  constitution. 

Attempts  were  made  at  this  session,  as  at  the  two  previous  ones, 
to  repeal  altogether,  or  to  materially  impair,  the  law  by  which  impris 
onment  for  debt  had  been  abolished.  I  constantly  and  strenuously 
resisted  these  attempts,  and  the  law  was  left  unimpaired.  It  was 
perhaps  accidental  that  whatever  countenance  these  attempts  at  re 
action  against  a  great,  beneficent,  but  recently-established  reform  re 
ceived,  was  given  by  members  of  the  dominant  party. 

Finally,  the  canals  had  been  opened  to  navigation,  and  the  State 
revenues  exhibited  an  alarming  decrease,  foreboding  still  greater  finan 
cial  embarrassment  than  had  yet  been  experienced.  It  was  under 
these  circumstances  that  the  Legislature  adjourned  on  the  6th  of  May, 
and  my  services  as  a  legislator  of  the  State  of  New  York  came  to  an 
end,  leaving  only  the  judicial  labors  required  in  the  Court  of  Errors. 

General  Lafayette  died  at  Paris  on  the  20th  of  May,  and  I  pro 
nounced  a  eulogium  upon  him  before  my  fellow-citizens  of  Auburn  on 
the  16th  of  July.  I  should  be  glad  if  I  could  think  that  I  did  histori 
cal  justice  to  his  memory. 

In  the  short  period  of  four  months  a  comfortable  change  seemed  to 
have  come  over  the  country,  pregnant  with  new,  deep,  and  unantici 
pated  interests  and  responsibilities  resting  on  me.  I  had  begun  the  ses 
sion  without  a  party,  without  prospect  of  any,  without  hope  of  future 
advancement,  and  without  a  remaining  chance  of  public  service.  On 
leaving  the  Senate  I  had  a  party  which,  although  it  was  new,  was  full 
of  spirit,  of  courage,  and  of  hope.  It  remained  not  merely  for  this  new 
party,  but,  in  a  large  degree,  for  the  dominant  one,  to  develop  its  real 
political  character.  But  I  could  not  fail  to  observe  that  the  Democratic 
party  was  becoming  an  obstructive  party — obstructive  of  education,  ob 
structive  of  internal  improvements,  obstructive  of  emancipation,  obstruc 
tive  of  commerce,  obstructive  of  foreign  intercourse,  and  embarrassed 
with  disloyal  traditions  and  combinations.  On  the  other  side,  the  Whig 
party,  which  had  come  into  the  field  so  suddenly,  with  all  the  vigor  of 
youth,  seemed  to  me  capable  of  being  impressed  with  all  the  compre 
hensive,  liberal,  and  humane  ideas  which,  through  all  chances,  changes, 
and  discouragements,  I  had  cherished  from  my  earliest  experience  in 
political  affairs. 

I  would  have  tried  to  invest  the  new  party  with  a  name  of  broader 
and  deeper  significance  than  that  which  it  had  assumed,  for  I  had  already 


156  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1834. 

learned  that  names  are  often  potential  in  the  life  of  parties.  But  that 
was  impossible.  The  small  band  of  members  who  had  remained  faith 
ful  during  the  session  appointed  me,  as  usual,  to  prepare  for  them  an 
address  to  the  people,  in  which  the  stirring  and  important  events  of  the 
session  were  reviewed,  with  all  my  powers  of  criticism,  but,  if  I  remem 
ber  rightly,  with  dignity  and  moderation.  In  signing  that  address,  we 
for  the  last  time  used  the  descriptive  name  of  "  Antimasonic,"  and 
called  upon  the  "  Democratic  citizens  opposed  to  Executive  usurpation  " 
to  constitute  a  convention  at  Utica,  on  the  16th  of  September,  to 
nominate  candidates  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the 
State. 

Our  attention  was  immediately  directed  to  the  finding  of  some  per 
son  who  should  receive  the  first  nomination,  and  thereby  become  the 
standard-bearer  of  the  new  party ;  and  he  must  be  one  against  whom 
no  violent  prejudices  would  exist.  Mr.  Francis  Granger,  who  had  been 
so  often  defeated  on  the  tickets  of  the  National  Republicans  and  Anti- 
masons,  now,  not  unreasonably,  preferred  a  nomination  which  should 
assure  him  an  election  to  Congress,  to  a  State  nomination,  with  pos 
sible  defeat,  as  a  candidate  for  Governor.  The  judicious  portion 
of  the  new  party  approved  his  declension.  But  where  was  the  candi 
date  ?  We  fixed  our  attention  upon  Jesse  Buel,  who  was  just  then,  in 
the  violence  of  the  new  political  shock,  understood  to  be  prepared  to 
separate  himself  from  his  former  party.  Mr.  Albert  H.  Tracy,  Mr. 
Thurlow  Weed,  and  myself,  waited  upon  that  distinguished  citizen,  at 
his  elegant  rural  home  near  Albany,  and  held  a  conversation  with  him. 
Disclaiming  all  authority  or  intention  to  give  pledges,  in  behalf  of  the 
new  party,  we  obtained  an  expression  of  his  assent  to  its  policy  and 
principles,  and  his  willingness  to  accept  its  nomination  for  Governor  if 
the  convention  should  see  fit  to  bestow  it  upon  him.  For  myself,  it 
seemed  to  have  been  understood,  in  the  political  circles  at  Albany,  that 
my  nomination  as  Lieutenant-Governor  would  be  not  only  proper,  but 
advantageous. 

I  repaired  to  my  home  in  Auburn,  charged  with  the  duty  of  dis 
creetly  and  quietly  preparing  the  mind  of  the  Whig  party,  in  the  west 
ern  part  of  the  State,  for  the  nomination  of  Jesse  Buel  for  Governor. 
I  found  this  effort  by  no  means  an  easy  one.  Mr.  BuePs  case  was  the 
same  with  that  of  Samuel  Stevens  and  William  Wirt.  His  conversion 
from  the  Democratic  party  was  not  yet  known  ;  and  it  seemed,  as  it 
truly  was,  to  be  conditioned  upon  his  receiving,  at  the  moment  of 
avowing  it,  the  highest  honors  and  confidence  our  party  had  to  bestow. 
Nevertheless,  I  went  on,  in  good  faith,  and,  when  I  thought  I  had  suf 
ficiently  prepared  the  public  mind  at  home,  I  reported  to  my  friends  at 
the  capital,  and  urged  a  public  announcement  of  Mr.  Buel's  adhesion 
to  the  Whig  party,  and  a  cautious  preliminary  suggestion  of  his  name 


1834.J  SEARCHING    FOR    A    CANDIDATE.  157 

as  a  candidate  willing  to  accept  the  nomination.  This  report  of  mine 
was  answered  by  a  summons  to  the  capital. 

On  arriving  there,  I  learned,  to  the  great  discomfiture  of  all  the 
hopes  we  had  built  upon  Mr.  Buel,  that  the  "  Albany  Regency  "  (for  so 
the  managers  of  the  dominant  party  were  called)  had  anticipated  the 
movement  which  Mr.  Buel  proposed,  and  had  prepared  to  flank  it,  by 
reproducing  from  their  leading  journal  an  article  written  by  Mr.  Buel, 
within  the  year,  in  which  he  declared  his  approval  and  urged  acqui 
escence  in  the  policy  of  the  President  in  regard  to  the  United  States 
Bank,  and  his  violent  removal  of  the  Treasury  deposits.  Having  as 
we  thought  satisfactorily  verified  this  fact,  Mr.  Buel  was  instantly 
dropped  out  of  our  thoughts. 

Thurlow  Weed,  Frederick  Whittlesey,  and  myself,  hastened  to 
New  York,  hoping  to  ascertain  there  that  a  nomination  of  that  emi 
nent  citizen  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  the  recently-defeated  candidate  for 
Mayor  of  New  York,  for  Governor,  would  be  acceptable  to  him,  and 
satisfactory  to  the  party  in  the  eastern  region  of  the  State.  On  ar 
riving  there,  we  ascertained  that  Mr.  Verplanck  would  not  listen  to  our 
proposition  ;  and  that  any  other  nomination,  that  could  be  conceived, 
would  be  more  acceptable  than  his.  We  were  now  as  deeply  and  as 
spasmodically  in  despair,  for  a  gubernatorial  candidate,  as  little  Greece 
frequently  is  in  want  of  a  king.  In  the  midst  of  our  perplexities,  our 
self-constituted  commission  adjourned  across  the  river,  to  see  some 
new  mechanical  invention,  then  on  exhibition  in  the  public  garden  of 
Hoboken.  Sitting  down  there  to  rest,  with  ices,  wine,  and  cigars,  on 
the  table  before  us,  in  the  garden,  surrounded  by  crowds  of  idlers,  we 
came  to  a  final  consultation.  In  this  debate  we  brought  under  dis 
cussion  all  the  prominent  men  of  our  party  throughout  the  State, 
stated  the  argument  in  favor  of  and  considered  the  popular  and  other 
objections  against  them.  They  severally  disappeared,  when  I  laugh 
ingly  said  :  "  I  believe  that  we  are  reduced  to  the  dilemma  of  King 
James  and  the  clown.  When  the  clown  learned  that  the  king  was 
hunting  in  the  forest,  he  went  out  to  look  for  him,  and,  meeting  him 
alone  on  horseback,  he  mistook  him  for  a  courtier,  and  asked  him 
where  the  king  was.  The  king  told  him  to  mount  behind  him,  and 
he  would  take  him  where  he  could  see  his  Majesty.  He  told  him  he 
would  know  the  king  by  his  being  the  only  person  who  wore  his  hat. 
When  they  came  to  the  crowd,  the  courtiers  took  off  their  hats,  crying 
*  Long  live  the  king  ! '  James,  turning  to  the  clown,  asked  him  if  he 
knew  which  the  king  was  now.  The  clown,  seeing  the  king  kept  on 
his  hat,  and  feeling  the  cap  on  his  own  head,  answered,  *  Not  exactly, 
but  I  am  sure  it  must  be  one  of  us.' " 

My  associates  concurred  in  the  appositeness  of  the  story,  and  de 
clared  that  nothing  remained  but  a  ballot  to  determine  who  should  be 


158  AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  [1834, 

candidate  for  Governor.  I  nominated  Mr.  Weed.  Mr.  Whittlesey  sus 
tained  my  motion.  Mr.  Weed  positively  and  peremptorily  declined.  On 
the  second  ballot  I  voted  for  Mr.  Whittlesey  ;  Mr.  Whittlesey  for  me ; 
Mr.  Weed  gave  the  casting  vote  in  my  favor.  We  rose  promptly  from 
the  table,  and  I  was  directed,  by  the  majority  of  the  commission,  to 
hasten  to  Auburn,  so  as  to  be  safely  at  home  before  the  convention 
should  assemble,  to  whom  this  arrangement  should  be  submitted. 

The  scene  that  awaited  me  at  home  was  more  curious  still.  I  arrived 
there  on  Friday.  The  convention  to  appoint  delegates  from  my  county 
was  to  be  held  at  Auburn  on  Saturday,  and  the  State  Convention  was 
to  be  held  at  Utica,  accessible  only  by  stage-coach,  on  the  next  Tues 
day.  Of  course,  a  political  career  which  had  been  for  the  last  four 
years  so  successful  as  mine  had  not  been  run  without  exciting  some 
envy,  and  bringing  out  many  competitors.  No  one  of  my  neighbors 
seemed  to  have  heard  my  name  mentioned  as  a  candidate  for  Lieutenant- 
Governor.  Certainly  no  one  but  Thurlow  Weed  and  Frederick  Whit 
tlesey  had  thought  of  me  as  a  candidate  for  Governor.  I  had  already, 
before  leaving  home  on  my  late  excursion,  at  the  request  of  political 
associates,  formally  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for  reelection  as  Senator, 
and  with  equal  formality  declined  a  nomination  for  Congress,  and  had 
committed  myself  to  other  candidates.  But,  suddenly,  some  exchange 
newspaper,  received  on  the  day  of  the  convention,  brought  before 
them  the  fact  that  it  was  contemplated,  in  other  portions  of  the 
State,  to  nominate  me  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  That  would  be  too 
much  for  my  friends  at  home.  The  delegates  appointed  barely  escaped 
from  being  instructed  to  vote  against  me  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  by 
obtaining  from  me,  and  communicating  to  the  convention,  a  promise, 
that  I  would  not  cause  or  permit  my  name  to  be  brought  before  the 
Utica  convention  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  my  positive  instructions 
to  them  to  oppose  such  a  use  of  it  if  it  should  be  offered. 

My  nomination  for  Governor  by  the  State  Convention  was  made 
with  promptness  and  unanimity.  When  my  nomination  for  the  chief 
office  was  decided  upon,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  take  a  politician 
of  Democratic  antecedents  for  the  second  office.  Very  properly  the 
choice  fell  upon  Silas  M.  Stilwell.  Not  without  talent,  and  possessing 
untiring  activity  and  perseverance,  he,  as  a  Democratic  member  of 
the  Assembly  from  the  city  of  New  York,  had  introduced  into  the 
Assembly,  and  aided  to  carry  through  the  Legislature,  the  benign  law 
abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt. 

The  scene  which  occurred  at  the  American  Hotel  in  Auburn  on 
the  return  of  our  local  delegates  was  infinitely  amusing.  My  politi 
cal  friends  received  them  with  complaints  and  reproaches,  saying : 
"  You  promised  to  oppose  Seward  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  here 
you  have  let  him  be  nominated  for  Governor  !  The  nomination  is  a 


1834.]  THE   CANVASS.  159 

disgrace  to  the  State,  and  will  be  the  ruin  of  the  party  ! "  Mr.  Jacobs, 
the  orator  of  the  delegation,  attempted  to  reason  with  them  : 

"  Why,  gentlemen,  it  is  very  easy  for  you,  who  have  staid  at 
home,  to  say  all  this.  But,  if  you  had  been  where  we  were,  you  would 
have  found  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  making  Seward  the  candi 
date,  and  we  did  all  we  could  to  prevent  it.  The  people  from  the 
other  parts  of  the  State  wouldn't  hear  of  anybody  else." 

"  We  don't  believe  it,"  they  replied  ;  "  they  could  have  found  a 
more  proper  man  in  every  other  county  in  the  State." 

"  Well,  gentlemen,"  replied  the  orator,  preserving  his  good-humor, 
"  I  have  known  Mr.  Seward  long,  and  thought  him  a  bright  and  smart 
young  man,  but  I  never  supposed  he  was  a  great  man;  but,  when  I  came 
to  Utica,  I  found  that  everybody  inquired  of  me  about  him,  and  spoke 
of  him  as  if  he  was  the  greatest  man  in  the  State." 

"  Well,"  replied  they,  "  the  State  must  be  in  a  strange  condition  if 
Seward  is  among  its  greatest  men." 

"  Gentlemen,"  answered  the  delegate,  "  I  have  learned  one  thing 
by  going  to  Utica,  and  that  is,  that  a  great  man  never  lives  at  home  ! " 

The  canvass  was  unusually  animated  and  active.  When  it  began, 
my  new  position  did  not  excite  any  ambition,  or  even  a  personal  ex 
pectation  of  success;  but,  at  the  immediate  close,  those  on  whose  cau 
tious  judgment  I  habitually  relied,  carried  away  by  enthusiasm,  gave 
me  a  confident  opinion  that  the  Whig  ticket  would  prevail.  Its  fail 
ure,  of  course,  after  this,  was  a  disappointment,  though  free  from  a 
sense  of  humiliation. 

The  other  incidents  of  the  season  preceding  the  election  had  no 
particular  importance.  It  was  for  me  a  season  of  rest,  since  I  remained 
silent  and  passive  under  the  discussion  which  my  principles  and  char 
acter  underwent. 


MEMOIR, 


AND 


SELECTIONS  FROM  HIS  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  I. 

1831. 

Home  at  Auburn.— Journey  to  Albany.— First  Experiences  of  Legislative  Life.— Sketches 
of  Character.— Aaron  Burr.— Citizen  Genet.— Maynard.— Tracy.— Granger.— Weed. 

EVERYBODY  in  Auburn,  forty-five  years  ago,  knew  Judge  Miller's 
house  on  South  Street.  A  large,  square  mansion  of  unpainted  brick, 
very  substantially  built,  its  exterior  plain,  its  interior  handsome, 
with  a  row  of  Lombardy  poplars  in  front,  and  a  grove  of  locust, 
apple,  and  cherry  trees  around,  it  stood  not  distant  from  the  main 
street,  and  at  the  same  time  not  very  far  from  the  outskirts  of  the 
little  town.  It  was  the  first  brick  dwelling  in  Auburn.  As  land  was 
abundant,  and  neighbors  were  few,  five  acres  were  occupied  with 
the  usual  accessories  of  a  rural  residence — barn,  carriage  and  wood 
house,  vegetable  and  flower  garden,  orchard,  and  pasture-lot.  Here 
lived  the  owner,  retired  from  active  practice  of  his  profession.  With 
him  lived  his  mother  and  a  maiden  sister.  His  two  daughters  had 
grown  up  under  their  grandmother's  care.  The  elder,  Lisette,  whose 
sprightly  vivacity  made  her  a  general  favorite,  had  recently  married 
and  left  the  paternal  home.  The  younger,  Frances,  was  of  unusual 
beauty,  but  extreme  diffidence.  She  had  a  few  years  before  married  a 
promising  young  lawyer,  her  father's  partner,  named  Seward.  Opin 
ions  had  differed  in  the  village  as  to  his  capabilities  ;  but  the  majority 
conceded  that  he  was  industrious  in  his  profession,  though  many 
doubted  if  he  was  old  enough,  or  grave  enough,  or  wise  enough,  for 
the  responsible  position  of  Senator  in  the  State  Legislature,  to  which 
he  had  recently  been  elected.  Two  children  completed  the  family 
circle. 

It  is  in  this  scene  and  with  these  surroundings  that  my  earliest 
recollections  of  my  father  begin.  It  is  in  the  same  scene,  with  the 
11 


162  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

same  surroundings,  that  the  notes  of  his  autobiography  in  the  preced 
ing  pages  terminate. 

He  was  at  that  time  over  thirty  years  old,  but  his  slender  frame, 
of  not  more  than  medium  height,  his  smooth-shaven  face,  clear  blue 
eyes,  red  hair,  quick,  active  movements,  and  merry  laugh,  gave  him 
almost  a  boyish  appearance.  The  house  was  always  cheerful  when 
he  was  in  it.  That  was  never  for  long  at  a  time,  for  he  was  indefati 
gable  in  his  toil  at  the  little  one-storied  law-office  on  South  Street,  where 
he  prepared  his  papers  and  received  his  clients.  One  evening  that  he 
spent  at  home,  reading  aloud,  from  Scott  and  Burns,  is  so  vividly  re 
membered  by  the  children  that  it  must  have  been  a  rare  event. 

Auburn  was  about  as  distant  from  New  York  then  as  Omaha  is 
now.  The  annual  stage-ride  to  Albany  to  attend  the  session  of  the 
Legislature  was  a  serious  and  important  undertaking.  Of  my  father's 
journeyings  to  and  from  the  capital,  and  of  his  legislative  life  there, 
he  has  spoken  briefly  in  his  autobiographic  notes.  But  the  picture 
there  presented  is  based  merely  on  recollections  of  a  later  date.  It 
will  be  more  complete  if  supplemented  by  some  extracts  from  his  let 
ters,  written  at  the  time,  giving  more  detail  of  persons,  places,  inci 
dents,  and  character  ;  for  the  autobiography  he  had  no  opportunity  to 
revise  or  read,  and  the  letters  he  never  saw  again  after  writing  them. 

Long  and  closely  written,  those  letters  from  the  distant  capital  were 
eagerly  read  by  the  household  at  Auburn.  Under  favorable  circum 
stances,  they  were  three  days  on  the  road  from  Albany — under  unfavor 
able  ones,  a  week.  Sometimes  they  would  come  by  post,  sometimes  by 
private  hand,  a  favorite  method  of  transmitting  correspondence  in  that 
time  of  high  postage  and  uncertain  mail  service.  The  postage  on  a 
letter  from  Albany  was  eighteen  and  three-quarters  cents  ;  from  New 
York,  thirty-seven  and  a  half  cents.  A  traveler  by  stage-coach  often 
had  his  pockets  filled  with  letters  and  remittances  handed  him  by  his 
friends  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  ;  and  these  it  would  be  his  first 
duty,  on  arriving  at  his  destination,  to  distribute. 

At  the  close  of  December,  1830,  the  newly-elected  Senator  was  on 
his  way  to  Albany.  His  first  letters  thus  describe  his  journey  and  his 

entrance  into  public  life  : 

ALBANY,  January  2,  1831. 

It  was  just  seven  o'clock,  on  Wednesday  morning,  when  I  left  the  Ameri 
can  Hotel  at  Auburn  in  a  stage  with  eight  other  passengers.  We  had  a  dull, 
tedious  ride  of  four  hours  to  Elbridge,  where  we  breakfasted,  and  at  five  o'clock 
in  the  evening  we  arrived  at  Syracuse.  I  had  not  anticipated  so  warm  a  wel 
come  as  I  met  with.  In  the  evening  my  friends  gathered  in  to  see  me,  and 
I  promised  to  stay  the  next  day,  and  write  an  address  for  their  New-Year's  Con 
vention. 

Next  morning  I  undertook  the  task,  but  was  interrupted  and  prevented ;  and, 
the  stage  coming  along  at  two  o'clock,  I  got  into  it,  with  Julius  Rhoades,  of 


1831.]  FIRST   LEGISLATIVE   EXPERIENCES.  163 

Albany.  We  traveled  all  night,  and  arrived  at  Utica  on  Friday  morning  at  six. 
Left  there  in  a  tremendous  storm  at  eight,  and  slept  that  night  at  Fonda,  forty- 
two  miles  from  this  city.  Arrived  here  last  night  at  seven,  well,  and  sufficiently 
fatigued.  Everybody  had  been  keeping  New- Year,  and  was  as  much  fatigued 
as  I.  I  found  a  room  provided  for  me  at  the  Eagle ;  but  it  is  as  yet  occupied  by 
my  predecessor,  Judge  Oliver,  who  will  leave  in  a  few  days.  I  am  temporarily 
in  the  room  with  my  friend  Senator  Boughton.  The  Governor,  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  mayor,  and  ex-mayor,  each  had  open  house  yesterday,  and  all  the 
world  went  to  see  the  dignitaries  and  drink  their  wine.  -Of  course  I  came  a 
day  too  late.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  has  rooms  at  the  Eagle,  and  I  think 
his  whole  family  with  him. 

Sunday  Afternoon. 

I  have  been  to  the  Episcopal  Church.  It  is  a  delightful  house,  and  the  cler 
gyman  gave  us  a  good  New-Year's  sermon.  I  have  not  yet  been  here  long  enough 
to  know  whether  I  shall  be  pleased  or  otherwise ;  though  I  was  last  night  visited 
with  more  recollections  about  you,  and  Fred,  and  Augustus,  than  you  perhaps 
would  give  me  credit  for.  All,  as  yet,  seems  pleasant,  and  there  has  been  exhib 
ited  no  feeling  of  hostility  on  account  of  politics.  The  Supreme  Court  com 
mences  to-morrow,  and  the  Legislature  will  convene  on  Tuesday.  I  shall  then 
have  an  opportunity  of  giving  you  some  of  the  feelings  with  which  I  shall  com 
mence  the  new  career  before  me.  From  my  windows  I  look  out  upon  the  Hud 
son,  whose  swollen  waters  cover  the  streets  and  stoops,  between  this  house  and 
the  usual  banks.  The  sun  shines  out  brightly  and  genially  this  afternoon. 

Tuesday  Morning. 

Whether  this  state  of  things  is  going  to  continue,  I  don't  know ;  but  so  it  is, 
that  my  only  time  to  write  is  in  the  morning.  The  incidents  of  yesterday  were 
of  no  great  importance.  I  went  to  court,  staid  until  I  found  I  had  no  hope  of 
reaching  any  of  my  causes  for  a  week,  left  the  court-room  and  went  about  town 
delivering  letters,  paying  over  money,  etc.  Then  came  calls  from  Antimasons, 
of  high  and  low  degree.  In  the  evening  I  called  at  the  Governor's  to  deliver  the 
letters  I  had  for  him.  Two  lamps  before  the  door  marked  the  marble  house. 
I  staid  but  a  little  time ;  and  wended  my  way  to  the  Capitol,  to  see  the  cau 
cuses  of  the  two  parties.  That  business  occupied  till  eight  o'clock.  I  went  home 
with  Tracy  and  staid  till  nine ;  came  down  to  my  room,  packed  up  New-Year 
Antimasonic  addresses  till  ten ;  then  Weed  came  and  we  talked  till  twelve. 
Such  is  the  routine  of  a  day  here,  and  such,  as  near  as  I  can  learn,  is  the  dispo 
sition  of  time  by  most  of  our  legislators.  I  hope  to  be  somewhat  more  indus 
trious. 

January  5th. 

Yesterday  at  twelve  o'clock  the  Legislature  convened.  I  took  a  seat  posi 
tively  among  the  conscript  fathers  of  the  land,  feeling  constantly  in  my  pocket- 
book,  to  be  quite  sure  that  I  had  the  certificate  of  election  there.  The  roll  was 
called ;  no  credentials  asked  for,  and  I  answered  to  my  name.  A  venerable  gen 
tleman  beside  whom  I  had  placed  myself,  and  who  doubtless  thought  that  I  was 
some  impudent  spectator  who  had  thrust  myself  where  "  angels  might  fear  to 
tread,"  turned  around  as  I  responded  to  my  name  and  said,  "  Well,  sir.  I  think 
it  will  be  conceded  that  you  are  the  youngest  of  us  all !  "  I  went  up  to  the  desk, 
took  the  oath,  and  wrote  my  name  in  such  a  hand  that,  except  for  the  recollec- 


164  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

tion  of  the  incidents  and  feelings  with  which  it  was  written,  I  should  not  recog 
nize  it  again.  After  solemn  and  due  annunciation,  came  Enos  T.  Throop  Martin, 
with  Enos  T.  Throop's  message,  delivered  it  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  who 
with  great  dignity  delivered  it  to  the  Clerk,  who  received  from  the  Senate  a  dig 
nified  order  to  read  the  same.  All  this  took  something  more  than  two  hours. 
Some  few  committees  were  appointed,  resolutions  passed,  and  the  Senate  ad 
journed  till  this  day  at  eleven  o'clock.  Thus  ended  the  first  lesson  in  my  legis 
lative  education. 

In  the  evening  I  went  to  the  theatre  with  Mr.  Boughton,  whose  term  of  ser 
vice  in  the  Senate  has  just  expired,  and  who  leaves  town  to-day.  It  is  but  a 
poor  affair.  In  coming  home  it  was  very  dark  and  rainy  ;  we  were  walking  arm 
in  arm  when  we  encountered  a  rope  or  wire,  stretched  by  some  thievish  fellows 
across  the  road,  doubtless  to  enable  them  to  pick  off  our  hats.  Off  came  both 
hats  simultaneously.  Fortunately  we  recovered  our  property  and  arrived  safe 
at  the  Eagle. 

Thursday,  January  6th. 

Another  day's  labor  is  ended.  No  measure  of  importance,  no  debate  of 
interest,  has  as  yet  occurred  in  the  Legislature.  I  rise  in  the  morning  with  the 
idea  that  I  have  nothing  to  do,  till  eleven,  go  to  the  House,  am  occupied  at  most 
two  and  a  half  hours,  come  home,  dine  ;  and,  after  that  hour,  no  man  is  allowed 
to  be  busy.  As,  for  instance,  after  dinner  to-day  I  came  up  into  my  room,  wrote 
the  first  two  lines  on  this  page,  was  interrupted  by  a  call,  and  continued  receiv 
ing  calls  and  dismissing  visitors  until  about  sunset,  when  I  abandoned  all  hope 
of  writing  one  more  line,  till  everybody  should  have  gone  to  bed.  So,  in  despair, 
I  sallied  forth,  went  with  Mr.  Fuller  of  the  Senate  and  called  on  Mr.  Samuel  M. 
Hopkins,  spent  half  an  hour  with  him,  came  down  to  Manchester's,  took  tea,  called 
at  Cruttenden's,  spent  an  hour  with  Mr.  Spencer  in  arranging  our  causes  for  argu 
ment  in  the  Supreme  Court,  went  across  to  bid  good-evening  to  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Tracy,  dropped  into  Mr.  Ellis's  room,  looked  in  upon  Maynard,  came  down,  ate 
supper,  and  find  myself  in  my  room  at  half-past  eleven  o'clock.  Now,  how  any 
man  finds  time  to  study,  and  make  speeches  here,  is  beyond  my  comprehension. 
I  want  to  look  into  the  salt  laws  and  the  canal  laws,  and  two  or  three  other 
matters,  besides  doing  up  some  old  business ;  but  in  truth  two  letters  from  Seth 
Hunt  lay  on  my  table,  reproaching  my  negligence.  Tracy  and  Maynard  say  I 
must  make  up  my  mind  never  more  to  be  worth  anything  for  practice  in  the  law. 
Doleful  prediction  for  a  poor  man  !  Adieu.  Heaven  protect  you  all ! 

January  8th. 

The  State  has  furnished  me  with  two  quires  of  this  beautiful  pink  paper,  a 
dozen  Holland  quills,  a  pretty  pearl-handled  knife ;  and  why  shouldn't  I  write 
to  you  every  day  ?  Then,  again,  the  State  very  generously  pays  me  three  dol 
lars  a  day.  I  have  gone  at  her  call,  and  she  has  dismissed  me  for  the  day,  after 
a  detention  of  just  twenty-five  minutes.  This  morning  I  have  been,  for  the 
principal  part  of  the  time,  employed  in  attending  to  errands  and  commissions 
intrusted  to  me,  paying  taxes  for  my  friends,  etc.  The  sun  has  come  gorgeously 
forth  ;  the  river  is  clear  ;  the  country  looks  blue  and  inviting.  There  are  my 
friends,  my  home,  my  loved  ones,  my  all ;  here  I  am  alone,  a  stranger. 

January  9th. 

Sunday  morning  here  is  a  sorry  time.  I  have  bowed  to  Miss  Livingston  and 
to  Mrs.  Clarkson  once  since  I  became  a  locum  tenens  in  this  house ;  and,  except 


1831.]  REV.   DR.    WELCH.  105 

those  ladies,  I  have  not  seen  the  face  of  a  woman  in  it — yes,  I  must  except  also 
Amy  the  housekeeper,  who  is  old,  and  cleverer  than  old  ;  and,  after  a  fortnight's 
absence  from  all  others  of  the  sex,  seems  to  be  not  very  ill-looking.  I  have  not 
yet  seen  the  face  of  a  man  from  Cayuga,  except  our  members.  Manchester  is 
with  me  about  a  third  of  the  time,  though  he  boards  a  mile  off.  The  other 
Cayuga  members — u  Regency  "  men,  "  whom  we  have  put  down,  you  know  "- 
keep  as  far  from  me  as  if  I  carried  pestilence  in  my  march.  It  snows  this 
morning,  and  all  around  is  cheerless. 

After  I  had  finished  writing  to  you  yesterday  I  went  to  call  upon  Mr.  Sena 
tor  Gary  and  his  wife,  from  Batavia.  Then  I  adjourned  to  the  theatre  for  the 
purpose  of  meeting  some  of  my  friends  from  abroad,  who  had  arrived  in  the 
afternoon.  The  play  was,  "  The  Eighth  of  January,  or  the  Battle  of  New  Or 
leans."  The  heroes  of  the  play  were  the  two  opposing  generals,  Jackson  and 
Pakenham.  The  only  incident  of  any  originality  was  not  in  the  play  as  writ 
ten  ;  it  was  that,  just  as  General  Pakenham  was  to  appear  on  the  stage,  he 
was  arrested  and  carried  off  by  a  constable. 

I  can  hardly  hope  to  make  you  understand  how  entirely  the  illusion  under 
which  I  have  labored  in  respect  to  the  importance  of  my  station  has  faded  away. 
Seen  through  the  vista  of  opposition,  excitement,  puffs,  and  abuse,  the  post  of 
Senator  of  this  great  State  seemed  one  of  immense  importance  and  dignity. 
One  week  has  removed  all  the  accumulating  vanity  of  a  year,  and  I  find  the 
whole  a  dull,  every-day,  and  commonplace  affair. 

The  Chenango  Canal  bill  I  think  will  pass.  The  Committee  on  Canals  in  the 
Senate  are  decidedly  favorable  to  the  application. 

The  table  of  the  Assembly  is  covered  with  applications  for  banks.  The 
dominant  party  give  out  that  it  is  expedient  and  right  to  sacrifice  party  feeling, 
and  not  to  suffer  politics  to  interfere  with  the  bank  questions.  The  New  York 
banks  have  all  agreed  to  come  into  the  safety-fund  system  ;  they  will  doubtless 
all  be  renewed. 

Among  the  candidates  for  United  States  Senator  are  Sanford,  Sudam,  and 
Root.  Marcy,  it  seems  agreed,  is  to  be  the  successful  one. 

John  C.  Spencer  is  the  great  man  of  the  House.  The  political  aspect  of  the 
Senate  is  as  follows :  the  Antimasons  are,  Mather,  Maynard,  Tracy,  Lynde,  Ful 
ler,  Gary,  and  Seward.  Porter  from  the  Eighth  is  just  arrived,  and  it  is  said 
declares  he  will  vote  with  us  hereafter.  If  so,  we  are  eight.  Wheeler,  I  under 
stand,  says  he  shall  vote  with  his  old  party  this  winter.  McLean,  of  Washing 
ton  County,  is  one  of  the  Clay  men,  who  supports  his  chief  while  voting  with 
the  Regency.  All  the  rest  are  Regency  men. 

Monday,  January  10th. 

The  Senate  was  occupied  in  legislative  and  judicial  business  to-day,  from 
eleven  till  two  o'clock.  I  have  learned  by  experience  to  consider  my  hold  upon 
time,  which  passes  in  this  place,  so  precarious,  that  I  seize  the  first  opportunity 
every  day  to  write  to  you,  lest  by  delay  I  might  lose  the  time  altogether.  Last 
evening  I  had  a  call  from  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  who  graciously  condescended 
to  mount  two  flights  of  stairs  to  call  upon  so  unworthy  a  personage  as  myself. 
Then  I  went  to  the  Baptist  Church,  where  I  heard  one  of  the  finest  sermons  I 
ever  have  listened  to  ;  it  was  preached  by  Mr.  Welch,  the  settled  pastor  of  the 
congregation.  The  style  of  the  sermon,  the  construction  of  it,  the  language, 
and  even  the  delivery,  were  very  much  like  those  of  the  late  Mr.  Summerfield. 


166  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

This  morning  the  snow  is  three  or  four  inches  deep,  the  weather  cold,  the 
sky  clear,  the  sun  bright ;  the  bells  jingle  most  merrily,  and  the  city  is  enjoying 
all  the  fun,  fashion,  and  flash,  of  sleigh-riding.  I  do  not  hear  of  any  other  gay- 
ety  yet  in  the  good  society  here,  though  I  suppose  it  is  going  forward.  The 
river  is  full  of  floating  ice,  forced  slowly  down  by  the  current.  A  steamboat 
left  this  morning  for  New  York,  but  I  do  not  think  another  will  arrive  from 
that  place.  The  weather  indicates  now  that  we  must  bring  our  desires,  wishes, 
and  thoughts,  within  the  limits  of  this  ancient  town. 

January  12,  1831. 

Weed  is  very  much  with  me,  and  I  enjoy  his  warmth  of  feeling.  A  politi 
cian,  skillful  in  design  and  persevering  in  execution ;  whose  exciting  principle  is 
personal  friendship  or  opposition,  and  not  self-interest — that  is  just  Thurlow 
Weed.  How  much  more  I  like  him  than  I  should  if  he  was  selfish  and  avari 
cious,  you  know  me  well  enough  to  form  an  opinion.  He  is  warm  in  his  attach 
ments.  He  gives  for  charity's  sake,  is  generous  to  a  fault,  kind  beyond  descrip 
tion,  open-hearted,  and  sincere  beyond  most  men's  sincerity. 

What  a  contrast  to  my  legislative  friend ,  who  is  morbidly  ambitious ! 

He  came  here  expecting  to  make  a  figure  in  the  House ;  but  he  fears  to  thrust 
himself  into  the  arena,  and  yet  is  unhappy  because  he  is  not  a  victor  without 
having  the  courage  to  enter  the  lists.  His  conversation  is  always  upon  his  own 
disappointments. 

Maynard  is  a  giant  in  intellect,  indefatigably  industrious,  methodical,  ori 
ginal,  and  persevering.  He  makes  no  protestations,  exhibits  no  discriminating 
preferences  for  any  one,  is  always  uniform,  reasons  slowly,  carefully,  and  wisely, 
upon  every  subject.  His  information  is  extensive,  his  power  of  application  very 
great,  his  perseverance  in  study  astonishing.  No  man  can  associate  with  him 
without  admiring,  respecting,  and  esteeming  him  ;  and  yet  no  man,  so  far  as  I 
am  informed,  professes  a  warm  and  distinguishing  personal  attachment  to  him. 

Albert  H.  Tracy  is  a  different  man  from  all  these.  He  is  a  man  of  original 
genius,  of  great  and  varied  literary  acquirements,  of  refined  tastes,  and  high  and 
honorable  principles.  He  seems  the  most  eloquent,  I  might  almost  say  the  only 
eloquent  man  in  the  Senate.  He  is  plainly  clothed  and  unostentatious.  Winning 
in  his  address  and  gifted  in  conversation,  you  would  fall  naturally  into  the  habit 
of  telling  him  all  your  weaknesses,  and  giving  him  unintentionally  your  whole 
confidence.  He  is  undoubtedly  very  ambitious ;  though  he  protests,  and  doubt 
less  half  the  time  believes,  that  dyspepsia  has  humbled  all  his  ambition,  and 
broken  the  vaultings  of  his  spirit.  I  doubt  not  that,  dyspepsia  taken  into  the 
account,  he  will  be  one  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation. 

Such  are  the  characters  of  those  in  whose  society  I  am  thrown.  And  here 
my  case  is  different  from  that  in  which  I  have  heretofore  been.  Visit  and  re 
ceive  visits,  everybody  must  here ;  because  it  is  through  the  medium  of  such 
intercourse  that  we  arrive  at  a  fair  understanding  of  the  measures  before  the 
House.  The  above,  from  the  top  of  the  page,  has  been  written  on  this  Wednes 
day,  January  12th,  and  it  has  been  the  work  of  three  successive  sittings.  While 
I  was  painting  Maynard,  Tracy  came  in,  and  I  went  with  him  to  call  on  Mr. 
Lynde.  While  I  was  delineating  Tracy,  Weed  came  in ;  and  nobody  thinks  of 
writing  when  he  is  here. 

This  day  has  been  the  coldest  of  the  season.  Imagine  the  west  wind  blow 
ing  a  blast  loaded  with  snow,  down  State  Street  the  walks  slippery,  the  air 


1831.]  MEMBERS   AND  ACQUAINTANCES.  167 

piercing,  and  you  may  have  some  ideu  of  my  experience  of  going  to  the  Capitol 
this  morning.  The  river  is  blocked  up,  doubtless  for  the  winter,  and  all  is 
cheerless  without.  Within,  my  coal-grate  sends  forth  a  comfortable  heat ;  the 
lodgers  are  all  asleep.  Bills,  petitions,  briefs,  demurrers,  and  the  whole  mass 
of  the  world's  perplexities,  are  laid  aside.  I  finish  this  page,  and  then  at  mid 
night  I  must  to  bed,  to  dream  perhaps  of  you,  mayhap,  O  wicked  world!  of 

Morgan. 

Thursday,  January  13th. 

The  mail  to-day  brings  no  letters ;  but  I  had  a  call  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hop 
kins,  on  his  way  to  Vermont.  He  brought  me  a  great  package  of  papers. 

Albany  is  beginning  to  be  less  thronged.  The  lawyers  who  came  down  to 
attend  term  are,  one  by  one,  going  off.  The  young  students  who  came  for 
diplomas  will  squeeze  themselves  through  the  examinations  to-night,  take  the 
oath  and  the  diplomas  to-morrow,  and  the  town  will,  in  a  few  days,  be  left  to 
the  possession  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  and  the  lobby. 

There  are  several  classes  of  members  here.  I  hardly  know  into  which  I 
shall  fall.  There  is  a  school  of  which  John  C.  Spencer  is  the  most  prominent, 
the  members  of  which  are  continually  studying  everything.  They  shut  them 
selves  into  their  rooms,  and  seek  out  many  inventions,  in  order  to  present  them 
selves  to  the  attention  of  the  House,  and,  through  the  newspapers,  to  their  con 
stituents.  No  bill  is  read,  no  motion  made,  no  resolution  offered,  upon  which 
they  do  not  make  at  least  one  speech.  They  are  often  successful,  but  rarely 
popular.  Another  class  is  of  those  who  hang  round  the  Regency,  and  glory  in 
the  assurance  they  feel  that  they  are  in  its  confidence,  and  are  destined  to 
share  in  "the  spoils."  A  third  class  consists  of  pure,  good  society  gentlemen, 
who  dress  finely,  dine  out,  make  calls,  and  have  a  set  form  of  words  for  making 
pretty  motions  in  the  House,  always  taking  care  never  to  go  beyond  their  depth 
in  grave  matters.  These  doubtless  have  their  reward,  in  their  self-complacency. 
A  fourth  class  embraces  those  who,  under  a  sense  of  their  responsibility,  chast 
ened  by  true  dignity  and  becoming  respect  for  others,  affect  nothing,  are  not 
often  in  the  way  of  the  rest,  speak  seldom,  and,  when  they  do,  speak  wisely.  I 
cannot  claim  to  be  of  them.  The  last  class  consists  of  the  multitude,  who  come 
here  to  say  "ay"  and  "no,"  do  nothing,  read  nothing,  say  nothing,  and  think 
less.  What  class  do  I  belong  to,  do  you  think  ? 

January  14,  1831. 

My  letters  and  papers  come  addressed  "Hon."  and  "  The  Hon'ble,"  with  the 
various  changes  of  "  Senator,"  "  In  Senate,"  and  "  Member  of  the  Senate,"  etc. 
But  this  morning  came  one  addressed  in  small,  neat  handwriting,  bearing  on  it  no 
image,  and  only  the  simple  superscription  of  "  William  H.  Seward,  Albany," 
which  I  have  read  all  over  twice,  and  laid  it  up  in  my  pocket  for  a  "third  read 
ing."  Meantime,  let  me  add  that,  as  your  letters  arrive  safely  with  that  super 
scription,  so  let  them  be  addressed ;  only  remember  that  they  be  not  so  "  few 
and  far  between"  that  the  postmaster  will  forget,  between-times,  that  I  am 
here. 

My  errand  to  the  Misses  R was  about  the  amount  I  had  collected  for  them 

to  pay  the  rent  for  which  they  are  in  arrear,  and  which,  unless  I  contrive  in  some 
way  to  have  paid,  they  never  can  pay  ;  and  in  consequence  they  must  be  turned 
out-of-doors,  and  stripped  of  their  little  furniture,  so  that  their  rich  landlord's 
patrimony  may  be  kept  safe  from  the  moth  and  the  rust  which  corrupt  in  this 


168  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

perishable  world.  I  succeeded  in  getting  some  aid  for  them  ;  but  they  yet  owe 
sixty-five  dollars.  God  knows  how  it  will  be  paid.  Alas  for  the  happiness  of 
the  poor ! 

January  15th. 

I  awoke  this  morning  late.  It  was  snowing,  and  the  wind  blowing  violently. 
I  thought  I  should  lose  my  ears  in  climbing  to  the  Capitol.  The  Lieutenant- 
Governor  was  so  kind  as  to  give  me  a  ride  back  in  his  sleigh.  I  came  up  into  my 
little  room.  "  Another  week,"  thinks  I  to  myself,  "  has  gone.  What  good  have 
I  accomplished  ?  What  pleasure  have  I  enjoyed  ? "  I  could  remember  no  good  I 
had  done  but  that  of  writing  daily  to  you.  I  could  remember  no  pleasure  I  had 
enjoyed  but  that  derived  from  recollections  of,  and  reflections  upon,  home.  I 
smoked  a  cigar ;  wished  for  Gus  and  Fred  to  play  in  the  smoke  of  it.  I  smoked 
another,  and  thought  of  the  difference  in  enjoyment  derived  from  innocent  play 
fulness  of  one's  children,  and  that  of  wordy  controversy  with  one's  political 
opponents ;  and,  believe  me,  I  smoked  another  while  I  contrasted  an  open  and 
cordial  conversation  at  home  with  you,  with  the  heartless,  selfish,  and  parasitical 
attentions  of  the  lobby-members. 

Mr.  Gilbert,  of  Onondaga,  called,  and  roused  me  from  this  reverie,  by  discover 
ing  to  me,  without  any  intention  so  to  do,  that  a  resolution  I  had  this  morning 
introduced  into  the  Senate,  about  the  smuggling  of  salt  at  Salina,  had  thrown  the 
"  Regency  "  camp  into  confusion.  I  swallowed  my  tea,  and  sallied  forth  to  con 
gratulate  my  u  Anti  "  brethren  on  so  happy  a  result. 

January  IQth. 

I  have  told  you  nothing  lately  about  my  legislative  career.  Know,  then,  that 
when  I  came  here  I  took  my  seat  every  morning  feeling  as  awkward  as  you  can 
well  imagine.  For  the  first  ten  days  I  sat  like  a  stone  in  my  seat,  not  daring  to 
open  my  mouth  among  the  "  conscript  fathers,"  and  having  no  intercourse  with 
them  when  not  in  session,  except  in  visits  to  and  from  the  "  Antis."  I  had  it 
especially  in  charge  from  the  good  folks  at  Syracuse  to  look  into  the  manner  in 
which  the  salt-affairs  had  been  managed  at  Salina.  (You  must  know  that  the 
State  owns  the  salt-springs,  and  derives  a  duty  upon  every  bushel  of  salt  manu 
factured  ;  that  during  the  year  it  has  been  discovered  that  salt  has  been  carried 
off  without  paying  duties,  whereby  a  loss  has  been  sustained  by  the  State  of  not 
less,  probably,  than  fifty  thousand  dollars ;  that  during  all  the  time  of  these 
frauds  the  "  Kegency  "  have  had  control  of  the  springs,  and  that  their  officers 
are  implicated,  and  two  of  them  have  run  away.)  I  dared  not  bring  this  subject 
before  the  Senate,  for,  when  I  said  "  ay  "  and  "no,"  I  started  at  the  sound  of 
my  own  voice. 

Meantime,  on  becoming  a  little  acquainted,  I  learned  that  all  the  political 
change  in  our  part  of  the  State  was  here  attributed  to  me.  Of  course,  they  con 
descended  to  intimate  that  I  was  a  good  fellow — that  is,  that  I  would  be  of  use 
to  them,  and  very  plainly  to  say  that  I  must  now  join  them,  and  my  political 
fortunes  were  secure  for  hereafter ;  for  my  meekness  in  the  House  led  them  to 
think  well  of  me,  and  caused  the  vain  belief  that  I  held  myself  ready  to  be  pur 
chased.  Do  not  call  me  vain,  or  I  never  will  unfold  my  secret  thoughts  to  you 
on  political  subjects  again.  Well,  I  had  gracious  looks,  open  hands,  and  ap 
parently  warm  hearts,  at  command. 

Night  before  last  I  said  to  myself:  "Henry  Seward,  you  are  a  fool  to  be 
afraid  of  your  shadow.  Show  yourself  a  man.  Bring  up  the  salt  business ; 


1831.]  AARON   BURR.  1(59 

and  prove,  to  those  who  misconstrue  your  diffidence  into  meanness,  that  the  one 
shall  not  seal  your  lips,  and  that  the  other  attribute  don't  belong  to  you."  So 
I  drew  my  resolution,  which  you  will  see  in  yesterday's  paper.  I  made  out  a 
brief  of  what  I  would  say  in  favor  of  it,  u  screwed  my  courage  to  the  stick 
ing  point,"  consulted  Tracy  and  Maynard.  They  approved ;  and  I  went  to  the 
House,  took  my  seat,  my  paper  in  hand.  By  the  time  that  1  could  properly 
offer  the  resolution,  I  grew  faint-hearted,  thought  I  would  postpone  it  till  Mon 
day — let  the  opportunity  almost  pass  by — thought  once  more  of  it ;  and,  with  a 
motion  of  uncommon  energy,  I  found  myself  on  my  feet. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  I,  and  thick  darkness  was  before  me,  "  I  offer  the 
following  resolution."  Imagine  my  consternation,  while  I  heard  the  President 
announce  in  usual  form  "The  Senator  from  the  Seventh  District  offers  the  fol 
lowing  resolution."  It  was  read,  while  I  was  endeavoring  to  recall  one  word 
of  what  I  had  meant  to  say.  To  make  my  embarrassment  tenfold  greater,  I 
discovered  the  Regency  men  took  alarm.  Two  or  three  were  on  their  feet  at 
once,  and  moved  that  the  resolution  be  laid  on  the  table.  I  felt  relieved,  be 
cause  I  was  released  from  speaking  upon  it  for  one  day.  I  sat  down,  after  con 
senting  to  the  postponement.  In  the  evening,  Regency  men  came  to  know 
what  I  meant;  the  newspapers  reported  the  offering  of  the  resolution,  and  I 
was  hailed  by  all  the  Anti-Regency  men  as  a  hero,  for  my  bold  determination  to 
bring  to  light  the  peculations  on  the  Treasury. 

I  feel  now  as  if  I  had  surmounted  the  diffidence  which  has  oppressed  me ; 
and,  unless  all  is  dark  before  my  eyes  to-morrow,  I  shall  be  able  to  assign  my 
reasons  for  the  measure  I  propose.  I  think  the  Regency  men  dare  not  debate 
it ;  if  they  do,  I  shall  endeavor  to  defend  it. 

Now,  is  all  this  interesting  to  you  ?  For  the  matters  of  political  nature  which 
it  involves  I  presume  you  will  not  care,  but,  as  it  concerns  my  feelings,  perhaps 
you  will  think  it  worth  the  space  it  fills  in  this  letter. 

Monday,  January  Yltli. 

I  ought  not  to  forget  to  inform  you  about  our  debate  in  the  Senate ;  to-day 
I  called  for  the  consideration  of  my  resolution.  The  Regency  men  betrayed 
warmth  and  agitation.  Every  device  was  resorted  to  to  defeat  it,  without  en 
countering  danger  in  public  estimation.  Something  of  the  debate  is  in  Weed's 
paper  this  afternoon.  "The  party"  voted  us  down,  by  the  united  vote  of  Re 
gency  against  Antimasonry.  But  I  feel  much  relieved,  by  having  surmounted 
the  difficulty  of  making  a  debut.  I  can  henceforth  speak  without  fear,  if  occa 
sion  requires  me  to  say  anything. 

A  visit  to  Aaron  Burr,  in  regard  to  the  case  in  which  he  was  coun 
sel,  occurred  about  this  time  : 

He  was  at  the  Merchants'  Exchange,  one  of  the  fourth-rate  houses  of  this 
city.  I  could  not  but  think,  as  I  ascended  the  dirty  narrow  staircase,  to  his 
lodgings,  in  a  small  two-bedded  room  in  the  upper  story,  of  the  contrast  between 
his  present  state  and  that  he  enjoyed  when  he  contended  so  long,  even-handed, 
with  Jefferson  for  the  presidential  chair,  on  the  second  election  after  the  retire 
ment  of  Washington.  He  has  lost  property,  fame,  character,  and  honor.  Once 
so  gay,  so  fashionable  in  his  dress,  so  fascinating  in  his  manners,  so  glorious  in 
his  eloquence,  and  so  mighty  in  his  influence,  how  altered  did  he  seem,  as  he 


170  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

met  me,  drawing  a  coarse  woolen  surtout  over  his  other  clothes,  his  coarse 
cotton  shirt  and  cravat  struggling,  by  the  form  of  modern  fashions,  to  display 
the  proud  spirit  of  the  wearer !  His  few  gray  hairs,  just  filled  with  powder,  put 
on  as  thickly  as  paste,  wet  down  and  smoothed  over  his  head  ;  his  form  shriv 
eled  into  the  dimensions  almost  of  a  dwarf;  his  voice  forgetful  of  its  former  mel 
ody,  while  naught  remained  to  express  the  daring  spirit  of  his  youth  hut  his 
keen,  brilliant,  da'rk  eye.  He  approached  me  with  the  air  and  demeanor  of  a 
gentleman  of  the  old  school,  and,  as  I  shook  his  shriveled  and  trembling  hand, 
I  felt  a  thousand  recollections  come  to  my  mind  of  most  unpleasant  nature.  Is 
this  the  same  being  who  shared  for  years  the  confidence  and  did  the  bidding  of 
General  Washington  ?  Do  I  recognize  in  this  lingering  relic  of  an  age  gone  by 
the  man  who  was  the  ornament  and  delight  of  every  fashionable  circle?  Is 
this  squeaking,  unsteady  voice  that  instrument  which  wiled  away  the  hearts  of 
men?  Is  this  tottering  frame  the  same  that  commanded  at  his  pleasure  the 
stormy  waves  of  a  new  and  enthusiastic  people  ?  Do  these  wretched  habili 
ments  cover  him  who  was  the  second  in  honor  and  office  in  this  nation,  and 
whose  sure  ascent  to  the  highest  place  was  prevented  only  by  his  rash  and  dis 
honest  ambition?  Is  this  the  same  fascinating  being  who  entered  with  the 
recklessness  of  a  fallen  angel  into  the  peaceful  and  classic  abode,  and  stole  the 
confidence  only  to  ruin  and  destroy  the  happiness  of  Blennerhassett  ?  Is  this 
the  same  proud  spirit  which,  determined  to  rule,  raised  the  standard  of  treason, 
and  attempted  alone  and  almost  single-handed  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  the 
establishment  of  empire  ?  Do  I  actually  grasp  the  hand  which  directed  only 
too  successfully  the  fatal  ball  which  laid  low  Alexander  Hamilton  ?  Miserable 
comment  upon  unchastened  ambition  !  Unhappy  man,  to  drag  out  a  dishonored 
existence  among  a  generation  which  knows  thee  only  by  the  history  of  thy 
crimes ;  and  judges  thee  without  allowing  the  merit  of  purpose  or  the  extenu 
ation  of  passion ! 

Wednesday  Night,  January  19th. 

You  probably  expect  that  I  will  give  you  an  interesting  dialogue  as  between 
Aaron  Burr  and  myself.  It  would  be  so  if  I  could  convey  its  spirit  and  had 
room  to  communicate  information  enough  about  the  object  of  our  meeting  to 
make  the  conversation  intelligible.  But  pass  we  it  by  as  one  of  those  things 
which  must  be  communicated  when  we  meet  face  to  face. 

Another  person  of  historic  note  I  yesterday  met  at  our  dinner-table,  the 
famous  E.  0.  Genet,  quondam  French  minister  in  the  time  of  the  Revolution ; 
who  was  sent  here  by  one  of  the  temporary  governments  of  France,  and  preached 
republicanism  and  sympathy  with  the  French,  until  it  nearly  convulsed  the 
Government  of  this  country ;  was  superseded  in  his  office,  on  the  elevation  of  a 
new  and  more  Jacobinical  dynasty  in  his  native  country ;  was  denounced,  and 
dared  not  return  to  France ;  married  the  daughter  of  George  Clinton,  and  has 
ever  since  lived  a  poor  but  very  republican  citizen  of  this  country. 

January  20th. 

After  writing  you  last  night  I  finished  reading  the  "Water-Witch."  It  is  a 
strange,  improbable,  absurd,  and  unnatural  story,  without  the  merit  of  one  good 
character ;  but  yet  one  of  the  most  bewitching  books  I  ever  read.  The  sea- 
scenes  and  incidents  are  not  less  beautiful  than  any  which  are  described  in  the 
"  Pilot,"  or  "  Red  Rover."  I  will  not  again,  this  winter,  be  so  much  interested 
in  a  novel. 


1831.]  FRANCIS   GRANGER. 

I  went  last  evening  to  the  Capitol,  to  witness  the  proceedings  of  the  State 
Temperance  Society.  Heard  two  fine  speeches,  and  became  a  convert  to  the 
principles  of  the  institution ;  but  I  shall  not  become  a  member ;  I  leave  that 
work  of  reformation  in  the  hands  of  those  who  have  not  taken  hold  of  the  Ma 
sonic  evil.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  practise  temperance,  which  I  intend  to  do, 
and  have  done. 

I  have  a  cause  of  importance  to  argue  in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  at  the  term 
which  will  commence  next  Wednesday.  I  have  delayed,  ever  since  last  summer, 
to  make  up  my  brief.  I  determined  that  I  would  do  it  this  day.  Now  mark 
the  glorious  opportunity  for  study  afforded  by  the  incidents  of  one  day.  Rose 
at  seven  o'clock  ;  read  the  newspapers,  and  was  shaved  ;  ready  for  breakfast  at 
eight  o'clock ;  smoked  a  cigar ;  set  to  work  at  half -past  eight ;  wrote  letters  on 
business  till  nine;  sat  down  at  my  brief;  went  to  the  House  three-quarters 
past  nine  ;  Senate  organized  at  ten ;  I  took  French  leave  at  eleven ;  worked  at 

my  brief  till  half -past  twelve.  Enter  Mr.  P ,  who  had  tracked  me  from  the 

House — wants  a  new  county.  Some  gentlemen  from  Cruttenden's,  on  the  hill, 
were  here  to  dine  with  us ;  left  the  table  at  four  ;  went  to  the  Register's  office, 
called  at  the  Tracys',  and  returned  at  five ;  enter  a  bookseller's  agent,  refused  to 
sign  for  his  book,  got  rid  of  him  at  six ;  went  down  to  tea ;  found  Sacket ; 
brought  him  to  my  room ;  talked  half  an  hour ;  enter  Thurlow  Weed ;  enter 
Mr.  Lynde,  of  the  Senate,  and  Judge  Dixon ;  exit  Mr.  Weed ;  enter  Mr.  James 
Porter,  Register ;  exit  Mr.  Porter ;  exit  Messrs.  Lynde  and  Dixon ;  enter  Mr. 
Fuller,  of  the  Senate,  and  Fillmore,  of  the  Assembly ;  exit  Sacket ;  enter  Messrs. 
Andrews  and  Julian  of  the  Assembly ;  enter  Mr.  Van  Buren  of  the  Assembly ; 
exeunt  Fuller  and  Fillmore;  exit  Van  Buren;  exeunt  omnes  at  ten  o'clock. 
Down  sit  I  at  my  brief ;  clock  strikes  eleven  ;  write  a  letter,  and  throw  myself 
into  bed  at  twelve  o'clock.  This  is  life  legislative ! 

Francis  Granger,  who  had  been  the  candidate  of  the  Antimasonic 
party  for  Governor,  was  one  of  its  acknowledged  leaders.  Seward's 
first  impressions  of  his  appearance  and  character  were  given  in  this 

letter  : 

January  23,  1831. 

Mr.  Lynde,  a  clever  man,  Senator  from  the  Sixth  District,  called  upon  me, 
and  I  went  with  him  to  call  on  "  Governor  Granger."  I  believe  I  have  never 
told  you  all  I  thought  about  this  star  of  the  first  magnitude  in  Antimasonry,  and 
the  reason  was  that,  with  a  limited  personal  acquaintance,  I  might  give  you 
erroneous  impressions  which  I  should  afterward  be  unable  to  reverse.  He  is 
41  six  feet  and  well-proportioned,"  as  you  well  know,  handsome,  graceful,  dig 
nified,  and  affable,  as  almost  any  hero  of  whom  you  have  read ;  is  probably 
about  thirty-six  or  seven  years  old.  In  point  of  talent  he  has  a  quick  and 
ready  apprehension,  a  good  memory,  and  usually  a  sound  judgment.  Has  no 
"genius,"  in  its  restricted  sense,  not  a  very  brilliant  imagination,  nor  extraor 
dinary  reasoning  faculties ;  has  no  deep  store  of  learning,  nor  a  very  extensive 
degree  of  information.  Yet  he  is  intimately  acquainted  with  politics,  and  with 
the  affairs,  interests,  and  men  of  the  State.  He  is  never  great,  but  always 
successful.  He  writes  with  ease,  and  speaks  with  fluency  and  elegance — never 
attempts  an  argument  beyond  his  capacity,  and,  being  a  good  judge  of  men's 
character,  motives,  and  actions,  he  never  fails  to  command  admiration,  re- 


172  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

spect,  and  esteem.  Not  a  man  do  I  know  who  is  his  eqnal,  in  the  skill  of 
exhibiting  every  particle  of  his  stores  with  great  advantage.  You  will  inquire 
about  his  manners.  His  hair  is  ever  gracefully  curled,  his  broad  and  ex 
pansive  brow  is  always  exposed,  his  person  is  ever  carefully  dressed,  to  exhibit 
his  face  and  form  aright  and  with  success.  He  is  a  gallant  and  fashionable 
man.  He  seems  often  to  neglect  great  matters  for  small  ones,  and  I  have 
often  thought  him  a  trifler;  yet  he  is  universally,  by  the  common  people, 
esteemed  grave  and  great.  He  is  an  aristocrat  in  his  feelings,  though  the  people 
who  know  him  think  him  all  condescension.  He  is  a  prince  among  those  who 
are  equals,  affable  to  inferiors,  and  knows  no  superiors.  In  principle  he  has 
redeeming  qualities — more  than  enough  to  atone  for  all  his  faults — is  honest, 
honorable,  and  just,  first  and  beyond  comparison  with  other  politicians  of  the 
day.  You  will  ask  impatiently,  "  Has  he  a  heart?  "  Yes.  Although  he  has  less 
than  those  who  do  not  know  him  believe  him  to  possess,  he  has  much  more  than 
those  who  meet  him  frequently,  but  not  intimately,  will  allow  him  to  have.  He 
loves,  esteems,  and  never  forgets  his  friends ;  but  you  must  not  understand  me 
that  he  possesses  as  confiding  and  true  a  heart  as  Berdan  had,  or  as  you  think  I 
have,  or  as  we  both  know  Weed  has. 

There  is  yet  one  quality  of  Granger's  character  which  you  do  not  dream  of — 
he  loves  money  almost  as  well  as  power.  And  now  you  have  the  best  descrip 
tion  in  my  power  to  give  of  both  the  distinguished  men,  who,  if  Antimasonry 
becomes  predominant,  will  be  long  the  objects  of  their  country's  confidence,  and 
in  some  sort  the  conductors  of  her  interest.  Which  do  you  like  best?  I  know 
you  will  say  Granger,  and  yet,  if  you  knew  them  both,  you  would  yield  your 
whole  confidence,  as  between  the  two,  to  Tracy. 

But  one  thing  is  certain :  you  would,  as  I  do,  like  Weed  more  than  either. 
Tell  me  frankly  if  you  do  not  care  to  have  so  much  of  my  letters  devoted  to 
characters.  I  give  them  because  I  always  prefer  my  letters  should  be  trans 
cripts  of  my  every-day's  opinions  and  feelings. 

Next  I  went  to  call  on  Collier  and  his  daughter.  He  is  one  of  our  cleverest 
fellows  and  great  men  recently  elected  to  Congress.  Not  finding  him,  I  left  my 
card,  and  then  called  on  Fuller  and  Fillmore ;  staid  there  until  half-past  eleven 
and  came  home. 

At  dinner  to-day  met  Henry  Webb.  We  have  taken  a  great  liking  to  each 
other ;  went  to  his  room,  saw  his  bachelor  comforts,  and  went  with  him  to  Dr. 
Sprague's  church ;  heard  a  good  sermon  to  a  congregation  among  whom  there 
seems  to  be  a  revival.  Came  down  State  Street  before  the  wind,  and  here  I 
have  been  since  telling  you  all  the  things  I  have  seen  and  heard. 

Monday. — Last  evening  Weed  came  in,  and,  anxious  to  know  how  far  I  was 
correct  in  my  estimate  of  Granger,  I  could  not  resist  reading  to  him  that  part  of 
the  foregoing  page.  He  made  me  read  it  twice,  made  his  comments  upon  it,  and 
told  me  to  make  the  following  alteration  : 

"  Granger  is  not  aristocratic ;  the  manner  which  sometimes  makes  him  ap 
pear  so  is  the  result  of  education  at  Washington.  But  he  is  a  democrat  in  all 
his  thoughts  and  feelings." 

I  think  Weed  correct ;  so  you  have  the  two  characters.  I  anticipate  you 
may  be  disappointed  in  both.  Nevertheless,  very  few  men  have  fewer  faults 
than  either  of  them — I  mean,  of  course,  political  great  men. 


1831.]  IN  THE   CHAIR.  173 

January  25th. 

This  morning  I  spent  an  hour  and  a  half  in  the  State  Library,  studying  out 
my  brief,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  my  argument  in  the  Court  of  Chancery.  Then 
went  into  the  Senate,  and  having  heard,  with  no  little  interest,  the  warm  prayer 
of  the  chaplain  for  the  health  and  happiness  of  the  members,  their  wives  and 
their  little  ones,  sat  down  to  the  ordinary  business  of  saying  uay"  arid  no." 
In  the  midst  of  it,  the  President  was  graciously  pleased  to  call  me  to  the  chair, 
on  going  into  Committee  of  the  Whole. 

I  manfully  marched  to  the  chair ;  and,  having  been  an  attentive  student,  in 
order  to  learn  the  ritual  on  such  occasions,  I  got,  with  some  little  embarrass 
ment,  a  seat  in  the  red-cushioned  chair,  giving  it  a  hitching  motion  to  bring  it 
up  to  the  table. 

Imagine  me  seated  under  the  full-length  likeness  of  George  Clinton,  with  a 
canopy  over  my  head,  representing  the  hollow  globe,  and  the  eagle  resting  his 
weary  wing  upon  its  summit,  and  hear  me  pronounce  to  the  "  grave  and  rever 
end  signiors  :"  "  The  Senate  is  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  on  the  bill  entitled 
An  act  for  the  relief  of  somebody  or  other "  (then  I  gave  my  chair  another 
hitch).  "  Shall  the  bill  be  read  ? " 

u  Ay,"  was  the  reply,  and  off  went  I  reading  through  the  bill  and  the  peti 
tion  (then  having  hitched  my  cludr  too  far,  I  rolled  it  majestically,  with  its  in 
cumbent  weight,  backward)  : 

"  Gentlemen,  the  question  is  upon  the  first  and  only  section  of  the  bill,  those 
of  you  who  are  in  favor  of  the  same  will  please  to  say  ay ;  those  who  are  op 
posed  will  please  to  say  no.  It  is  carried.  The  question  will  now  be  upon  the 
title  of  the  bill "  (which  I  began  as  I  supposed  to  read,  but  found  I  was  reading 
the  first  section  over  again.  I  hitched  my  chair  up  again  to  the  table,  and  re 
trograded  myself  back  to  the  title  of  the  bill,  which  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
was  graciously  pleased  to  be  satisfied  with). 

"  Gentlemen,  the  question  will  be  now  upon  the  whole  bill,  and  rising  and 
reporting."  Again  the  committee  was  satisfied. 

I  rose,  and  the  President  took  the  chair.     I  bowed  and  thus  spoke : 

"  Mr.  President,  the  Senate  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  have  had  under  con 
sideration  the  bill  entitled,  etc.,  etc.,  have  passed  the  same  without  amendment, 
and  have  directed  me  to  report  accordingly." 

Then  the  President  lifted  up  his  voice,  and  said  to  the  Senate:  "  Gentlemen, 
Mr.  Seward,  from  the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  reports  that  the  committee  have 
had  under  consideration  the  bill  entitled,  etc.,  etc.,  and  reports  tlieir  agreement 
to  the  same,  without  amendment."  Thus  ended  the  trial  of  my  courage.  And 
such  is  the  journal  of  a  day,  of  a  man  who  receives,  for  his  services  therein,  the 
sum  of  three  hundred  cents. 

January  27 th. 

The  bright  moon  is  pouring  her  silver  rays  upon  me,  just  as  she  is  pouring 
out  of  the  abundance  of  the  same  treasure  upon  you,  though  distant  from  me  so 
many  long  miles.  My  window  opens  to  the  east,  and  I  have  stood  half  frozen 
at  the  casement,  looking  at  the  sober  moon,  and  thinking  how  many  a  happy 
evening  we  have  watched  it  through  the  window  in  the  room  where  you  now 
are.  Nay,  I  even  fancy  that  the  boys,  fatigued  with  the  arduous  duties  of  the 
day,  have  gone  to  sleep  to  dream  of  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  the  parade 
ground,  and  that  you  are  writing  the  lines  which  shall  cross  these  on  the  road. 


174:  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

I  have,  just  at  half-past  ten  this  Thursday  night,  dismissed  the  last  of  my 
visitors,  who  was  the  Attorney-General.  As  he  bowed  in,  the  Adjutant-General 
bowed  out.  It  seems  to  be  the  fashion  for  the  Regency  to  visit,  once  during  the 
session,  all  the  members  of  the  Legislature.  Three  have  been  here  now,  and  I 
believe  the  body  corporate  and  sovereign  consists  of  but  six  or  seven.  All 
these  calls  must  be  returned,  but  when  shall  I  be  able  to  do  it  ?  I  almost  need 
a  private  secretary  to  conduct  my  increasing  correspondence.  I  give  myself  but 
six  hours  of  sleep,  and  yet,  like  the  housewife's  cares,  my  troubles  are  never- 
ending. 

I  am  becoming  immersed  in  a  swamp  of  letters,  for  laws,  for  canals,  banks, 
insurance  companies,  and  for  appointments.  I  found  twelve  lying  on  my  table 
to-night.  Your  little  letter  was  worth  the  whole  dozen. 


CHAPTER   II. 

1831. 

Albany  Society. — Dinners. — Parties  and  Visits. — Governor  Throop. — Samuel  Miles  Hop 
kins.— Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge.— Levi  Beardsley.— Millard  Fillmore.— Philo  C.  Fuller. 
— Lobbying. — Election  of  Marcy  to  the  United  States  Senate. — Speech  on  Militia  Re 
form. — Troy  and  Schenectady. — Mad  Dogs. — Reading  Novels. 

ALBANY  was  noted  at  that  time,  as  it  has  been  ever  since,  for  its 
hospitality  and  pleasant  society.  Early  hours,  however,  were  then 
fashionable,  and  French  dinners  were  unknown. 

Friday,  January  28th. 

I  went  to  Mr.  Hopkins's  to  dinner  at  three  o'clock.  The  company  included 
Mr.  Fuller  and  myself,  of  the  Senate ;  and  Messrs.  Lacey,  Fillmore,  Manchester, 
Percival,  Knight,  White,  and  Ashley,  of  the  Assembly.  Mr.  Hopkins,  of  whom 
you  have  heard  me  speak,  is  a  most  intelligent,  philanthropic  man,  Mrs.  Hopkins 
an  intellectual  woman.  Miss  Julia,  the  eldest  unmarried  daughter,  is  about 
twenty-two,  sensible  and  easy  in  her  manners.  Miss  Hester  is  like  her  sister, 
except  that  she  has  more  beauty.  Young  Mr.  Hopkins  is  a  clever,  well-informed 
young  engineer.  I  must  add,  also,  that  they  are  all  very  unostentatious,  though 
Mr.  Hopkins  is  an  LL.  D. 

Mr.  Fuller,  of  the  Senate,  taught  school  at  Florida  when  I  was  at  school  at 
Goshen,  in  1809,  and  while  there  he  lived  at  my  father's.'  He  is  tall,  well-pro 
portioned,  and  dignified  in  person,  and  is  about  forty-five  years  old. 

Fillmore  was,  ten  or  twelve  years  ago,  a  wool-carder  in  Summer  Hill.  He 
is  popular  and  honest,  and  has  more  influence  in  the  Assembly  than  any  Anti- 
masonic  member.  He  is  now  a  lawyer  of  good  reputation  and  talents. 

But  I  forget  that  I  have  left  the  company  seated  at  the  table  without  any 
thing  before  them,  while  I  am  writing  this  account  of  their  characters. 

Mrs.  Hopkins,  at  the  head,  has  a  boiled  turkey.  Miss  Julia  has  charge  of  a 
boiled  ham.  Miss  Hester  presides  over  a  dish  of  fried  oysters,  while  Mr.  Will 
iam  Hopkins  disposes  of  a  pair  of  roast  ducks.  His  father  has  a  tremendous 


1831.]  WHO    IS   HE?  175 

piece  of  roast  venison.  A  flowing  tureen  of  mock-turtle  soup  is  first  ladled 
out,  and  then  come  the  other  luxuries.  Presently  there  appear  upon  the  table 
bottles  of  porter  and  of  cider,  supplying  the  place  of  brandy.  The  meats  are 
removed  to  make  way  for  plum-pudding,  apple,  inince,  and  custard  pies.  Then 
come  trifles,  whip-cream,  jellies,  and  custards.  These  are  followed  by  nuts 
and  raisins.  Then  common  Madeira  wine  gives  place  to  "Farquhar."  The 
ladies  drink  one  glass  and  are  off,  and  the  gentlemen  leave  the  board  at  six 
o'clock. 


I  took  a  walk  with  Mr.  Tracy  to  return  Judge  Conkling's  call.  He  lives  in 
Lydius  Street,  about  a  mile  from  the  compact  part  of  the  town. 

It  was  by  this  time  half-past  four.  I  sallied  forth  to  find  Mr.  Mancius's  house 
in  Montgomery  Street.  When  I  saw  him  before,  he  met  me  just  as  I  was  going 
out.  Both  were  muffled  in  cloaks,  and  I  knew  I  should  not  recognize  him.  I 
rang  the  bell ;  a  servant  appeared.  I  asked,  and  was  answered  that  Mr.  Man- 
cms  was  at  home.  The  girl  went  to  the  door  at  the  farther  end  of  the  hall, 
and,  as  she  opened  it,  disclosed  a  table,  two  gentlemen  seated  there,  with  bot 
tles  and  glasses. 

"  A  gentleman  wants  to  see  me ;  where  is  he,  in  the  hall,  did  you  say  ? " 
and  forth  comes  a  man  with  a  kind  of  bewildered  air  and  manner,  which  showed 
that  I  was  no  more  known  to  him  than  a  visitor  would  have  been  from  Kam- 
tchatka. 

Presuming  this  to  be  my  host,  I  extended  my  hand,  and  received  his,  which 
was  reluctantly  held  out  to  me.  "  My  name  is  Seward,  sir,"  said  I. 

"  Seward — Seward ;  yes,  sir,  Seward,  did  you  say  ?     Walk  in,  Mr.  Seward." 

Then  he  glanced  at  me  again,  and  opened  a  door  which  displayed  a  bevy  of 
young  ladies ;  and  I  thought  I  was  going  to  be  ushered  into  the  midst  of  them, 
when  my  host  bestowed  a  bewildered  look  on  my  person  as  I  divested  myself 
of  my  cloak  and  hat,  and  then  hastily,  as  if  something  were  wrong,  pulled-to 
the  door  of  the  parlor,  and  led  me  into  the  dining-room. 

"  Major  Schuyler,  Mr.  Seward.  I  think  you  said  your  name  was  Seward  ? 
Take  a  chair,  Mr.  Seward  ;  "  and  so  I  was  seated.  I  was  perfectly  satisfied  that 
my  name  was  Seward  and  as  to  who  I  was,  but  my  host  had  no  distinct  idea 
on  either  of  those  points ;  and  I  on  my  part  was  bewildered  to  know  if  he  was 
Mr.  Mancius  or  his  brother.  A  third  glass  was  filled  for  me.  I  soon  discovered 
that  Major  Schuyler  was  indignant  at  my  intrusion,  so.  in  order  to  disarm  him,  I 
observed : 

"  We  have  a  prospect  of  more  comfortable  weather,  sir." 

"  Perhaps  so,"  said  he,  gruffly. 

Mine  host  asked  me  to  drink,  but  with  an  air  which  seemed  to  say,  "  I  won 
der  what  the  devil  sent  you  here  ?  " 

Determined  to  know  whether  this  was  actually  the  man  I  came  to  see,  I 
said,  "  I  perceive  you  do  not  recognize  me,  Mr.  Mancius ;  my  name  is  Seward  ; 
I  saw  you  at  the  Eagle  Tavern." 

"  Seward— Eagle  Tavern  ;  yes,  sir,  please  to  take  another  glass."  And  still 
it  was  evident  he  had  no  recollection  even  of  my  name. 

u  You  know,  sir,  that  you  spoke  to  me  about  a  suit  I  was  to  defend,  and  I 
was  to  call  upon  you  for  some  papers  to  send  to  Judge  Miller." 

"  Oh,  yes !  now  I  know ;  now  I  recollect  you.    You  are  Judge  Miller's  son-in- 


176  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

law.  Oh,  yes,  yes!  do  take  another  glass  of  wine.  I  beg  your  pardon  for  not 
remembering  you,  especially  as  I  invited  you  to  call.  How  are  you  getting  on 
in  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Seward  ?  " 

"Why,  very  well,  sir;  we  are  disposing  of  the  business  as  well  as  is  usual." 
Then  Major  Schuyler  relaxed  his  knitted  brows,  and  said — 

"  Are  you  in  the  Legislature,  sir  ?  " 

"  Yes,  sir,"  said  I,  very  meekly. 

"  Well,  sir,  I  have  a  petition  before  your  honorable  body,  and  shall  be 
obliged  to  you  if,  on  examining  it,  you  give  it  such  support  as  you  consistently 
can." 

"  Oh,  oh !  "  thought  I,  "  the  weather  is  becoming  more  comfortable,  after  all." 
He  went  on  to  state  the  object  of  the  petition.  I  assured  him  I  should  be  happy 
to  give  it  a  favorable  consideration,  and  added  that  I  had  not  before  heard  of  it. 

"  Yes,  sir,"  said  he,  "  you  must  have  heard  of  it ;  it  has  been  reported  in  the 
Assembly." 

"  Ah !  "  said  I,  "  that  is  the  reason  I  have  not  seen  it." 

"  Why,  sir,  that  is  the  reason  you  must  have  seen  it,"  said  he ;  "  you  are  in 
the  Assembly,  I  presume,  sir  ?  " 

"  No,  sir,"  said  I,  "  I  am  in  the  other  House." 

"  Now,  sir,"  said  he,  "  I  beg  to  ask  you,  in  God's  name,  how  old  you  call 
yourself  ? " 

u  Twenty-nine  years,"  said  I,  very  meekly. 

"  Well,  I  swear  I  never  would  vote  for  you  for  a  Senator  from  your  looks." 

"  Ah  !  "  said  Mr.  Mancius,  "that  explains  why  I  did  not  know  Mr.  Seward  ; 
he  was  so  young !  I  thought  it  was  some  young  gentleman  who  had  called  to 
see  my  daughters." 

I  need  not  protract  this  little  story  longer  than  to  add  that  we  after  this 
got  to  be  on  excellent  terms ;  and  I  departed,  questioning  with  myself  whether 
I  had  not  better  get  a  wig. 

Monday,  January  31s£. 

To-day  the  Governor  commences  his  usual  dinner-parties,  You  must  know 
the  thing  is  done  after  this  wise :  The  Governor  takes  the  alphabetical  list  of 
the  members  of  both  Houses,  and  dines  a  portion  every  third  day  until  all  have 
had  the  honor.  Andrews,  being  first  on  the  roll,  has  just  gone  to  pay  his  hom 
age. 

We  have  had  a  dull  day  in  the  Legislature.  Mr.  Benton,  Mr.  Sherman,  Mr. 
Throop,  and  Mr.  Foster,  have  made  speeches  drier  than  brick-dust  upon  a  ques 
tion  drier  than  baked  sand. 

It  would  amuse  you  to  see  the  letters  I  receive  from  all  classes  of  office- 
wanters.  Among  others  last  night  was  one  from  a  man'  I  never  saw,  but  who 
says  he  is  sure  that,  from  my  acquaintance  with  the  Governor,  I  can  get  him 
the  office  of  auctioneer  for  the  city  of  New  York.  Alas !  poor  fellow,  he  lit 
tle  knows  that,  if  he  wants  an  office,  the  surest  way  to  be  defeated  is  to  enlist 
me  in  his  support ! 

Another  writes  that,  in  consequence  of  my  having  collected  a  note  for  him, 
he  solicits  my  aid  to  procure  for  his  brother  the  office  of  Quartermaster-General. 
A  Regency  man  wants  me  to  vote  for  the  Penn  Yan  Bank  because  George 
Throop  is  opposed  to  it.  Another  lobby-man  wants  me  to  vote  for  a  new  bank 
in  Geneva  because  he  thinks  we  ought  to  have  a  railroad  from  Auburn  to  the 


1831.]  ALBANY  SOCIETY. 

canal.  One  wants  me  to  vote  for  a  bank  at  Waterloo,  because  it  will  promote 
Antimasonry ;  while  another  is  urging  my  neighbor,  Hubbard,  to  vote  for  the 
same  bank  because  it  will  help  to  kill  off  Antimasonry.  These  artful  lobby- 
members  deem  the  members  of  the  Legislature  to  be  ignorant  and  stupid,  and 
have  no  idea  how  easily  their  tricks  are  discovered,  nor  how  much  they  operate 
to  defeat  the  very  purposes  for  which  they  are  practised.  They  even  go  so  far 
sometimes  as  to  electioneer  our  landlords  to  obtain  the  exercise  of  their  influence. 
Is  it  not  passing  strange  that,  for  four  years,  I  have  not  had  so  much  time 
which  I  might  devote  daily  to  domestic  enjoyments  as  I  now  occupy  in  writing 
a  page  for  your  perusal?  And  the  time  which  I  have  had  has  been  almost 
always  snatched,  with  a  feverish  excitement,  from  perplexities  and  cares,  which 
discolored  most  of  the  hours  that  might  otherwise  have  been  so  happy.  Well ! 
after  all,  perhaps  I  ought  to  have  learned  that  it  is  the  lot  of  no  man  to  have 
more  happiness. 

Of  the  various  evening  parties  mentioned,  it  will,  perhaps,  be  suffi 
cient  to  reproduce  here  the  description  of  one,  illustrating  their  gen 
eral  character.  Nearly  all  who  then  frequented  the  drawing-rooms  of 
the  capital  have  now  passed  away. 

February  1st. 

I  have  just  come  from  Mrs.  Van  Vechten's  party.  I  presented  myself  at  the 
door  at  precisely  a  quarter  before  nine.  The  fashionable  time  is  from  eight  till 
nine.  I  was  shown  into  the  library,  where  I  divested  myself  of  cloak,  etc. 
Meeting  there  Mr.  Bleecker,  I  went,  arm-in-arm  with  him,  jostling  through  the 
crowd,  to  shake  hands  with  Ten  Broeck  Van  Vechten,  twelve  years  ago  my 
classmate,  and  now  one  of  the  sober  and  staid  housekeepers  of  this  ancient  city. 
Although  it  was  contrary  to  college  laws  to  marry,  Ten  Broeck  fell  in  love  with 
a  Miss  Roorback,  a  pretty  little  girl,  ran  away  with  and  married  her,  and  then 
asked  and  obtained  his  father's  consent  to  the  union.  Once  only  I  remember  to 
have  seen  the  bewitching  beauty  at  Mrs.  Schuyler's — to-night  I  saw  her  leaning 
on  her  husband's  arm,  a  matron  of  about  thirty  years. 

The  apartments  were  two  rooms,  less  spacious,  though  more  elegant,  than 
our  own ;  the  style  of  the  damask  curtains  in  the  best  of  taste.  Into  these 
rooms  were  crowded  about  seventy  ladies  and  gentlemen,  and  they  justified  Al 
bany's  reputation  of  having  a  large  proportion  of  handsome  people. 

Two  fiddlers  were  playing  for  a  cotillon  in  the  front-room.  I  knew  several 
of  the  gentlemen,  and  a  few  of  the  ladies,  and  so  contrived  to  be  at  ease. 

At  nine  o'clock  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  daughters  arrived ;  and  it  was  evi 
dent  they  were  regarded  as  belles.  In  a  few  minutes  came  Governor  and  Mrs. 
Throop  and  E.  T.  Throop  Martin. 

Waiters  carried  about  lemonade,  and  sangaree,  and  cake.  Madeira  wine  was 
in  the  gentlemen's  dressing-room.  Except  that  the  ladies'  short  sleeves  were  in 
the  extreme  of  the  fashion,  the  assembly  was  the  counterpart  of  a  similar  one  at 
Auburn.  Dancing  continued  till  ten,  when  there  was  a  general  rush  of  girls 
and  boys  up-stairs.  I  followed,  and  was  able  to  see  that  the  successful  ones 
were  doing  honors  to  an  entertainment  of  some  kind.  After  the  ladies  had 
retired  from  the  supper-room,  the  gentlemen  gathered  round  the  table,  which 
bore  a  beautiful  set  of  china,  with  pickled  oysters,  ice-creams,  etc.,  with  Madei 
ra,  champagne,  Burgundy,  and  Hock.  I  discovered  that  it  was  considered 
12 


178  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831, 

fashionable  to  retire  at  any  time  after  supper,  so  being  fatigued  I  came  off  with 
the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  at  an  early  hour. 

The  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  that  had  been  occupied  by 
Chancellor  Sanford  was  now  to  be  filled  by  a  new  election  : 

February  1st. 

"We  held  a  caucus,  the  other  night,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a  candidate 
to  be  supported  by  the  Antimasonic  members ;  which  exhibited  the  peculiarities 
of  all  our  great  men. 

Spencer,  always  forward  and  assuming,  had  promised  John  Wood  worth  the 
nomination.  Maynard,  ever  cautious  and  scheming,  had  a  great  anxiety  for  Al 
bert  Gallatin's  nomination.  Tracy  was  opposed  to  Spencer's  course,  for  many 
reasons ;  probably  the  principal  one  was,  that  he  did  not  care  to  let  him  take 
upon  himself  too  much  of  the  management  of  the  party.  Hopkins,  who  with  a 
great  deal  of  talent  and  learning  has  the  unaffected  simplicity  and  ingenuousness 
of  a  child,  went  to  the  meeting,  by  request  of  Maynard,  to  speak  in  favor  of 
Gallatin.  From  a  sense  of  what  course  was  best  for  the  party,  I  was  opposed 
to  all  the  above-mentioned  candidates ;  and  of  course  fell  in  with  Tracy,  to  sup 
port  some  third  man,  and  we  agreed  upon  James  Wadsworth. 

Maynard  made  his  speech  in  favor  of  Gallatin.  Spencer  made  his  in  favor 
of  Woodworth.  Hopkins  spoke  in  favor  of  Gallatin. 

Some  one  nominated  Tracy,  and  some  other  one  nominated  Hopkins.  I  per 
severed  in  my  course. 

Hopkins,  convinced  by  my  argument  against  his  own,  voted  for  Wadsworth ; 
and,  after  having  successfully  carried  my  point,  I  had  the  mortification  to  see 
Tracy  and  Hopkins  defeat  their  preference  and  my  own  for  Wadsworth,  by  con 
senting  themselves  to  be  candidates.  The  consequence  was,  we  all  had  to  give 
up,  and  then  take  Mr.  Works's  name,  upon  which  all  agreed. 

I  laughed  heartily  at  Tracy  the  next  time  I  saw  him. 

Wednesday,  February  2d. 

Yesterday  was  the  day  for  the  appointment  of  United  States  Senator. 

The  roll  being  called,  and  Judge  Marcy,  the  Regency  candidate,  having  a 
majority  over  Works,  the  Antimasonic  candidate,  a  resolution  was  passed  de 
claring  William  L.  Marcy  to  be  duly  nominated  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

The  Senate  sent  a  message  to  the  Assembly  that  they  would  meet  the  Assem 
bly,  to  compare  nominations.  An  answer  was  returned.  Thereupon  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Senate  left  his  seat,  and  preceded  by  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  with  a 
drawn  sword,  and  followed  by  the  Clerk,  led  the  way,  the  Senators  marching 
in  procession  to  the  Assembly  Chamber,  where  seats  were  provided  on  the 
right. 

It  was  quite  an  imposing  exhibition.  The  object  of  the  joint  meeting  was 
this :  if  the  nominations  did  not  agree,  then  we  were  to  go  into  joint  ballot. 

Judge  Marcy,  when  thus  chosen,  was  about  forty-five  years  of  age, 
and  was  the  rising  man  of  his  party  in  the  State. 

As  Comptroller,  and  subsequently  by  the  impartial  discharge  of  his 
judicial  functions  in  the  Morgan  trial  at  Lockport,  he  had  won  public 


1831.]  SCHENECTADY  AND  TROY.  179 

esteem.     He  was  now  sent  to  Washington,  and  his  seat  on  the  bench 
was  filled  by  the  appointment  of  Judge  Samuel  Nelson. 

There  were  two  towns  that  never  lost  their  attraction  for  Seward — 
Schenectady,  the  scene  of  his  college-days,  and  Troy,  where  Mrs.  Sew 
ard,  not  many  years  before,  was  a  school-girl.  Visits  to  both  places 
were  described  in  his  letters  : 

February  6,  1831. 

My  visit  at  Schenectady  was  delightful.  I  saw  Dr.  Nott,  who  was  pleased 
by  my  coming.  He  expressed  gratification  iii  counting  the  number  of  "his 
boys  "  who  are  in  the  Legislature.  It  was  with  difficulty  he  would  suffer  me  to 
leave  him.  Arriving  at  night  and  leaving  early  in  the  morning,  I  could  not  go 
to  see  Berdan's  monument,  but  in  the  evening  I  made  some  calls,  talked  with 
the  old  Dutch  lady,  who  was  habited  in  short  gown  and  petticoat,  and  with  the 
pretty  black-eyed  Susan  with  whom  I  used  to  board.  But  there  is  change  at 
Schenectady,  as  elsewhere.  Young  ladies  took  me  by  the  hand  and  claimed  my 
recollection,  whom  my  memory  could  only  recall  as  little  girls  when  I  lived 
there  twelve  years  ago. 

I  spent  an  hour  with  Mrs.  Boardman  at  Troy,  yesterday ;  pleased  and  de 
lighted  with  her  reminiscences  of  your  and  Lisette's  sojourn  there.  She  had 
garnered  up  Lisette's  smart  speeches  ;  and  I  sat  a  laughing  auditor  as  she  brought 
them,  one  after  another,  bright  and  pointed,  from  the  stores  of  her  capacious 
and  faithful  memory. 

Mrs.  Warren  appears  to  be  living  with  elegance  and  taste  in  Troy.  Her 
sister  is  now  the  reigning  beauty  in  that  city ;  so  appropriately  cognominated 
after  the  city  whose  fate  it  was  to  be  demolished  after  a  ten  years'  siege,  to  re 
cover  a  beautiful  woman. 

I  do  not  see  that  Troy  has  at  all  changed.  The  beaux  who  figured  there  in 
your  day  have  become  chastened  by  years  and  cares ;  but  their  places  are  filled 
by  a  new  generation,  educated  under  the  influence  of  their  example,  and  copy 
ing,  with  admirable  precision,  their  manners. 

While  I  was  at  Mrs.  Boardman's,  an  old,  very  old  lady,  of  whom  I  have  no 
more  recollection  than  I  have  of  Mother  Eve,  came  along,  with  trembling  steps, 
to  whom  Mrs.  Boardman  introduced  me. 

"  Mr.  Seward,  Mrs.  Jenkins.     You  don't  remember  him,  I  suppose." 

"  Oh !  yes,  I  remember  his  looks  and  his  voice,  though  I  did  not  remember 
his  name.  He  married  one  of  the  Miller  girls." 

"  Yes,  madam,"  said  I,  with  as  much  pride  as  old  Demaree  when  asked  to 
make  a  sangaree,  "  I  am  that  man — "  For  I  thought  that  I  have  seen  ten  thousand 
girls  since;  but,  if  I  had  to  make  a  choice  now,  I  would  choose  one  of  the  Miller 
girls  for  my  wife,  and  the  other  one  for  a  sister. 

How  powerful  is  the  sympathy,  or  the  self-complacency,  which  opens  our 
hearts  to  those  who  make  us  the  objects  of  their  regard ! 

In  many  instances  it  is  impossible  to  determine  to  what  cause  to  set  down  our 
friendship.  But,  with  Thurlow  Weed,  I  have  no  hesitation  about  it.  It  is  not 
a  little  surprising  that  though  he  is  one  of  the  greatest  politicians  of  the  age, 
and  is,  in  fact,  the  magician  whose  wand  controls  and  directs  the  operations  of 
the  Antimasonic  party,  I  never,  or  very  seldom,  have  ten  minutes'  conversation 
on  politics  with  him.  He  sits  down,  stretches  one  of  his  long  legs  out  to  rest 


180  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

on  my  coal-box,  I  cross  my  own,  and,  puffing  the  smoke  of  our  cigars  into  each 
other's  faces,  we  talk  of  everything,  and  everybody,  except  politics. 

This  is  a  sorry  world  that  will  load  down  the  rising  of  generous,  kind  affec 
tion  ;  that  will  eradicate,  one  by  one,  the  feelings  which  only  make  it  desirable. 
I  am  happy  when  I  am  relieved  temporarily  from  its  cares.  I  derive  more  pleasure 
and  more  joy  from  the  love  you  bear  me,  from  the  frank,  confiding  friendship 
of  Thurlow  Weed,  and  even  from  the  irregular  burst  of  Tracy's  esteem,  than 
from  the  proudest  station,  or  from  the  longest,  loudest  shout  of  popular  applause. 

I  have  just  called  on  Mrs.  Gary,  wife  of  a  brother  Senator,  and  it  gives  me 
great  pleasure  to  speak  of  her — she  is  so  amiable  and  unaffected. 


This  morning,  as  you  will  see  by  the  paper,  I  proposed  sundry  amendments 
to  the  militia  law.  A  long  discussion  took  place.  It  ended  in  a  victory  for  my 
friends,  and  for  a  necessary  and  proper  amendment  of  the  law.  But  I  am  com 
mitted  to  defend,  as  well  as  I  may  be  able,  the  propositions  I  have  offered ;  and 
of  course  shall  have  to  study.  I  am  in  hope  to  find  time  between  sunset  and 
midnight.  But  one  is  sure  of  nothing  here. 

On  Thursday  morning  he  rose  in  his  place  in  the  Senate-chamber, 
to  make  his  first  labored  speech  (with  what  degree  of  self-distrust  his 
autobiography  describes).  Carefully  prepared,  it  was  courteously  and 
attentively  listened  to  by  his  fellow-Senators.  It  was  a  plea  for  such 
reforms  as  should  make  the  militia  a  theme  of  popular  pride,  instead  of 
an  object  of  popular  derision,  and  closed  with  predictions  which  time 
has  verified  : 

"  I  have  always  felt  that  the  militia  system  is  a  relic  of  the  age  of  the  Revo 
lution,  too  valuable  to  be  idly  thrown  away ;  that  it  is  a  strong  and  beautiful 
pillar  of  the  Government,  which  ought  not  to  be  rudely  torn  from  its  base.  But 
if  no  effectual  remedy  can  be  found  in  legislative  wisdom,  ...  I  shall  trust  to 
the  exigencies  of  invasion,  insurrection,  or  oppression,  for  a  regeneration  of  the 
military  spirit  which  brought  the  nation  into  existence,  and  will,  if  restored  in 
its  primitive  purity  and  vigor,  be  able  to  carry  us  through  the  dark  and  perilous 
ways  of  national  calamity,  yet  unknown  to  us,  but  which  must  at  some  time  be 
trodden  by  all  nations." 

Friday,  February  llth. 

Last  night,  after  writing  to  you,  I  was  employed  in  writing  down  the  sub 
stance  of  my  militia  speech,  as  you  will  see  it  reported  in  the  Journal. 

In  lieu  of  the  letter  I  was  expecting  from  you  came  one  from ,  the 

burden  of  which  was  to  prove  that  Antimasonry  was  all  a  humbug — and  there 
was  the  comforting  addition  that  I  knew  it  to  be  so.  I  was  provoked,  and 
under  the  combined  influence  of  disappointment  at  not  receiving  a  letter  from 
you,  and  of  receiving  such  a  one  from  him,  I  have  written  and  sent  him  what 
will  effectually  silence  his  suspicions  of  my  political  integrity,  if  it  do  not  cut  at 
once  the  chain  of  personal  friendship.  I  have  no  patience  with  anybody  who 
knows  me  as  he  does,  and  yet  can  mistake  me  for  a  hypocrite. 

The  good  people  of  Auburn,  who  express  so  much  surprise  at  my  determina 
tion  not  to  visit  home  during  the  session,  have  a  right  to  my  reasons.  I  am  un- 


1831.]  READING  NOVELS.  181 

willing  to  follow  the  fashion  of  affected  fondness  for  home  at  the  expense  of 
public  duties.  I  hold  a  responsible  post  in  the  Government.  I  will  not  be 
absent  a  day  when  duty  calls  me  here,  and  no  one  knows  at  what  time  my  vote 
on  any  important  measure  may  be  wanted. 

Then  in  half-serious,  half-playful  strain  of  comment  on  Auburn 
news,  he  added  : 

I  would  not  be  very  much  alarmed  about  the  hydrophobia.  People  delight 
in  excitements,  and  in  no  excitement  so  much  as  that  of  terror,  and  in  no  terror 
so  much  as  the  mad-dog  excitement;  and,  although  I  know  the  captain's 
good  sense  and  excellent  feelings,  I  have  seen  so  many  alarms  of  like  nature  that 
I  have  come  to  believe  almost  as  little  in  mad  dogs  as  I  do  in  witchcraft. 

I  have  not  seen  one  number  of  the  Patriot  or  Messenger  since  I  left  home, 
and  so  you  will  see  I  have  had  the  enviable  felicity  of  living  more  than  three 
months  without  seeing  myself  calumniated  in  a  newspaper.  Indeed,  what  with 
Weed's  and  Gary's  regard  for  me,  and  the  favorable  impression  I  have  made 
on  some  others,  I  am  getting  quite  into  the  belief  of  my  own  honesty  and  up 
rightness. 

The  influence  of  novels  upon  the  imagination  was,  at  that  day, 
quite  as  much  as  now,  a  subject  of  dispute.  Giving  his  opinion  upon 
it,  at  the  age  when  he  was  still  a  reader  of  romances,  he  said  : 

February  \Uh. 

It  is  true  that  notions  of  human  nature,  derived  from  works  of  fiction,  are  a 
misfortune ;  but  it  is  not  equally  true  that  the  matter-of-fact  people,  with  whom 
the  world  abounds,  are  so  much  happier  without  them.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
they  have  the  worst  of  it.  Unless  one  is  so  stupid  as  to  be  insensible,  he  will 
have  emotion  of  some  sort,  and  I  apprehend  you  will  find  that  those  who  derive 
none  from  works  of  fiction,  and  none  from  views  of  men  and  women  through 
the  medium  of  romance,  have  the  distressing  excitement  of  passion  of  some  kind. 
And  if  there  be  no  "bursting  of  bubbles"  to  make  them  weep,  there  is  often 
the  violence  of  anger,  the  pain  of  suppressed  revenge,  the  malignity  of  envy, 
and  the  miserable  craving  of  avarice.  Among  all  your  acquaintance  those  whom 
you  would  be  least  inclined  to  envy  for  their  happiness  would  be  those  who  have 
never  been  interested,  charmed,  or  pleased,  with  works  of  fiction. 

Tracy  has  read  to  me  some  beautiful  letters  from  Mrs.  Sigourney,  of  Hart 
ford,  the  author  of  the  admirable  "Letter  from  the  Ladies  of  America  to  the 
Ladies  of  Greece,"  and  of  so  many  fine  poems,  etc.,  in  the  annuals.  These  let 
ters  were  to  his  father  and  mother  on  the  death  of  his  sister,  who  was  Mrs. 
Sigourney's  intimate  friend. 

February  16th. 

In  the  Senate  the  whole  number  of  members  is  but  thirty-two.  The  num 
ber  present  seldom  exceeds  twenty-eight,  and  is  now  but  twenty-two. 

These  become  intimately  acquainted,  and,  in  most  instances,  personally  friend 
ly  to  each  other.  Business  is  talked  over  at  our  lodgings  or  wherever  we  hap 
pen  to  meet.  We  seldom  have  more  than  a  dozen  persons  for  an  audience,  and 
so  no  man  presumes  to  make  a  set  speech  ;  but  most  of  the  discussion  is  carried 


182  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

on  in  a  colloquial  and  easy  tone.     In  this  I  have  obtained  sufficient  assurance, 
and  have  enough  general  information,  to  take  a  part. 

On  the  other  page  I  have  given  you  a  rough  draft  of  the  Senate-chamber, 
that  you  may  understand  localities. 

If  you  look  on  the  plan  I  sent  you,  you  will  find  occupying  seat  No.  3,  Mr. 
Benton,  of  Little  Falls ;  a  man  of  five  feet  ten,  well-proportioned,  almost  bald, 
near-sighted,  rather  self-asserting.  He  speaks  on  every  question,  and  is  said  to 
be  the  leader  of  the  Regency  party  of  the  Senate.  He  is  about  forty  years  old. 
The  member  in  No.  4  is  Mr.  Tallmadge,  aged  about  thirty -five  or  thirty-six ; 
short  but  corpulent,  and  of  dark  complexion ;  has  a  brilliant  imagination,  a 
happy  elocution,  and  a  fine  though  rather  florid  style;  speaks  seldom,  and 
never  without  preparation ;  always  commands  respect ;  is  always  clear  and  me 
thodical.  He  is  of  a  friendly  and  kindly  disposition,  polite,  and  respectful,  and 
entitles  himself  to  the  good  opinions  of  everybody.  I  imagine  him  to  be  a 
man  who  has  no  enemies,  and  few  but  warm  friends.  He  is  a  Regency  man, 
and  will  always  be  an  important  man ;  has  considerable  ambition,  but  not  as 
sumption,  and  leaves  minor  matters  to  the  care  of  others. 

Mr.  Beardsley,  a  member  from  Otsego  County,  is  about  thirty-eight  years 
old,  with  light  complexion  and  light  sandy  hair.  Unprepossessing  but  unpre 
tending,  he  is  an  amiable  man,  a  sound  lawyer ;  diffident,  and  not  particularly 
prominent  in  debate.  I  esteem  him  a  candid,  honorable,  and  highly -respectable 
man.  He  belongs  to  the  Regency  party. 

Philo  C.  Fuller  occupies  the  next  seat ;  a  fine-looking  man,  six  feet  high, 
aged  forty-two  or  three ;  sensible  and  discreet ;  a  plain  man,  who  always  speaks 
good  sense  and  speaks  often,  but  never  at  any  length,  and  is  rather  ambitious  to 
obtain  office  and  promotion.  After  teaching  school  at  Florida,  he  went  west 
ward  ;  became,  and  yet  remains,  a  clerk  to  General  Wadsworth,  of  Geneseo. 

The  Antimasonic  State  Convention  meets  to-morrow.  It  has  brought  along 
many  of  my  old  friends.  Bacon  has  been  with  me  all  day.  Woods,  of  Geneva, 
is  also  here.  Fred  Whittlesey  occupies  a  chief  seat  in  the  tabernacle ;  besides, 
there  are  politicians  of  all  kinds,  of  whom  I  know  nothing,  except  their  zeal 
and  apparent  sincerity  in  the  cause.  My  room  is  a  thoroughfare,  and  I  have 
less  time  for  study  than  is  at  all  compatible  with  my  duty  to  my  constituents  or 
myself. 

February  24tth. 

Maynard  concluded  to-day  his  speech  on  the  Chenango  Canal  question,  one 
of  the  most  masterly  efforts  I  have  ever  heard.  It  was  a  demonstration  of  the 
power  which  may  be  arrived  at  by  means  of  persevering,  patient  study.  He  has 
for  this  kind  of  subject,  the  finances,  resources,  and  policy  of  the  State,  no  equal 
in  the  Senate. 

It  makes  me  homesick  to  see  the  sleighs  bearing  off  lobby-members,  whose 
business  is  done  or  undone,  and  members  of  the  Legislature,  who  obtain  leave 
of  absence  for  three  days  and  spend  three  weeks ;  and  it  is  no  contemptible 
effort  of  one's  resolution  to  remain  here  upon  one's  post,  when  one  feels  that 
among  so  many  counselors  the  responsibility  resting  upon  a  single  individual 
is  extremely  small. 


1831.]  VISIT  TO   THE  SHAKERS.  183 

CHAPTER  III. 
1831. 

Visit  to  the  Shakers.— Presidential  Candidates.— Calhoun.— Chief-Justice  Spencer.— Rural 
Life.— A  Parent's  Responsibilities.— Banks.— Edward  Ellice.— Trip  to  Orange  County. 

A  FEW  miles  from  Albany  is  the  Shaker  settlement  of  Niskayuna. 
The  neat,  frugal  habits  of  its  people,  their  quaint  dress  and  language, 
their  enforced  separation  of  the  sexes,  and  their  peculiar  religious  ob 
servances,  attracted  many  visitors  to  the  little  community.  Seward, 
in  one  of  his  letters,  described  his  first  impressions  of  them.  With 
some  of  the  leading  members,  a  few  years  later,  his  acquaintance 
ripened  into  friendship. 

Sunday,  February  21th. 

This  morning  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Tracy,  Mr.  Andrews,  and  I,  drove  in  the  glorious 
sunshine  to  Niskayuna,  to  attend  the  worship  of  that  singular  but  harmless 
people— the  Shakers.  The  house  is  perhaps  fifty  feet  long  by  thirty-five  wide, 
the  walls  neatly  whitewashed,  the  floor  clean  as  any  dairy.  There  is  no  gallery, 
no  pulpit ;  there  are  no  pews,  no  desk.  The  audience,  if  I  may  so  call  it,  com 
posed  of  curious  visitors  like  ourselves,  had  plain  benches,  occupying  half  the 
room.  The  worshipers  occupied  the  other  half.  There  were  about  forty  of 
each  sex. 

The  dress  of  the  Shakers  is  simple,  neat,  and  uniform ;  that  of  the  females 
consisting  of  dark,  reddish-brown  homespun,  made  exceedingly  plain,  with  nar 
row  skirts  and  close  sleeves,  and  presenting  a  singular  contrast  to  the  gay  array 
of  "  the  world's  people,"  as  they  call  us.  No  part  of  the  person  is  exposed 
save  the  hands  and  face.  The  neck  is  covered  even  to  the  chin — a  plain  white 
linen  or  silk  handkerchief  is  pinned  over  the  shoulders  and  bosom  ;  a  cap,  with 
no  ribbons  or  other  ornament,  is  fitted  closely  to  the  head,  and  drawn  so  far 
over  as  to  conceal  the  hair.  This,  resembling  the  customary  head-dress  of  a 
corpse,  seemed  at  first  to  give  a  cadaverous  and  painful  appearance  to  the  coun 
tenance  ;  but  that  impression  wore  away,  and  was  probably  the  effect  of  the 
association  of  ideas.  Over  this  austere  dress  each  had  a  plain  drab  mantle  and 
Quaker  bonnet.  The  men  were  habited  in  drab  coats,  trousers,  and  vest,  in  the 
style  of  a  past  age.  All  was  silence,  order,  and  apparently  self-communing 
devotion. 

One,  who  seemed  to  be  in  authority,  stepped  forward  to  the  centre,  and 
addressed  his  "  brethren  and  sisters  "  in  an  exhortation  to  have  their  hearts 
directed  to  the  importance  and  solemnity  of  their  present  duty  ;  and  then  retired 
again  to  his  place  in  the  front  rank.  One,  who  seemed  to  be  a  leader  of  the 
music,  then  raised  his  voice  in  a  kind  of  hymn.  Instantly  every  voice  joined 
in  chorus ;  each  worshiper  keeping  time  by  a  backward  and  forward  motion 
of  the  body,  though  still  keeping  his  position  on  the  floor ;  the  arms  extended 
forward  from  the  elbow,  with  hands  relaxed  at  the  wrist,  also  keeping  time  by 
an  upward  and  downward  motion.  The  music  was  loud,  clear,  and  harmonious; 
the  words  seemed  to  be  a  kind  of  repetition — tbe  tune  something  between  the 


184:  LIFE  ANI)   LETTERS.  [1881, 

sacred  music  of  other  denominations  and  the  light  and  gay  airs  of  a  ballroom. 
It  commenced  with  "They  are  marching  on  to  Zion" — then,  continuing  the 
action  of  their  hands,  the  worshipers  moved  back  and  forth,  in  a  succession 
of  figures,  one  resembling  in  some  respects  the  "  promenade"  in  a  cotillon. 

The  Shakers  having  returned  to  their  first  positions,  an  elder  then  addressed 
the  "  world's  people"  in  a  few  sensible  remarks;  the  burden  of  which  was  that, 
whatever  might  have  been  the  motives  which  led  us  hither,  he  would  submit  to 
us  whether  it  was  not  expedient  for  us  to  turn  our  attention  as  they  had  done 
to  the  great  affair  of  salvation ;  that  the  principle  of  their  association  was  to- 
pursue  the  road  to  heaven,  as  it  was  laid  down  in  the  Scriptures,  by  leading 
lives  of  self-denial  and  devotion ;  that  Jesus  Christ  and  his  disciples  practised 
those  virtues  and  inculcated  them ;  and  that  ambition,  avarice,  and  all  other 
worldly  lusts,  must  necessarily  be  subdued  and  entirely  overcome.  He  did.  not 
give  us  any  further  illustrations  of  the  creed  of  this  inoffensive  people. 

You  will  be  surprised  when  I  tell  you  that  the  effect  of  the  whole  service, 
upon  myself  and  all  others  present,  was  serious  and  devotional.  If,  for  a 
moment,  the  continued  evolutions  of  the  dance,  together  with  the  animating  but 
simple  chorus,  brought  back  the  olden  recollection  of  "  How  oats,  peas,  beans, 
and  barley  grows,  you  nor  I  nor  nobody  knows  how  oats,  peas,  beans,  and 
barley  grows,"  yet  my  roving  thoughts  were  chastened  by  the  impressive  devo 
tion  apparent  in  the  countenances  of  most  of  the  worshipers.  A  few,  however, 
did  not  seem  inspired  with  the  same  enthusiastic  spirit — some  of  the  girls  cast 
ing  furtive,  smiling  glances  at  the  spectators ;  and  some  of  the  men  having  sucli 
sinister  countenances  that  it  required  liberal  charity  to  consider  them  as  suffer- 
iag  penance. 

March  3d. 

Circumstances  conspire  to  induce  the  belief  that  Mr.  Clay  will  not  be  our 
candidate  at  the  ensuing  election. 

Calhoun,  more  than  any  other  of  the  candidates,  talks  Antimasonry ;  but  the 
stain  of  nullification  is  too  black  upon  his  record  to  justify  any  belief  that  he 
can  receive  our  support.  McLean  is  capable  and  deserving,  and  withal,  I  believe, 
well  inclined  toward  us,  but  we  have  not  yet  a  decided  expression  from  him. 

March  UJi. 

To-day  I  went  to  see  Chief -Justice  Spencer,  whom  I  found  one  of  the  kind 
est,  as  I  have  always  thought  him  one  of  the  most  sensible,  of  men. 

On  the  way  back  I  met  Weed,  who  said  he  had  been  down  to  the  Eagle  to 
see  me,  and  there  heard  a  gentleman  catechising  my  landlord  about  my  being 
always  out,  and  where  I  went  to,  and  how  I  occupied  my  time,  and  all  that. 
Upon  that  hint,  I  came  down  to  my  room ;  wherein  entered  a  lobby-member, 
who  dwelt  with  me  till  nine  o'clock. 

Mrs.  A wondered  that  I  would  not  join  her  husband  and  go  to  New 

York  to  live.  I  read  her  a  lesson  upon  domestic  comfort  and  rural  life,  which 
surprised  her  and  myself  too ;  you  don't  know  how  willing  I  shall  be  to  remain 
in  Auburn  next  summer. 

March  Wi. 

After  writing  you  last  night,  Weed  came  in  with  Andrews  from  the  theatre, 
•where  the  actors  had  been  performing  a  play  in  which  Weed  was  made  one  of 


1831.]  EDWARD   ELLICE.  185 

the  dramatis  persona.  Like  a  good  fellow  as  he  is,  he  was  unaffected  by  the 
attempts  of  our  opponents  to  be  witty  at  his  expense,  so  long  as  he  preserves 
the  attachment  of  his  friends ;  but  Andrews,  who  is  a  warm-hearted  fellow, 
took  the  joke  so  seriously  as  to  come  home  evidently  dispirited,  and  declaring 
that  we  would  have  revenge. 

March  8th. 

I  went  this  afternoon  to  see  the  experiments  with  repeating-guns,  which 
the  inventor  wishes  the  State  to  patronize.  I,  having  voted  against  the  bill  the 
other  day,  could  do  no  less  than  examine  the  gun.  It  is  a  curious  piece  of 
mechanism,  by  which  ten  successive  balls  may  be  fired  from  the  same  gun  with 
out  the  trouble  of  reloading. 

March  llth. 

The  Governor  having  gone  through  with  the  process  of  "  dining  the  Legisla 
ture,"  as  it  is  called,  the  Lieutenant-Governor  now  follows  suit.  Billets  were 
received  this  morning,  inviting  a  part  of  the  Senators  to  dine  with  him  on  Monday 
next ;  and  others  inviting  the  residue  for  Wednesday.  He  is  a  pleasant,  plain 
old  man,  and  I  have  been  struck,  on  looking  at  him,  by  the  reflection  how  little 
the  people  can  or  do  know  of  the  real  character  or  merits  of  those  whom  they 
elect  to  rule  over  them.  The  press  is  always  divided  into  two  parties :  the  one 
lauds  or  magnifies  the  candidate  beyond  all  justice  or  truth  ;  the  other  equally 
exaggerates  his  demerits,  and  it  is  only  when  the  battle  is  lost  or  won,  and  we 
meet  here,  that  we  find  each  other  neither  so  good  and  so  great,  nor  so  vile  and 
so  weak,  as  the  press  have  labored  to  prove  we  are. 

March  12th. 

This  day  has  been  one  of  excitement  and  disorder ;  opening  with  the  last 
visit  of  the  lobby-members  of  the  Buffalo,  Ulster,  Madison,  Montgomery,  Penn 
Yan,  and  Oswego  Banks,  whose  fate  was  to  be  decided  this  morning.  Before 
the  question  was  taken,  a  bill  came  up  relating  to  aliens,  its  real  purpose  being 
to  deprive  one  Edward  Ellice,  a  foreigner,  and  now  in  London,  of  certain 
vested  rights  at  Little  Falls.  It  struck  every  one  at  first  with  astonishment  to 
see  such  a  bill  introduced.  Many  opposed  it ;  but  the  persuasions  of  party 
leaders  induced  one  after  another  to  yield ;  and,  with  some  specious  modification, 
each  professed  to  be  satisfied.  It  was  plain  that,  on  the  third  reading,  the  bill 
was  to  pass.  It  was  almost  the  only  occasion,  since  I  have  been  here,  that  I 
have  felt  roused  by  the  spirit  of  indignation  against  wrong.  I  rose  with  the 
accumulated  embarrassment  of  long  delay,  and  poured  forth  a  torrent  of  honest 
feeling.  I  did  not  occupy  the  floor  more  than  five  minutes ;  I  knew  not  what  I 
was  going  to  say  when  I  rose,  nor  what  I  had  said  when  I  sat  down ;  but  the 
house  was  still,  and  the  audience  was  on  my  side  of  the  question,  and  responded 
to  the  declaration  I  made  that  the  village  of  Little  Falls,  its  rocks,  and  its 
waters  might  pass  away ;  but,  with  my  vote,  not  one  jot  or  tittle  of  the  legisla 
tive  faith  of  this  State  should  be  passed  away  or  broken. 

The  bill  was  adopted,  but  they  were  five  honest  and  fearless  men  who  voted 
against  it. 

Then  came  the  bank  questions,  and  after  that  came  a  dinner  given  by  tha 
successful  bank  applicants  at  this  house. 

I  appreciate  your  solicitude  about  your  boy ;  but  I  do  not  think  you  need 
apprehend  so  much  danger  to  the  early  morals  of  the  child  from  his  associations 


186  MFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

at  school.  Preserve  within  him  his  love  and  confidence  toward  his  parents,  and, 
my  word  for  it,  he  will  escape  the  evils  of  communication  with  those  children 
who  become  corrupted  at  school  for  want  of  sedulous  and  affectionate  care  at 
home.  There  lies  the  evil.  Whatever  of  bad  effects  my  early  associations  have 
left  upon  me,  I  can  now  trace  to  the  weakened  confidence  and  affection  toward 
my  father,  caused  by  his  severity ;  whatever  of  good  I  have  preserved,  I  am  free 
and  proud  to  declare,  I  owe  to  the  affection  which  I  still  cherished  for  him, 
and  the  love  and  fear  which  I  have  ever  entertained  for  my  mother. 

March  IGth. 

In  the  Senate  this  morning  we  had  under  consideration  the  bill  relating  to 
colonial  records.  A  long  debate  was  had,  of  which  there  is  a  brief  sketch  in 
the  papers.  My  remarks  occupied  fifteen  minutes. 

At  four  I  went  to  dine  with  the  Lieutenant-Governor.  The  ladies  were  Mrs. 
Clarkson  and  Miss  Livingston,  his  two  daughters.  The  guests  were  Mr.  West- 
cott,  Mr.  Lynde,  Mr.  Sherman,  Mr.  Tallmadge,  Mr.  Throop,  Mr.  Todd,  Mr. 
Quackenbush,  and  myself,  of  the  Senate;  Messrs.  Fillmore,  Otis,  Andrews, 
Morehouse,  and  the  Speaker,  of  the  Assembly ;  Mr.  Cambreling,  of  Congress ; 
Mr.  Van  Rensselaer,  the  young  Patroon,  and  Mr.  Schuyler. 

When  I  came  up  to  my  room,  at  seven  o'clock,  I  found  waiting  for  me  Colonel 
Stone,  of  New  York,  editor  of  the  Commercial  Advertiser.  He  is  a  very  intelli 
gent  and  agreeable  man — I  was  much  pleased  with  him.  His  contributions  to 
the  annuals  you  may  recollect.  One  of  his  stories  is,  I  think,  in  the  "  Atlantic 
Souvenir,"  of  which  the  scene  is  laid  in  Otsego. 

Tracy  maintained  to-night  that  he  did  not  desire  to  win  one  hour  of  posthu 
mous  fame — he  was  willing  to  be  forgotten  as  soon  as  the  clods  were  upon  his 
bosom ;  and,  said  he  to  me,  "  Just  dismiss  the  vague  and  indefinable  belief  which 
you  indulge,  that  when  men  speak  your  praises  after  you  are  dead  you  shall 
hear  them,  and  you  would  feel  as  I  do." 

I  assented,  but  added,  "  I  cannot  but  shudder  at  the  idea  of  leaving  '  my 
wife  and  bairns '  to  struggle  with  a  world  careless  of  them." 

The  monotony  of  legislative  life  was  now  varied  by  a  visit  to  the 
old  home  in  Orange  County. 

NEWBUBO,  Saturday,  \§t7i. 

I  am  just  off  for  Florida ;  Mr.  Fuller,  of  the  Senate,  is  with  me.  It  snows 
and  is  uncomfortably  cold,  but  I  am  in  exuberant  spirits,  owing  to  the  escape 
from  confinement  at  Albany  and  touching  once  more  my  native  soil.  We  left 
Albany  in  the  steamboat,  at  three  o'clock  yesterday.  .  On  board  I  fell  into  com 
pany  with  Dr.  McNaughton,  of  Albany.  Found  him  extremely  intelligent  and 
agreeable. 

Monday,  21st. 

I  ought  to  tell  you  about  the  mistake  I  found  my  poor  grandmother  Jen 
nings  laboring  under.  I  had  written  a  letter  or  two  to  my  mother  in  an  hour 
of  sober  thought,  pouring  out  the  affectionate  feelings  which,  in  a  long  ab 
sence,  had  accumulated  in  my  heart,  but  in  no  wise  alluding,  except  by  way  of 
acknowledgment  of  my  mother's  virtue  and  piety,  to  the  subject  of  religion. 
These  letters  had  been  read  to  my  grandmother,  and  forgetting  the  straitness  of 


1831.]  SAMUEL   S.   SEWARD.  187 

her  Calvinistic  principles,  and  with  the  confused  perception  of  old  age,  she  had 
found  cause  in  them  to  believe  me  a  man  of  "  changed  heart."  When  I  was 
there  she  avowed  this  belief,  and  sought  its  assurance  from  me.  Alas!  poor 
sinner !  I  had  to  undeceive  her,  though  I  saw  the  mistake  had  afforded  un- 
mingled  joy  to  her  affectionate  heart.  I  leave  you  to  judge  with  how  little 
patience  I  bore  the  lecture  she  addressed,  to  bring  me  to  that  state  which  she 
had  fondly  believed  me  safely  moored  in.  I  knew  all  the  time  she  had  the  right 
of  the  matter.  I  could  not  question  her  right,  or  feel  one  uprising  emotion  of 
resistance.  I  believe  I  held  the  handle  of  the  door  half  an  hour,  waiting  a  con 
venient  pause  in  the  lesson  which  would  enable  me  to  retire. 

Fuller  saw  this  sheet  lying  on  my  table ;  he  asked  to  whom  the  letter  was 
written;  I  told  him.  He  said :  " It  maybe  that  you  will  continue  to  write  such 
long  letters  to  your  wife  till  you  are  fifty  years  old;  but  I  doubt  it."  Do  you? 


CHAPTER  IV. 
1831. 

Maynard's  Eloquence. — Rev.  Edward  N.  Kirk. — Religious  Belief. — John  C.  Spencer. — Bon 
nets.— United  States  Bank.— West  Point  and  "Old  Fort  Put."— Imprisonment  for 
Debt.— Closing  Scenes  of  the  Session. 

THE  latter  part  of  a  legislative  session  is  always  a  busy  and  hurried 
season.  Again  at  his  post  in  Albany,  Seward  resumed  the  narrative 

of  its  incidents  : 

March  30,  1831. 

It  gives  me  joy  to  think  my  stay  here  is  limited  to  three  weeks.  I  do  not 
think  I  shall  be  disappointed  in  my  hopes  of  passing  the  ensuing  summer  more 
wisely  and  pleasantly  for  you  and  for  myself.  If  I  can  but  learn  to  feel  only  an 
ordinary  sense  of  responsibility  in  my  professional  business,  I  may  have  time 
enough  to  be  not  entirely  a  stranger  at  my  own  hearth.  I  may,  for  once,  have 
time  to  read.  Indeed,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  I  have  thought  that  I  have  retro 
graded  during  my  winter  here,  and  got  back  to  the  feelings  of  by-gone  years.  I 
am  certainly  younger  here,  where  I  am  a  boy  among  gray-headed  men,  than  at 
home,  where  I  am  in  some  sense  the  responsible  head  of  a  party,  and  the  deposi 
tory  of  important  professional  concerns. 

March  3lst. 

My  father  arrived  here  last  night.  I  have  spent  with  him  all  the  time  to-day 
not  occupied  with  the  sittings  of  the  Senate.  There  is  a  singular  youthfulness 
in  his  full  years.  Many  of  the  boarders  here  supposed  him  to  be  my  senior 
brother.  Now  that  he  is  away  from  the  patriarchal  seat  at  the  family  fireside, 
he  has  thrown  off  the  severity  and  rigor  which  used  to  awe  me ;  and  I  have 
thought  many  times  to-day  how  strange  it  was  that  he,  to  whom  the  affection 
and  confidence  of  wife  and  children  are  so  welcome,  nay,  so  indispensable,  should 
have  seemed  to  us,  during  a  part  of  his  life,  so  different  from  the  buoyant  and 
generous  youth  which  my  mother  describes  him  to  have  been. 


188  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1831, 

April  1st. 

I  was  beyond  measure  gratified  with  the  impression  made  by  Maynard  upon 
my  father.  In  the  course  of  the  debate  in  the  Senate  on  his  favorite  doctrine  of 
canal  revenues,  Maynard  took  the  floor,  and  for  half  an  hour  poured  forth  a 
torrent  of  sparkling  eloquence,  which  drew  the  admiration  of  every  one  who 
heard  him ;  but  withal  so  respectful,  so  kind  toward  his  opponent  as  to  disarm 
him  of  the  power  of  reply. 

My  father,  who  was  an  auditor,  said,  "Well!  I  don't  think  you  have  need  to 
go  further  for  a  President  of  the  United  States,  while  you  have  Maynard." 

I  told  him  I  thought  that  such  eloquence  was  worthy  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  and  would  not  compare  badly  with  the  efforts  of  even  Daniel 
Webster. 

Next  week,  and  probably  to  the  end,  we  shall  hold  afternoon  sessions,  com 
mencing  at  four  o'clock. 

Sunday,  April  3d. 

Went  with  Tracy  and  George  Andrews  to  Kirk's  church  this  morning.  He 
is  one  of  the  most  eloquent  of  pulpit-orators.  Seventy-five  converts  were  to  be 
received  to  communion  this  afternoon. 

After  church  we  walked,  discoursing  of  religion,  of  skepticism,  and  its  dan 
gers;  and  coming,  of  course,  to  no  satisfactory  conclusion  why  it  was  that 
mankind  must  ever  differ  upon  the  subject.  I  suggested  that,  perhaps,  less 
difficulty  would  exist  if  we  had  no  books  except  the  four  Evangelists,  and  that 
the  controversies  between  different  sects  are  based  largely  on  the  Epistles  and 
Revelation. 

To  this  Tracy  assented,  and  added  that  the  internal  evidence  of  the  divine 
origin  of  the  Gospels  was  far  greater  than  that  of  the  Epistles. 

By-the-way,  did  you  ever  read  Locke's  dissertation  upon  "  The  Faith  neces 
sary  to  Salvation  ? "  He  maintains  that  all  that  is  necessary  for  us  to  believe  is, 
that  Jesus  Christ  is  the  Messiah ;  and  he  enforces  it  by  a  reference  to  the  preach 
ing  of  our  Saviour,  who,  when  asked,  "  What  shall  we  do  to  be  saved? "  an 
swered,  "  Believe  on  me  and  ye  shall  be  saved." 

The  Rev.  Edward  N.  Kirk  was  the  youthful  friend  with  whom  Sew- 
ard  exchanged  orations  when  both  were  students  in  New  York.  He 
was  now  in  the  height  of  his  reputation  as  a  popular  preacher. 
Very  fine-looking,  of  medium  stature,  but  of  striking  presence  and 
graceful  manner,  with  dark  complexion,  and  profuse  curling  hair,  he 
was,  by  his  impassioned  eloquence,  drawing  crowds  to  the  Fourth  Pres 
byterian  Church,  in  Albany,  greater  than  it  could  hold. 

April  Gth. 

This  morning  Mrs.  T was  going  to  look  at  the  new  bonnets,  and  invited 

me  to  get  one  for  you  ;  so  her  husband  sealed  up  his  letters,  and  forthwith  we 
all  started  off,  down  Columbia,  and  North  Market,  and  South  Market  Streets,  to 
Miss  Harris's,  and  there  the  bonnets  were.  But  how  could  I  make  any  choice  ? 

Mrs.  T thought  she  should  prefer  a  "  Dunstable  "  or  a  "  diamond  straw,'7 

that  being  the  fashionable  as  well  as  durable  article;  but  the  difficulty  was 
about  the  shape.  I  looked  on  like  a  Yorkshire  rustic,  thinking  all  shapes  pretty, 
but  unable  to  say,  in  my  own  mind,  that  one  was  handsomer  than  another. 


1831.]  SPENCER,   VAN   BUREN,   FILLMORE.  189 

Finally,  I  told  her  to  choose  her  own,  and  I  would  look  at  it  after  it  was 
trimmed,  and  then  make  up  my  judgment,  get  one  for  you  and  one  for  your 
sister,  and  meantime  I  would  write  home  for  advice.  All  that  I  could  treasure 
up  about  the  bonnets  is,  that  they  give  one  a  chance  to  look  out,  and  are  not  so 
long  and  so  small-crowned  as  was  the  fashion  last  summer. 

April  Wi. 

This  evening  I  have  spent  with  John  C.  Spencer.  I  came  away  thinking  of 
the  influence  of  political  prejudices  upon  our  feelings.  Such  prejudices  had 
predisposed  me  to  dislike  John  C.  Spencer ;  and  when  I  find  him  on  the  same 
side  as  myself,  fall  of  zeal,  and  animation,  and  daring,  in  the  same  political 
cause,  I  find  all  my  prejudices  wearing  away,  and,  instead  of  hating  him,  I  am 
admiring  him. 

Truly,  this  bachelor's  life  is  one  of  very  few  charms.  Here  I  am,  alone  in 
this  little,  dirty  room,  with  a  mean  charcoal-fire,  on  this  cold,  dull  evening.  I 
have  not  heart  enough  left  to  go  out  anywhere.  I  cannot  read  a  word,  and 
there  is  nothing  to  think  about  but  you  and  the  boys ;  and,  when  my  thoughts 
range  that  way,  they  come  back  loaded  with  solicitude.  Still,  this  is  "life 
above-stairs,"  and  I  am  to  enjoy  it,  because  thousands,  under  a  mistaken  notion, 

deem  it  enviable. 

April  llth. 

You  know  the  leading  Van  Buren  measure  is  the  nullification  of  the  United 
States  Bank.  Well,  those  who  are  in  favor  of  the  United  States  Bank  are  de 
clared  to  be  "Federalists,"  and  those  who  are  against  it  "Democrats."  The 
Legislature  of  New  York  contains  a  large  majority  of  Van  Buren  men,  and, 
although  Congress  only  can  repeal  the  charter  of  the  bank,  yet  the  Legislature 
must,  for  Van  Buren's  purposes,  now  resolve  that  the  bank  ought  not  to  be 
renewed.  The  order  came  forth;  the  Assembly,  after  a  week's  discussion, 
passed  the  resolution  and  sent  it  to  our  House  to-day.  In  the  Senate  there  are 
eight  Antimasons  and  twenty-two  Jackson  men.  But  we  found  on  counting 
that  there  were  some  Jackson  men  who  would  not  go  with  the  measure.  So 
we  moved  to  postpone  the  resolution  indefinitely.  This  motion  has  now  fifteen 
votes.  We  have  made  a  well-contested  battle,  and  have  triumphed  for  to-day 
so  much  beyond  our  hopes  that  the  Antimasons  are  holding  a  kind  of  festival. 
You  will  see  the  debate  in  the  Journal  of  this  evening. 

April  12,  1831. 

Last  night  I  dropped  into  Fuller  and  Fillmore's  room.  Some  half  a  dozen 
were  there,  and  the  discourse  turned  on  the  result  of  the  town-meetings.  I 
stated  what  I  had  heard  from  Cayuga ;  another  gave  the  news  from  Washing 
ton,  and  a  third  from  Tompkins.  At  this  stage  of  the  conversation  Fillmore 
came  in.  I  saluted  him  laughingly  with — 

"  How  are  you  to-night,  brother  Fillmore  ?  " 

"  Very  well,  I  thank  you ;  but  I  have  bad  news  from  home." 

"  Your  family  unwell  ? "  said  I. 

He  replied,  "  I  have  news  of  the  death  of  my  mother." 

After  a  pause  I  asked  about  her  illness,  then  I  rose  to  come  away ;  and,  see 
ing  that  no  one  else  was  likely  to  follow,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  give  a  gentle 
hint: 

"  Come,  judge,"  said  I  to  one,  "  are  you  going  down-street?  " 


190  WFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

"  No,"  lie  replied,  "  I  was  waiting  to  tell  the  news  of  the  town-meetings  in 
my  county ;  "  and  then  he  went  on  with  the  details  of  his  local  elections.  I  left 
him  in  the  beginning  of  his  story.  What  think  you  of  such  sensibility  ? 

April  \ZtJi. 

We  had  quite  an  episode  this  morning  in  our  dull  tavern-life — an  alarm  that 
a  child  was  lost.  In  five  minutes  the  whole  house  was  in  an  uproar.  The  Lieu 
tenant-Governor,  Senators,  Assemblymen,  lobbymen,  judges,  ladies,  grooms, 
porters,  foresters,  and  rangers,  kitchen-maids  and  hostlers,  all  were  in  hot  pur 
suit.  The  house  was  searched  from  garret  to  cellar ;  the  docks  were  examined, 
the  passengers  stopped,  the  stage-men  ran,  the  dull  were  quick,  and  the  quick 
were  in  a  frenzy,  about  the  lost  child.  After  three-quarters  of  an  hour  spent  in 
confusion  the  child  was  found  in  a  fruit-store,  looking  wistfully  toward  a  box 
of  oranges. 

To-day  the  Attorney-General  called  for  me  to  go  before  the  Chancellor  and 
argue  an  appeal.  It  has  occupied  an  hour  of  the  morning  and  three  of  the 
afternoon. 

April  Uth. 

Yesterday  morning  I  went,  with  half  a  dozen  friends,  by  steamboat,  to  West 
Point,  where  we  landed  at  two  o'clock.  We  rambled  over  the  grounds,  descended 
to  Kosciusko's  garden,  drank  from  its  spring,  and  sat  upon  the  moss-covered 
rock  which  bears  his  name,  near  the  lilacs  grown  from  those  which  the  gallant 
Polish  general  set  out  with  his  own  hand.  You  recollect  to  have  seen  old  Fort 
Putnam  frowning  down  upon  you  from  its  proud  and  defying  elevation  ?  It 
is  dilapidated,  but  as  yet  not  in  ruins.  Built  on  a  rock,  almost  inaccessible  on 
every  side — the  stone  for  its  walls  was  blasted  from  the  rock — the  brick  and 
lime  carried  up  by  soldiers.  The  walls  are  yet  standing,  in  some  places  eight 
feet  in  thickness,  and  from  fifteen  to  fifty  in  height.  We  traversed  the  officers' 
quarters,  the  magazines,  the  cells  and  the  storerooms,  and  were  astonished  at 
the  immense  strength  of  the  fortification.  The  chimneys  were  yet  black  with 
the  smoke  which  the  storms  of  fifty  years  have  not  washed  away. 

What  were  our  thoughts,  as  we  looked  upon  these  scenes  familiar  with  the 
tread  of  Washington  !  This  impregnable  fortress  was  the  key  to  America  ;  on 
it  depended  the  hopes  of  the  republican  cause.  Here  were  the  wassail  and 
revelry  of  Gates  and  Putnam.  Here,  in  its  command,  Arnold,  burning  with 
avarice  and  revenge,  plotted  its  surrender,  which  would  have  left  America  a 
province,  and  our  fathers,  ourselves,  and  our  children,  subjects  of  an  English 
king.  Here  was  the  amiable  but  unfortunate  Andre  brought,  to  await  the 
decision  of  the  American  chief.  From  here  General  Washington  sent,  under 
safe-conduct,  to  the  traitor  Arnold,  his  wife  and  child.  From  the  point  below, 
the  traitor  escaped,  in  a  boat,  to  the  British  ship,  while  Andre  was  left  to 
suffer  the  punishment  of  a  spy.  What  must  have  been  the  horror  of  Wash 
ington,  Knox,  Lafayette,  and  the  whole  company,  when  they  first  learned  the 
awful  treason !  What  the  misery  (ay,  the  love  too)  of  the  unhappy  wife  as 
she  sought  the  protection  of  her  guilty  husband!  But  I  cannot  stay  to  in 
dulge  these  reflections.  I  gathered  as  relics  for  you  pieces  of  the  stone  from 
the  walls  of  the  fort,  of  the  moss  which  covers  the  pavement,  and  a  bit  of  the 
rose-tree  which  grows  on  the  battlements. 

It  was  the  De  Witt  Clinton  which  I  boarded  from  a  row-boat,  at  about 


1831.]  IMPRISONMENT   FOR   DEBT.  191 

eleven  o'clock.  "Not  a  berth  is  left,"  said  the  captain,  to  whom  T  was  a  stran 
ger  ;  and  as  I  stretched  myself  upon  a  miserable  mattress,  from  which  the  sheets 
as  well  as  the  blankets  had  been  stripped  by  the  sleepers  around  me,  I  had  an 
opportunity  to  moralize  on  the  deference  paid  to  station.  When  I  went  down 
on  board  the  North  America  as  Senator,  the  captain  was  studiously  polite.  The 
chair  at  his  right  hand  at  the  head  of  the  table  was  reserved  for  me,  and  I  was 
shown  to  it  with  great  circumstance.  Everything  was  done  to  interest  me. 
When  I  came  on  board  in  the  night  without  being  announced,  I  was  left  to 
sleep,  without  a  blanket,  upon  the  cabin -floor. 

April  rtth. 

You  are  right,  my  dear  Frances,  in  the  caution  to  avoid  speculations  on  re 
ligious  topics ;  and  right  in  saying  there  is  enough  given  us,  in  the  injunctions 
of  the  Scriptures,  to  lead  us  in  the  way  of  duty.  I  thought  as  I  was  retiring  to 
my  lonely  room  to-night,  and  gazed  on  the  bright  and  beautiful  stars,  how  little 
we  can  know  of  them,  their  substance,  their  uses,  their  destinies,  their  history, 
the  millions  who  perhaps  inhabit  them  !  Human  reason  might,  by  them,  stand 
rebuked  when,  passing  by  them,  it  attempts  to  debate  the  character  and  the 
purposes  of  that  Infinite  Being  by  whom  they  and  all  other  things  were  created. 

April  tint. 

Everybody  around  me  is  hurrying  and  bustling,  in  the  general  preparation 
to  evacuate  the  halls  of  legislation.  Three  days  will  bring  our  stay  here  to  a 
close.  How  different  are  the  motives,  the  feelings,  the  recollections,  and  the 
wishes,  of  these  one  hundred  and  sixty  men !  There  are  some  who  have,  with 
miserly  hand,  hoarded  up  the  savings  of  their  wages,  and  are  counting  the  gains 
made  out  of  the  stipend  of  three  dollars  a  day ;  they  will  regret  the  termination 
of  their  public  employment,  because  they  will  cease  to  reckon  the  daily  addition 
of  dollars  and  cents.  Some  there  are  who,  in  the  dissipation  of  the  past  winter, 
have  sacrified  health  and  wasted  treasure ;  they  will  go  home  with  sad  retrospec 
tion  of  their  prodigality.  Other  some  there  are  who  have  busied  themselves  to 
acquire  some  distinction  among  their  generation,  and  have  reaped  disappoint 
ment  and  chagrin;  they  will  go  home  with  a  morbid  disgust  of  themselves. 
Some,  who  have  fluttered  gayly  upon  the  popular  breeze  for  one  year  only,  will 
go  home  to  curse  the  fickleness  which  will  leave  them  at  the  next  canvass  to 
the  dull  detail  of  private  life.  Others,  having  discharged,  with  what  ability  they 
might,  the  obligations  imposed  by  their  country,  and  having  learned  to  hold  the 
honors  and  pleasures  of  their  station  to  be  incidents  in  the  tenor  of  a  varied  but 
well-ordered  life,  will  return  with  loyal  hearts  and  invigorated  affections  to 
those  domestic  and  social  circles  where  only  earthly  happiness  dwells. 

April  22d. 

I  had  written  as  above,  when  Weed  came  in,  and  said  I  must  write  out  my 
remarks  on  the  resolution  to  amend  the  constitution.  I  forthwith  went  to 
work  and  continued  until  midnight. 

To-day  I  have  spent  the  afternoon  in  a  debate  on  the  bill  to  abolish  im 
prisonment  for  debt. 

This  afternoon  debate  was  one  of  the  closing  scenes  of  the  strug 
gle  over  the  great  reform.  The  Antimasons  had  stood  together  in  its 


192  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

support.  The  Administration  ranks  were  divided.  Some  of  their 
leaders  had  taken  the  floor  in  earnest  advocacy  of  it,  others  in  un 
disguised  opposition  ;  while  many  sat  idly  in  their  seats,  watching  the 
discussion  with  apparent  indifference.  Warned,  however,  by  the  rising 
tide  of  popular  feeling,  the  opponents  of  the  measure  contented  them 
selves  at  last  with  amendments  to  delay  its  passage,  or  to  defer  the 
time  when  it  should  go  into  operation.  In  answer  to  this  class  of 
propositions  Seward  said : 

If  imprisonment  for  debt  would  be  wrong  ten  years  hence,  why  is  it  not  so 
now  ?  It  is  wrong  in  principle  to  imprison  for  debt  merely ;  it  is  right  in  princi 
ple  to  punish  fraud ;  and  both  these  objects  are  sought  to  be  obtained  in  this  bill. 

It  was  only  in  the  last  hour  of  the  session  that  the  bill  was  finally 
passed,  upon  the  report  of  a  conference  committee,  fixing  the  1st  of 
March,  1832,  as  the  day  when  it  should  take  effect. 

April  25th. 

The  last  letter !  It  is  exhilarating  to  think  it  is  the  last,  and  that  I  shall  so 
soon  follow  it.  To-morrow,  at  twelve  o'clock,  I  shall  be  released  from  public 
duties.  I  hope  to  take  the  boat  at  Schenectady  at  two  o'clock,  on  Wednesday, 
and  in  three  or  four  days  after  shall  be  with  you. 


CHAPTER.  V. 
1831. 

Fourth-of-July  Orations.— Captain  Seward.— A  Militia  Career.— President-Making.— First 
Eailway-Eide.— Disraeli.— Dr.  Campbell.— Judge  Bronson.— Gerrit  Y.  Lansing.— Abram 
Van  Vechten. — Mrs.  Hamilton. 

WHILE  the  republic  was  yet  in  its  youth,  Fourth-of-July  orations 
were  composed  with  care,  and  listened  to  with  attention.  The  theme 
had  not  become  trite,  nor  its  expressions  hackneyed.  Public  men 
availed  themselves  of  the  occasion  to  give  philosophic  views  of  the 
destiny  of  the  country.  "  I  send  you,"  wrote  Seward,  in  July,  1831, 
"  my  Syracuse  oration,  and  will  send  you  Holley's,  and  Whittlesey's,  as 
soon  as  they  come  from  the  press.  Hunt  has  sent  me  Timothy  Ful 
ler's,  and  John  Quincy  Adams's,  which  is  admirable."  Six  years  pre 
viously  (and  before  he  was  twenty-five  years  old),  he  had  delivered 
another  Fourth-of-July  oration  at  Auburn.  The  same  train  of  thought 
is  manifest  in  both  addresses,  though  ripened  in  the  later  one  by  more 
mature  reflection.  A  passage  in  each  referred  to  the  problem  destined 
afterward  to  convulse  the  nation.  In  the  first  he  said  : 

Those  misapprehend  either  the  true  interests  of  the  people  of  these  States,  or 
their  intelligence,  who  believe,  or  profess  to  believe,  that  a  separation  will  ever 


1831.]  A   MILITIA   CAREER.  193 

take  place  between  the  North  and  South.  The  people  of  the  North  have  seldom 
been  suspected  of  a  want  of  attachment  to  the  Union  ;  and  those  of  the  South 
have  been  much  misrepresented  by  a  few  politicians  of  a  stormy  character,  who 
have  ever  been  unsupported  by  the  people  there.  The  North  will  not  willingly 
.give  up  the  power  they  now  have  in  the  national  councils  of  gradually  complet 
ing  a  work  in  which,  whether  united  or  separate,  from  proximity  of  territory 
we  shall  ever  be  interested — the  emancipation  of  slaves. 

And  in  the  second  he  added  : 

Are  we  sure  that  the  simple,  beautiful,  yet  majestic  fabric  of  our  Govern 
ment  can  never  be  undermined  ?  Are  we  quite  sure  that  neither  we  nor  our 
children  shall  ever  come  to  drink  of  the  bitter  waters  of  slavery  ?  By  no  means. 
...  It  is  ours  to  do  all  that  in  our  day  and  generation  may  be  done,  that  this 
catastrophe  may  be  long  postponed ;  and,  to  that  end,  it  is  of  the  last  impor 
tance  to  revive,  renew,  and  invigorate  the  national  feeling  of  the  republic.  .  .  . 
Dr.  Franklin  wished  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  revisit  his  country  at  the 
expiration  of  a  century  after  his  death.  Could  he  now  return,  after  the  lapse 
of  much  less  than  half  that  period,  I  fear  he  would  find  lamentable  evidence  of 
the  decline  of  this  national  feeling  since  the  Revolutionary  age.  Methinks  Caro 
lina  would  throw  away  her  pencil,  and  brush  out  her  figures,  should  her  eye 
encounter  the  stern  look  of  the  patriotic  philosopher,  while  rashly  calculating 
the  value  of  the  Union. 

In  the  early  part  of  his  life  in  Auburn,  Seward,  in  conformity  with 
what  he  believed  to  be  the  duty  of  a  patriotic  citizen,  took  part  in  the 
organization  and  drill  of  the  rural  militia  force.  About  1827-'28,  he 
joined  in  forming  a  village  artillery- company,  uniformed,  equipped, 
and  drilled,  in  accordance  with  military  usages;  and  from  his  own 
means  largely  aided  its  equipment.  Seward  was  elected  captain  ; 
and  the  villagers  took  pride  in  watching  the  parades  of  the  little 
body  of  citizen  soldiery,  gay  with  its  uniforms  of  blue  and  buff,  and 
caps  surmounted  with  red  pompons.  It  was  an  event  in  its  history 
when  a  six-pound  brass  gun  made  its  appearance  in  the  ranks,  having 
been  obtained  by  Captain  Seward  through  a  special  mission  to  the  Ad 
jutant-General's  office  in  Albany.  This  cannon  rarely  remained  silent 
on  any  occasion  of  public  festivity.  In  time  the  company  grew  to  a 
battalion,  Captain  Seward  was  promoted  to  be  its  major,  and  its  battery 
was  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  two  or  three  iron  guns  besides  the 
brass  one.  In  1829,  with  the  battalion  as  a  nucleus,  a  regiment  was 
formed,  comprising  also  companies  from  other  portions  of  the  county. 

Its  officers  were  commissioned  in  August  of  that  year  :  W.  H. 
Seward,  colonel ;  John  Wright,  lieutenant-colonel ;  Lyman  Hinman, 
major  ;  Oscar  A.  Burgess,  adjutant ;  John  H.  Chedell,  quartermaster  ; 
Nelson  Beardsley,  paymaster  ;  Franklin  M.  Markham,  surgeon  ;  Blan- 
chard  Fosgate,  surgeon's  mate. 

In  the  old  roster-book  are  the  elaborate  orders  for  elections,  pa- 
13 


194  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

rades,  courts,  drills,  reviews,  etc.,  some  in  the  colonel's  own  handwrit 
ing,  some  in  that  of  his  adjutant.  There  seem  to  have  been  about 
seven  hundred  men  in  the  regiment.  In  an  "  order  of  the  day,"  dated 
Scipio,  September  18,  1829,  the  day  of  the  annual  muster  for  "  county 
training,"  the  colonel  "  avails  himself  of  this  his  first  opportunity  of 
meeting  the  regiment  under  his  command  to  congratulate  both  officers 
and  men  upon  the  complete  organization  of  the  Thirty-third  Regiment 
under  officers  of  their  own  selection  in  a  convenient  portion  of  territory. 
...  It  is  with  great  gratification  that  he  perceives  through  the  whole 
corps  solicitude  to  improve  in  appearance  and  discipline,  and  he  gives 
the  assurance  that  no  exertion  in  his  power  shall  be  wanting  to  effect 
so  desirable  an  object." 

On  assuming  command  of  the  regiment,  their  new  colonel,  having 
formed  them  in  hollow  square,  addressed  them,  and  it  was  a  subject  of 
no  small  exultation  in  camp  that  night  that  "  now  they  had  a  colonel 
who  could  make  them  a  speech,  and  a  good  speech,  too." 

The  orders  continue  through  1830  and  1831,  to  March,  1832.  In 
that  year  Colonel  Seward  was  promoted  to  be  brigadier-general,  which 
position  he  held  two  or  three  years,  and  finally  was  elected  major- 
general,  but  declined  the  commission.  He  was  succeeded  in  command 
of  the  regiment,  in  1833,  by  Lyman  Hinman,  who  had  been  from  the 
first  an  experienced  drill-master  and  tactician.  Afterward  Colonel 
Charles  W.  Pomeroy  was  its  commanding  officer  from  1838  until  its 
final  disbandment,  under  some  change  in  the  militia  laws,  in  1842. 

At  that  day  wine  and  spirits  were  considered  indispensable  ad 
juncts,  not  only  at  table,  but  in  all  social  intercourse.  A  hospitable 
gentleman  usually  had  a  sideboard,  or  a  decanter-stand,  at  his  elbow, 
in  his  parlor  or  his  business-office,  and  pressed  his  casual  visitors  to 
drink.  Seward,  though  fond  of  conversation,  had  no  liking  for  the 
convivial  indulgence  which  many  of  his  legislative  colleagues  found  so 
attractive.  In  a  confidential  note  in  regard  to  his  boarding-house 
during  the  coming  session,  he  said  : 

Weed,  my  good  fellow,  I  am  anxious  to  get,  when  I  go  to  Albany  again, 
where  I  can  study  more.  What  say  you,  my  father  confessor,  to  my  taking 
lodgings  at  some  boarding-house  where  they  "touch  not,  taste  not,  handle 
not "  the  bottle  ?  If  there  be  no  reasons  of  state  which  require  Antimasons 
to  drink,  then  I  propose  to  abstain.  What  say  you  to  it  ?  Shall  I  lose  your 
"nocturnal  visits  of  the  night,"  as  the  Irish  orator  said,  if  I  quit  the  Eagle? 

The  programme  for  the  presidential  campaign  was  now  engrossing 
the  attention  of  political  leaders.  A  letter  to  Mr.  Weed,  after  describ 
ing  conferences  with  the  prominent  men  of  the  party  at  Seneca  Falls, 
Waterloo,  Geneva,  Canandaigua,  Rochester,  Buffalo,  Lockport,  Pal 
myra,  and  Lyons — among  them  Messrs.  Childs,  Dox,  Woods,  Dwight, 


1831.]  FIRST   RAILWAY   RIDE.  195 

H.  W.  Taylor,  Granger,  John  C.  Spencer,  John  Greig,  George  Andrews, 
Whittlesey,  Tracy,  Boughton,  Cadwalader,  and  Myron  Holley — con 
tinued  : 

Thus  you  will  see  that  we  have  made  the  tour  of  "  the  infected  district." 
Many  and  cheering  were  the  greetings  we  received.  Nowhere  did  we  tind  any 
ground  of  dissension,  or  feeling  of  disaffection.  And  whom,  you  will  inquire,  am 
I  in  favor  of  for  President  ?  After  a  review  of  the  whole  ground,  and  compar 
ing  all  I  have  heard  and  seen,  I  think  that  Calhoun  cannot  in  any  event  be  our 
man.  The  free,  the  cold,  clear,  intelligent  North  is  the  field  for  the  growth  of 
our  cause.  Let  us  not  jeopardize  it  by  transferring  its  main  stalk  into  the  South 
Carolina  sands.  The  three  great  States  which  we  need,  and  must  combine,  are 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and  New  York.  In  these  Calhoun  is  lost.  Two  candidates 
remain.  Of  these  I  prefer  McLean,  because  we  may  hope  to  concentrate  more 
effectually  public  opinion  in  those  States  upon  him.  But  I  am  ready  to  be  con 
vinced,  and  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  best  opinion  of  all  our  friends. 

What  a  ticket  we  could  make — Granger  for  Governor,  Stevens  for  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor,  and  Maynard,  Tracy,  Whittlesey,  or  Spencer,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent !  We  should  put  a  quietus  upon  the  race  of  small  men. 

In  August  the  Senate  was  to  hold  a  session  as  the  "  Court  for  the 
Correction  of  Errors."  Seward's  journey  was  by  stage  and  canal,  as 
usual,  to  Schenectady  ;  but  thence  to  Albany  the  Mohawk  &  Hud^ 
son  Railroad  had  now  been  opened.  It  was  the  first  in  the  State.  A 
letter  narrating  his  trip  over  it  shows  the  railway  in  its  primitive  form  : 

August  24,  1831. 

We  arrived  at  Schenectady  at  three  this  morning,  and  immediately  were  car 
ried, -in  post-coaches,  a  distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  to  the  present  termination 
of  the  railway.  There  were  in  waiting  three  large  cars,  which  the  passengers 
entered.  These  cars  differ  not  much,  as  to  the  construction  of  the  body,  from 
stage-coaches,  except  that  they  are  about  one-third  larger,  and  have  seats  upon 
the  top.  The  body  is  set  upon  very  short  springs,  which  cause  bat  little  elas 
ticity  of  motion.  The  fore  and  hind  wheels  are  equal  in  size,  made  of  iron,  and 
are  about  two  and  a  half  feet  in  diameter.  They  have  rims  four  and  a  half 
inches  in  width,  with  a  projection  on  the  side  next  the  carriage,  which  serves  to 
keep  the  cars  secure  upon  the  rails — not  suffering  the  wheels  to  vary  from  the 
track.  The  car  is  divided  into  two  parts  by  a  high  though  not  entire  partition 
in  the  centre ;  the  door  admitting  into  the  forward  compartment  being  on  one 
side  the  carriage,  and  that  admitting  into  the  other  on  the  other  side.  In  each 
of  these  compartments  were  six  passengers.  On  the  top  was  the  driver's  seat, 
and  one  other,  each  holding  three  persons ;  so  that  the  car  carried  eighteen  pas 
sengers,  with  all  their  enormous  bulk  of  baggage. 

The  railway  is  made  by  leveling,  excavating,  and  elevating  a  road,  so  that, 
as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach,  it  is  either  entirely  level,  or  with  an  almost  imper 
ceptible  rise  or  descent.  Of  course,  there  are  embankments  over  ravines,  and 
deep  cuttings  through  hills,  just  like  those  on  the  route  of  the  canal.  Upon  this 
plane  surface  are  laid,  at  a  distance  of  eighteen  inches  from  each  other,  square 
blocks  of  solid  stone,  and  upon  these  are  laid  two  parallel  timbers,  about  eight 


196  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

inches  square,  which  are  fastened  by  rivets  to  the  stones.  Then,  upon  each  of 
these  timbers  is  fastened  a  bar  of  iron,  upon  which  the  wheels  of  the  car  pass  ; 
and,  as  the  inner  side  of  the  wheel  projects  about  an  inch  below  the  bar,  the  car 
cannot  get  out  of  place.  This  is  the  simple  construction  of  a  railroad. 

Having  mounted  our  vehicle,  a  fine  large  gray  horse  was  attached  to  it,  by 
shafts,  exactly  like  those  of  a  one-horse  wagon.  "  Ready!  "  said  the  stageman; 
the  driver  whistled  to  the  gray  ;  away  went  the  car  through  hills  and  over  val 
leys.  Before  we  had  done  looking  at  our  novel  vehicle,  the  car  was  stopped  to 
water  the  horse  under  a  bridge  ;  and,  on  inquiring,  we  found  we  had  come  four 
miles  in  less  than  twenty  minutes.  The  horse  drank,  and  away  we  went  two 
miles  farther,  and  then  a  fresh  steed  was  immediately  put  in  place  of  our  gray. 
I  mounted  the  top  of  the  car,  and,  standing  up  there,  looking  over  upon  the 
mountains  beyond  the  river,  was  driven,  in  forty  minutes  more,  to  the  present 
eastern  termination  of  the  railroad  ;  thus  accomplishing  the  journey  of  twelve 
miles  in  eighty  minutes,  including  stoppings. 

Only  think  of  riding  from  Schenectady  to  Albany  without  jolting,  jarring,  or 
bouncing  !  The  railroad  not  being  yet  completed  at  the  eastern  end,  we  per 
formed  the  two  miles  remaining  of  our  journey  in  a  post-coach.  Fifty-four  pas 
sengers  and  their  baggage  were  brought  on  the  railroad  to-day,  by  three  horses. 
No  private  cars  are  allowed  to  travel  on  the  road.  The  cars  go  at  stated  inter 
vals,  and  none  are  allowed  to  go  in  different  directions  at  the  same  time.  There 
are  culverts,  etc.,  and,  in  one  place,  a  road  passes  under  the  railway. 

Of  course  I  have  seen  those  of  our  friends  who  stop  at  this  house.  Specula 
tions  and  communications  relating  to  the  presidency  formed  the  subject  of  our 
conversation.  Afterward  passing  up-street  I  found  Gerrit  Y.  Lansing  smoking 
his  long  Dutch  pipe  in  a  store  ;  went  to  his  house  and  drank  a  glass  of  wine 
with  him  ;  called  from  the  window  to  Weed,  whom  Lansing  thereupon  politely 
invited  to  come  in  ;  then  I  went  to  Ward's,  read  documents  and  talked  till  nine, 
and  now  am  hurrying  through  this  letter,  so  that  I  may  be  asleep  at  ten  o'clock, 
and  rise  at  five  in  the  morning,  to  study  a  cause  I  have  to  argue  to-morrow  in 
the  Court  of  Chancery. 

Weed's  condition  excites  my  feelings  very  much.  His  arm  is  broken,  badly 
set,  and,  though  nine  weeks  have  elapsed  since  the  accident,  he  is  still  deprived 
of  the  use  of  his  arm,  and  suffers  greatly  from  the  pain  of  the  fracture. 

Disraeli  was  then  commencing  his  public  career,  and  a  new  novel 
from  his  pen  had  appeared  : 

Have  you  got  "  The  Young  Duke  "  yet  ?  You  may  find  it  at  Doubleday's. 
It  is  by  the  author  of  "Vivian  Grey;  "  and,  if  it  but  half  sustain  the  spirit  of 
that  work,  it  must  be  worth  perusal.  I  have,  as  yet,  found  no  time  to  read  any 
thing.  After  disposing  of  my  chancery  business,  I  am  listening  with  all  the 
attention  I  can  command  to  arguments  in  the  Court  of  Errors. 


Sunday,  August 

Mr.  Azor  Taber  called  this  morning  and  took  me  to  church,  where  I  heard 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Campbell  address  a  beautiful  sermon  to  the  magnates  of  the  city 
and  State,  among  whom  were  Judge  Spencer,  Judge  Sutherland,  the  Chancel 
lor,  the  Attorney-General,  Edwin  Croswell,  etc.  In  the  afternoon  I  went  to 


1831.]  ABRAM   VAN   VECHTEN.— MRS.   HAMILTON.  197 

the  North  Dutch  Church,  where  John  Ogden  Dey  showed  me  into  Ilarmanus 
Bleecker's  seat,  and  I  listened  to  a  sermon  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Ludlow.  After 
church,  Bronson,  the  Attorney-General,  proposed  to  walk.  We  went  up  the  hill 
and  through  the  burying-ground,  which  afforded,  of  course,  subjects  for  much 
moralizing.  Passing  over  more  humble  graves,  we  noted  those  of  the  Clinton 
and  Spencer  families,  and  among  them  that  of  Mrs.  Genet,  wife  of  the  minister 
plenipotentiary  from  the  French  Republic,  and  sister  of  De  Witt  Clinton. 

August  BOth. 

Rose  at  five  this  morning,  accomplished  my  work,  and  had  time  to  spare  to 
read.  I  thought  when  I  came  to  shut  up  my  book  (the  works  of  Bacon),  as  the 
bell  rang  for  breakfast,  that  I  would  lose  no  more  morning  hours. 

This  evening  I  called  upon  Abram  Van  Vechten,  the  father  of  the  New  York 
bar.  He  was  sitting  on  his  office-steps,  smoking  a  pipe  two  feet  long.  I 
brought  out  a  chair,  and  sat  down  beside  him.  We  discoursed  an  hour  on  the 
dilatoriness  of  courts ;  and  I  listened  with  great  interest  to  the  contrast  between 
the  judges  of  our  day  and  those  of  the  times  when  the  State  was  young.  I 
have  somewhere  read  and  admired  the  conceit  that  the  world  was  not  in  its 
"antiquity,"  in  the  times  when  it  was  younger;  but  these  are  the  older  times, 
when  all  the  years  are  accumulated.  But,  if  I  were  to  determine  upon  the  testi 
mony,  I  should  certainly  believe  that  there  is  a  growing  corruption  and  impo- 
tency  of  public  men ;  and  yet  Mr.  Van  Vechten  is  no  railer,  no  backbiter,  no 
envious  person.  He  is  in  a  green  old  age ;  and  retains,  not  only  unimpaired 
mental  powers,  but  a  confiding  and  affectionate  heart,  full  of  charity  and  good 
works.  As  it  gradually  became  dark,  he  invited  me  into  the  office,  closed  doors 
and  windows,  produced  a  bottle  of  superior  pale  sherry,  remarking  that  he 
seldom  drank  wine,  and  his  wine  was  therefore  good,  and,  relighting  his  pipe, 
we  compared  notes  about  the  Court  of  Chancery  till  eight  o'clock. 


Bronson  and  I  had  a  long  and  pretty  animated  debate  yesterday  about  free 
masonry,  and  it  ended  with  the  conclusion,  assented  to  by  both  parties,  that,  as 
we  could  not  agree,  we  would  not  hereafter  dispute ;  so  we  set  out  this  after 
noon  arm-in-arm  to  go  and  call  on  the  folks  at  the  Eagle. 

September  6th. 

Having  so  ordered  my  business  on  Friday  as  to  go  to  Orange  County,  I  went 
off  in  the  steamboat  on  a  race,  which  continued  for  about  an  hour,  during  which 
we  went  part  of  the  time  fastened  to  our  antagonist's  boat,  part  of  the  time 
crowding,  and  part  of  the  time  being  crowded  on  shore.  There  was  some 
alarm  lest  we  should  all  be  blown  up  together.  After  we  got  below  the  shoals 
we  were  able  to  leave  the  other  boat  far  behind  us. 

We  had  the  widow  of  General  Hamilton  on  board.  I  talked  an  hour  with 
her  about  the  incidents  of  the  stirring  days  in  which  she  was  the  near  associ 
ate  of  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  celebrated  men  of  America. 


198  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

CHAPTER  VI. 
1831. 

A  New  England  Journey. — A  Steamboat  Lottery. — Indian  Traditions. — "  Last  of  the  Mo 
hicans." — Providence. — President  Wayland. — Boston. — Eevolutionary  Memories  and 
Men. — The  Polish  Standards. — Eide  to  Quincy. — First  Meeting  with  John  Quincy 
Adams. — Down  the  Delaware. — The  Baltimore  Convention. — William  Wirt. 

THE  story  of  a  journey  to  New  England,  in  the  fall  of  this  year, 

was  given  in  Seward's  letters  : 

September  Mh. 

This  morning  I  received  a  letter  from  Hunt,  stating  that  a  great  deal  of  un 
pleasant  feeling  exists  at  Boston  in  relation  to  our  intended  nomination  for 
President.  On  showing  it  to  Maynard  and  Weed,  they  concluded  that  I  must 
set  off  at  once  for  Boston,  calling  at  Norwich  to  see  Tracy. 

NOBWICH,  CONNECTICUT,  September  $tk. 

i  arrived  at  New  York  at  5  A.  M.  ;  went  up  Cortlandt  Street  and  Broadway 
to  the  American  Hotel.  The  streets  were  silent,  and  the  great  population 
had  not  yet  left  their  slumber ;  but,  by  seven,  milkmen,  porters,  carmen, 
servants,  and  all  classes  of  laboring-men  were  out,  and  the  city  exhibited  the 
usual  bustle  and  animation.  I  could  not  but  reflect  what  vast  changes  time  and 
circumstances  had  wrought  upon  the  multitude,  who  a  few  years  ago  occupied 
the  places,  performed  the  duties,  and  enjoyed  the  pleasures,  to  which  the  pres 
ent  race  address  themselves,  careless  of  the  recollection  of  their  predecessors,  or 
the  thought  that  they  soon  must  yield  to  another  generation  as  active,  as  gay,  as 
animated,  as  heedless,  and  as  brief,  as  themselves.  What  I  saw  now  failed  to 
revive  anything  of  past  recollections  except  the  pain.  I  was  changed ;  all  my 
friends  were  changed.  Berdan,  who  was  the  companion  of  my  early  residence 
in  New  York,  was  gone,  and  I  saw  nothing  on  which  he  had  left  any  impres 
sion.  Even  my  old  landlady  here,  when  I  announced  my  name,  had  no  distinct 
recollection  of  my  character  or  conduct.  From  the  idleness,  the  poetic  feeling, 
the  buoyant  enjoyments  of  that  period,  how  strange  the  change  wrought  in  me; 
now  seeking  out,  with  anxious  concern,  associates  for  political  action  in  refer 
ence  to  government ! 

I  met  various  friends  in  New  York — Sam  Stevens,  who  took  me  to  his  office ; 
then  Foot  and  Davies ;  then  fell  in  with  William  Kent ;  returning,  found  Hoi- 
ley  ;  but  Ward  had  gone  to  Boston. 

Then  I  went  and  saw  West's  great  picture  of  "  Christ  Rejected,"  now  being 
exhibited  at  Masonic  Hall.  The  scene  is  at  the  porch  of  the  temple ;  the  gal 
lery  is  seen  filled  with  the  court  of  Pilate,  his  wife,  Herod,  and  other  distin 
guished  visitors.  In  the  foreground  is  our  Saviour,  the  crown  of  thorns  upon 
his  head,  while  the  deriding  Jews  are  drawing  over  his  shoulders  the  purple 
robe  of  royalty.  At  one  side  are  the  disciples.  Never,  I  imagine,  did  painter 
more  boldly,  more  truly  depict  conscious  guilt  then  in  the  haggard,  desperate 
faces  of  Barabbas  and  the  two  thieves.  Never  saw  I  a  more  beautiful  face  than 
that  of  John,  "the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved,"  supporting  the  weeping  mother 
of  the  Saviour  with  manly,  confiding,  and  affectionate  expression. 

Colonel  Stone  came  to  dine  with  me,  and  introduced  me  to  Colonel  White, 
of  Pensacola,  a  member  of  Congress,  who  has  been  to  Boston  on  a  similar  er- 


1831.]  A  LOTTERY  FOR   BERTHS.  199 

rand  with  mine.  At  the  head  of  the  table  sat  a  young  man  of  thirty-two  or 
thirty-three,  of  dark  complexion  and  foreign  dress,  who  Stone  thought  was 
Major  Hamilton,  the  author  of  "  Cyril  Thornton,"  because  he  wore  mustaches, 
but  who  turned  out  to  be  an  attache  of  some  foreign  mission.  On  the  right 
was  a  gray-headed,  sensible  old  gentleman,  in  light-blue  coat,  with  prodigious 
ruffles  on  his  bosom  and  at  the  ends  of  his  sleeves.  This  was  the  Baron  Stackle- 
burgh,  minister  plenipotentiary  from  Sweden.  Near  him  was  Willis  the  poet. 

Thence  I  wended  my  way  to  the  steamboat,  and  we  were  off  at  five  o'clock. 
It  was  a  pleasant  sail  up  the  East  River,  into  the  Sound,  leaving  behind  the  city 
with  its  immense  piles  of  buildings,  passing  Harlem  and  the  beautiful  shore  of 
Long  Island,  with  its  villas  and  country-seats.  We  soon  arrived  at  Hell  Gate, 
but  the  tide  was  high,  and  we  passed  through  without  difficulty. 

Then  I  was  summoned,  with  all  the  other  passengers,  into  the  cabin,  to  attend 
to  the  distribution  of  the  berths.  The  manner  in  which  this  important  matter 
is  disposed  of  is  ludicrous.  About  one  hundred  passengers  were  gathered, 
seated  by  request,  in  four  rows.  Then  the  steward  came  along  between  the 
lines  and  counted  us ;  after  having  done  so  he  reported  to  the  captain.  Then 
the  captain  counted  the  tickets  purchased  and  paid  for.  He  observed  the  num 
bers  did  not  agree.  Then  we  were  requested  to  have  our  tickets  ready  to  deliver 
up  as  called  for.  The  steward  again  passed  the  lines  in  review,  and  received  the 
tickets,  and  carried  them  to  the  captain,  who  announced  that  still  the  numbers 
did  not  agree.  Anon  comes  the  steward,  and  counts  us  all  over  again.  Still 
one  ticket  was  missing.  In  a  loud  voice  he  inquired  if  there  were  any  gentle 
man  who  had  not  delivered  up  his  ticket.  No  reply  was  made ;  but  a  sup 
pressed  laugh  was  heard  along  the  lines.  "  Go  and  get  the  list  of  passengers," 
said  the  captain ;  "  I'll  count  once  more."  It  was  done ;  and  there  was  not 
harmony  of  numbers.  Then  the  list  was  read  off,  but  no  one  confessed  that  he 
had  suppressed  his  ticket.  u  Go,"  said  the  captain,  "  make  another  thorough 
search  on  deck ;  there  must  be  a  passenger  who  won't  deliver  up  his  ticket." 
While  the  steward  was  gone  on  this  searching  expedition,  complaints  and  laugh 
ter  among  the  imprisoned  passengers  became  rather  free  and  tumultuous.  He 
returned,  and  reported  that  he  found  no  delinquent.  The  captain  and  steward 
summed  up  their  book  once  more,  and  found,,  to  their  gratification,  that  they  had 
made  a  mistake  of  one  ticket.  This  important  business  being  disposed  of,  no 
other  preliminaries  occurred  to  prevent  distribution  of  lodgings  for  the  night. 
This  was  effected  on  the  principle  of  referring  it  to  chance.  A  number  of 
tickets,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  passengers,  were  put  into  a  hat ;  of  these 
a  number  said  to  be  equal  to  that  of  the  berths  were  prizes,  the  others  were 
blanks.  The  steward  drew  them  forth  and  distributed  them.  I,  of  course,  had 
a  blank ;  but  the  captain,  in  kind  recollection  of  Stone's  introduction,  took  my 
blank  ticket  privately,  and  gave  me  a  prize. 

Next  morning  I  awakened  at  five,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  River ; 
landed  at  Essex,  took  the  stage,  and  at  eleven  reached  Norwich,  which  is  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  towns  I  have  ever  seen.  About  as  large  as  Geneva,  it  is  built 
with  great  taste.  The  houses  are  principally  of  wood,  but  are  spacious,  and 
surrounded  by  trees  and  shrubbery.  Dr.  Tracy  took  me  out  to  show  me  the 
town,  and  a  picturesque  view  of  Chelsea. 

Afterward,  ascending  a  hill,  we  came  to  a  little  grove  of  forest-trees,  marked 
by  a  few  very  rough,  old-fashioned  gravestones.  We  got  out  of  the  chaise,  and 


200  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831, 

went  in.     "This,"  said  he,  "is  the  burying-grotmd  of  the  Uncases,  the  kings  of 
Mohican." 

It  is  truly  a  spot  for  a  royal  resting-place.  The  little  river  makes  up  to  its- 
very  base,  arched  with  forest-trees.  Up  this  river  the  royal  funeral  procession 
used  to  come  in  canoes.  You  can  imagine  the  scene  when,  quitting  their  canoes* 
the  Indians,  with  their  death-song  on  their  lips,  ascended  the  little  mount,  with 
the  remains  of  "the  last  of  the  Mohicans."  Many  of  the  inscriptions  are  illegi 
ble.  I  was  able  to  decipher  two  or  three  like  this  : 

Here  lies  ye  body  of  POMPEY  UNO  AS, 

Son  of  BENJAMIN  and  ANN  UNCAS, 

One  of  ye  royal  blood. 

Died  May  12,  1741, 
In  the  Xtfc  year  of  his  age. 

Others  were — to  the  memory  of  "  Samuel  Uncas,  second  and  beloved  son  of 
just  John  Uncas,"  and  young  "  Caesar  Jonas,  a  cousin  of  Uncas ;  "  and  then; 
this  epitaph  on  the  grave  of  the  chief  celebrated  by  Cooper  in  his  novel : 

1757. 

Here  lies  Uncas,  the  king  of  the  Mohicans. 

For  beauty,  wit,  and  sterling  sense, 

For  manners  mild,  for  eloquence, 

And  everything  that  is  Wauwegan, 

He  was  the  glory  of  Mohican ; 

And  his  death  has  caused  great  lamentation 

Both  in  the  English  and  the  Indian  nation. 

These  epitaphs  are  interesting  as  showing  how  easily  the  notions  of  the  early 
settlers  of  Connecticut  were  imbibed  by  the  honest  and  simple  race  of  the  Mo 
hicans.  The  poor  Indians  thus  took  the  idea  of  the  peculiar  merit  of  royal 
blood,  and  transferred  its  praise,  just  as  civilized  men  do,  to  the  tombstones  of 
those  who,  whatever  other  merit  they  have,  acknowledge  none  so  great  as  that 
of  relationship  to  him  who  "  rules  by  divine  right." 

I  was  much  and  painfully  interested  by  the  doctor's  story  of  a  Mohican  who- 
was  educated,  had  property,  married  a  white  woman,  had  two  daughters,  waa 
exemplary  as  a  man,  a  citizen,  and  a  Christian,  but  whose  death  was  hastened 
by  the  seduction  of  his  two  daughters  by  white  men.  What  sin  is  there  that 
white  men  have  not  committed  against  this  simple  race  ? 

PROVIDENCE,  E.  I.,  September  llth. 

Yesterday  morning  I  took  the  stage,  and  arrived  in  this  city  at  nine  last 
evening.  The  country  is  rocky  and  uninteresting,  resembling  the  rocky  part  of 
Orange  County.  Our  route  was  from  Norwich  to  Jewett  City,  thence  to 
Plainfield,  where  we  left  Connecticut  and  entered  this  State,  which  I  have 
traversed  from  west  to  east. 

This  city  contains  about  twenty  thousand  inhabitants,  is  situated  on  both 
sides  of  the  Providence  Kiver,  is  built  principally  of  wood,  but  is  beautiful,  and 
is  more  rural  in  its  appearance  than  our  towns  and  villages.  I  came  to  the 
"  Roger  Williams  Hotel,"  an  excellent  and  spacious  establishment.  This  morn 
ing  I  strolled  over  the  town,  up  to  the  college-yard,  and  along  the  wharves, 
through  streets  well  paved  and  perfectly  clean,  with  buildings  of  granite,  brick, 
and  stone,  all  apparently  new  and  in  good  order.  There  is  nowhere  anything 
to  offend  the  eye.  The  wharves  are  clean ;  even  the  shipping  seems  bright  or 
newer  than  that  in  other  towns. 


1831.]  BOSTON  SCENES  AND   MEMORIES.  201 

As  I  came  along  the  wharves  I  saw  a  white  flag  rigged  upon  the  mast  of  a 
schooner,  called  the  Richard  Rush,  with  the  inscription  "  Bethel."  A  crowd 
of  sailors  and  others  were  gathered  on  the  deck,  listening  with  close  attention 
to  a  young  preacher. 

I  went  on  to  the  Episcopal  Church,  where  I  made  my  morning  devotions. 
I  could  not  but  observe,  as  we  came  to  the  prayer  for  "  all  those  who  travel  by 
land  or  by  water,"  the  advantages  of  the  Liturgy  over  the  often  confused  and 
extravagant  prayers  of  other  denominations.  I  need  not  tell  you  how  strange 
it  seemed  to  hear  the  clergyman,  just  before  reading  the  first  psalm,  announce  : 
"I  publish  the  bans  of  matrimony  between  A  B,  of  Boston,  and  0  D,  of 
this  town ;  if  any  of  you  know  of  any  just  cause  or  impediment  why  these 
persons  should  not  be  joined  in  the  bans  of  holy  wedlock,  ye  are  to  make  it 
known — this  is  the  first  time  of  asking."  Yet  such  is  the  form  still  observed  here. 

After  dinner  I  made  my  way  to  the  door  of  a  Baptist  church,  almost  the 
largest  I  had  ever  seen  (this  town  was  settled  by  the  Baptists).  While  stand 
ing  at  the  door  Dr.  Wayland,  the  president  of  the  college,  came  along.  He 
having  been  a  tutor  at  Schenectady  while  I  was  a  student  there,  we  imme 
diately  renewed  our  acquaintance.  He  gave  me  a  seat,  and  I  heard  him  preach 
a  most  excellent  sermon  on  the  doctrine  of  "  original  sin,"  in  which  his  argu 
ment  was,  not  that  we  participate  in  Adam's  guilt,  or  that  we  suffer  punish 
ment  for  it,  but  that,  in  consequence  of  his  sinning,  we  sin  and  suffer  its  fruits, 
unless  we  repent. 

After  church  he  invited  me  home  to  tea  with  him.  He  was  learned,  clear, 
and  rational ;  and  now,  I  think,  he  stands  deservedly  at  the  head  of  the  clergy 
of  his  denomination. 

BOSTON,  September  \Uh. 

I  left  Providence  yesterday  at  seven.  The  distance  to  Boston  was  forty-five 
miles.  There  were  in  the  stage  two  ladies,  one  from  Providence,  and  one  from 
Boston,  the  husband  of  the  latter,  two  Quakers  from  Bristol,  New  Jersey,  and  two 
other  passengers.  We  discoursed  on  all  subjects — cities,  politics,  men,  women, 
roads,  bridges,  stages,  fashions,  novels,  poetry,  printing,  etc.  They  gave  me 
instructions  what  to  look  at  when  I  should  arrive  in  Boston,  commended  me  to 
the  Tremont  House,  and  showed  an  interest  in  my  being  comfortably  bestowed 
and  agreeably  entertained  at  the  city  of  their  pride.  We  separated,  with  a  hos 
pitable  invitation  from  the  gentleman  to  visit  his  house. 

The  Tremont  House  is  now  "the  rage"  in  the  United  States.  Of  course,  I 
could  not  get  into  it,  except  into  No.  96,  containing  six  beds,  with  the  promise 
of  having  a  private  room  next  day.  Behold  me,  then,  with  my  trunk  placed  at 
the  foot  of  cot  No.  6,  in  room  No.  96,  meditating  how  and  where  to  begin  my 
tour  of  duty  and  observation. 

The  dinner  was  served  with  ceremony ;  but  who  cares  for  dinners  ?  Not 
you  nor  I.  So  let  it  be  noted  that  it  was  very  splendid,  and  we  pass  on.  I 
found,  by  the  aid  of  the  directory,  the  residence  of  my  old  friend  Dr.  Phelps,  who 
was  a  delegate  to  the  Philadelphia  Convention. 

While  we  were  sitting  there,  the  noise  of  drums,  trumpets,  and  clarions,  an 
nounced  the  parade  on  the  occasion  of  the  departure  of  two  elegant  new  stand 
ards,  presented  by  the  young  men  of  Boston  to  Poland.  We  went  forth  to  see 
it,  and  a  fine  spectacle  it  was;  the  military  with  "pomp  and  circumstance"  and 
in  strong  force.  The  standards  were  rich  in  Latin  and  gold,  and,  as  the  assem 
bled  ten  thousand  people  shouted,  one  could  not  but  share  in  the  aspiration 


202  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

that  these  encouraging  gifts  might  reach  the  Poles  before  they  should  be  sub 
dued.  All  the  ladies  of  Boston  were  in  the  windows,  and  the  gentlemen  in  the 
streets ;  and  all  the  rest  of  the  people  were  there  also. 

As  I  stood  gazing  at  the  parade,  Dr.  Phelps  said,  "  You  are  now  standing 
upon  the  ground  on  which  was  committed  the  Boston  massacre,  in  1V70 ;  "  and, 
truly,  nearly  every  part  of  the  town  seems  classic  ground. 

After  the  procession,  I  called  on  several  persons.  I  found  matters,  as  con 
cerned  my  mission,  more  favorable  than  I  anticipated.  As  to  all  that  relates  to 
this,  I  have  reported  to  those  who  sent  me  here ;  and  you  will  not  desire  to 
be  troubled  with  allusions  to  it,  for,  though  a  very  good  Antimason,  you  are, 
with  all  due  deference  be  it  said,  madam,  not  particularly  distinguished  as  a 
politician. 

In  the  evening  I  went  to  the  Antimasonic  committee-room,  where,  it  being 
the  anniversary  of  the  abduction  of  Morgan,  an  energetic  harangue  was  pro 
nounced  by  Dr.  Porter,  after  which  Mr.  Walker  made  a  very  animated  speech, 
announcing,  at  his  conclusion,  my  arrival  and  presence,  in  very  laudatory  strains, 
and  calling  on  me  for  some  remarks.  The  chairman,  a  venerable  man  of  seven 
ty,  added  the  expression  of  a  similar  request,  and  I  had  to  take  the  floor.  I  said 
some  things,  loose  and  desultory  enough,  I  fear ;  but  the  meeting  were  too  civil 
not  to  express  their  gratification.  I  went  home,  laid  myself  down  on  cot  No.  6, 
in  room  No.  96,  and  said  to  myself,  "  Harry  Seward,  is  this  your  own  self,  preach 
ing  politics  in  the  city  of  Boston  ? " 

This  evening  I  found  my  oration  in  the  newspapers  of  Providence  and  Bos 
ton,  spread  out  with  much  commendation. 

I  rose  at  half-past  five,  and  dispatched  my  letters  before  breakfast.  Dr. 
Phelps  called  for  me,  and  we  walked  to  the  State-House.  It  fronts  upon  the 
Mall,  which  is  a  walk  of  forty  feet  in  width,  inclosing  a  park,  containing  seventy 
acres,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  city  and  with  good,  large  old  elms  shading  a  clear 
living  pond  of  fresh  water  in  the  centre.  The  State  officers  politely  showed  me 
through  the  legislative  halls  and  offices,  all  of  which  are  not  superior  in  appear 
ance  to  those  at  Albany.  "We  went  into  the  cupola,  from  which  is  a  picturesque 
and  beautiful  view.  Every  point,  every  side  of  Boston  was  within  my  sight — the 
fine  rivers,  the  bay,  the  ocean,  and  villages  and  villas  for  a  dozen  miles  round,  in 
every  direction.  On  one  side  was  Bunker  Hill,  through  all  time  to  be  celebrated 
as  the  spot  where  the  first  great  battle  of  the  Revolution  was  fought. 

What  a  host  of  glowing  memories  passed  through  my  mind,  as  I  thought  of 
the  sturdy  farmers  and  townsmen  who,  without  an  army,  without  arms,  with 
out  money,  without  generals,  without  organization,  without  determination  of 
ultimate  purpose,  intrenched  themselves  on  this  height  to  resist  the  legions  of 
Old  England ! 

There  was  Charlestown,  right  before  me,  which  was  burned  to  ashes — there 
was  the  place  where  the  British  army  were  encamped — "  There,"  said  Dr.  Phelps, 
"  where  you  yesterday  saw  American  troops  performing  a  rite  in  the  name  and 
service  of  liberty,  I  myself  saw  General  Gage  march  in,  with  the  British  troops, 
fifty  and  more  years  ago,  to  quell  the  factious  spirit  then  called  '  insurrection.' " 

Off  beyond  was  Lexington,  that  spot  where  blood  was  first  spilled  in  •  the 
cause  of  liberty ;  beneath  us  was  the  venerable  mansion  formerly  inhabited  by 
John  Hancock,  worth  then  a  million,  all  of  which  was  spent  in  the  cause  of 
freedom.  Dr.  Phelps  said  that  Mrs.  Hancock,  who  died  but  a  few  years  ago,  at 


1831.]  THE  STATE-HOUSE.  203 

the  age  of  ninety,  had  often  told  him  how,  when  the  French  fleet  and  army  came 
to  the  assistance  of  America,  notice  was  brought  at  two  o'clock  one  morning  to 
her  husband  that  the  French  officers  would  breakfast  with  him ;  and  how,  on 
that  short  notice,  she,  good  lady,  sent  out  to  her  Whig  neighbors  for  help  and 
provisions ;  and  at  eight  breakfast  was  given  to  three  hundred. 

Off  on  the  right  was  the  monument  which  covers  the  remains  of  the  father 
and  mother  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  Down  in  a  low,  obscure  spot  was  the  resi 
dence  of  Samuel  Adams,  who,  with  John  Hancock,  were  the  only  two  for  whom 
Governor  Gage  refused  to  allow  hope  of  pardon  if  they  would  surrender. 

Among  the  archives  of  the  State-House  are  preserved  a  brass  drum,  a  mon 
strous  sword,  a  grenadier's  cap,  and  a  musket,  taken  from  the  Hessians  at  the 
battle  of  Bennin^ton,  with  the  vote  of  thanks  passed  by  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts  to  General  Stark  for  these  trophies.  Here,  also,  was  a  monu 
ment  now  taken  from  its  place,  but  the  slabs  of  which  are  preserved  and  placed 
in  the  hall,  from  which  I  copied  for  you  the  inscription  : 

To  .  commemorate 

That .  train  .  of .  events  .  which  .  led 
To  .  the  .  American  .  Revolution 

And  .  finally  .  secured 

Liberty  .  and  .  Independence 

To  .  the  .  United  .  States 

This  .  column  .  is  .  erected 

By  .  the  voluntary  .  contribution 

Of .  the  .  citizens  .  of .  Boston 

MDCCXC 

On  the  other  side  is  a  recapitulation  of  the  leading  events  of  that  period, 
thus: 

Stamp  Act  passed,  1765  ;  repealed,  1766. 

Board  of  Customs  established,  1767. 
British  troops  fired  on  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  March  5, 1770. 

Tea  Act  passed,  1773. 

Tea  destroyed  in  Boston,  December  16th. 

Port  of  Boston  shut  and  guarded,  June,  1774. 

General  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  September  4th. 

Provincial  Congress  at  Concord,  October  llth. 

Battle  of  Lexington,  April  19, 1875. 

Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  June  17th. 

"Washington  took  command  of  the  army,  July  2d. 

Boston  evacuated,  March  17, 1776. 
Independence  declared  by  Congress,  July  4,  1776 ; 

Hancock,  President. 

Capture  of  Hessians  at  Trenton,  December  26, 1776. 

Capture  of  Hessians  at  Bennington,  August  16,  1777. 

Capture  of  British  army  at  Saratoga,  October  17th. 

Alliance  with  France,  February  6, 1777. 
Confederacy  of  United  States  formed,  July  9th. 

Constitution  of  Massachusetts  formed,  1780  ;  Bowdoin,  President  of  CounoaL 
Capture  of  British  army  at  Yorktown,  October  19, 1781. 

Preliminaries  of  Peace,  November  30, 1782. 

Federal  Constitution  formed,  September  10,  1787. 

Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  September  11,  1783. 

New  Congress  assembled  at  New  York,  April  6,  1790. 

Washington  inaugurated  President,  April  30. 

Public  debts  funded,  August  4,  1790. 


204  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

On  the  fourth  side  is  the  following  inscription  : 

Americans, 

While  from  this  eminence 
Scenes  of  luxuriance,  fertility, 

Of  flourishing  commerce, 

And  the  abodes  of  social  happiness, 

Meet  your  view, 

Forget  not  those 

Who  by  their  exertions 

Have  secured  to  you 

These  blessings. 

la  a  kind  of  temple,  standing  within  the  great  entrance  to  the  State-House,  is 
a  marble  statue  of  George  Washington,  executed  by  Chantrey,  which  cost  ten 
thousand  dollars. 

Within  sight  from  where  we  stood  was  the  old  South  Church,  where  the 
people  of  Boston  resolved  that  they  would  not  receive  the  tea  on  which  the 
British  Parliament  had  laid  the  duty  of  three  cents  per  pound.  Just  beside  it 
was  the  place  where  the  Whigs  disguised  themselves  as  Indians,  and  just  before 
us  lay  the  wharf  where  they  threw  the  tea  overboard  into  the  harbor. 

Nor  must  I  forget  to  mention  that  in  the  State-House  are  preserved  pictures, 
made  in  1740,  of  the  governors  and  clergymen  of  Massachusetts;  among  others, 
that  of  Governor  Winthrop,  mentioned  in  "  Hope  Leslie."  What  think  you  of  a 
clergyman  with  his  hair  cut  off  close,  and  a  black  cap  over  his  head,  or  a  gov 
ernor  with  mustaches,  and  one  long  tuft  of  beard  depending  from  the  centre  of 
his  chin  ? 

We  went  next  to  Faneuil  Hall,  from  whence  proceeded  the  groans  which 
aroused  the  sympathy  of  the  colonies,  the  bold  denunciation  which  startled  King 
George  and  his  Parliament,  the  manly  appeals  which  gained  the  admiration  of 
Europe,  and  the  thunders  which  roused  the  people  of  America  to  resistance.  I 
stood  on  the  spot  where  Hancock  presided,  and  where  John  Adams  and  Samuel 
Adams  spoke.  The  room  is  decorated  with  a  large  portrait  of  General  Washing 
ton,  resting  upon  his  horse  and  watching  the  passage  of  the  Delaware  at  Trenton. 
It  was  executed  by  Stuart,  and  is  said  to  be  the  best  likeness  ever  made  of  the 
great  man  of  the  world.  What  would  I  not  give  to  be  able  to  say  I  saw  Wash 
ington,  as  did  the  old  man  who  had  charge  of  the  room  !  He  remarked,  "The 
picture  has  one  fault,  Washington's  knees  were  not  so  small."  There  was  over 
the  chair  a  portrait  of  John  Adams,  "  looking  just  the  same,"  said  the  old  man, 
"as  he  did  when  I  last  saw  him  at  Quincy,  a  few  weeks  before  his  death." 
There  is  a  picture  also  of  John  Hancock,  at  his  desk  examining  his  ledger ;  an 
excellent  picture  of  General  Knox,  and  another  of  General  Washington,  both 
painted  by  Mr.  Copley,  father  of  the  late  Lord  Chancellor  of  Great  Britain. 

Going  down,  this  afternoon,  to  take  the  stage  for  Quincy,  my  guide  pointed 
out  to  me  a  cannon-ball  projecting  from  the  wall  of  a  church,  in  the  very  spot 
where  it  was  lodged  when  thrown  from  a  mortar  in  Charlestown,  early  in  the 

Revolution. 

QUINOY,  September  14£A. 

Nothing  I  have  seen  is  so  beautiful  as  the  environs  of  Boston.  This  place  is 
distant  from  the  city  ten  miles,  and  very  rural  in  its  appearance.  The  mansion- 
house,  in  which  died  one  man  who  had  been  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  which  is  now  occupied  by  his  son,  who  has  held  the  same  exalted  station,  is 


1881.]  JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS.  205 

a  plain,  two-story  building,  about  sixty  feet  long,  with  a  few  venerable  trees  be 
fore  it,  and  two  doors  of  entrance  in  front.  An  old-fashioned  knocker  brought 
a  servant,  who  said,  "The  President  has  walked  up  to  his  brother's,  who  is 
sick."  Would  he  be  in  soon?  "  Probably  not  before  nine.  He  walks  there 
every  evening,  and  stays  one  or  two  hours.  He  will  be  in  in  the  morning ;  he 
is  always  at  home  in  the  daytime."  I  left  my  card,  saying  I  would  call  in  the 
morning.  A  little  girl  about  five  years  old,  who  was  standing  near,  bade  me 
ugood-by."  I  happened  not  distinctly  to  understand  her;  she  repeated  it,  and 
repeated  it  until  she  arrested  my  attention,  just  as  I  was  going  out  of  the  gate. 
I  asked  her  whether  she  would  come  and  kiss  me  ?  She  ran  and  gave  me  a 
kiss,  bade  me  good-by,  and  I  left  the  house  thinking  of  her  venerable  grand 
father,  the  most  excellent  but  the  most  wronged  man  of  the  age. 

Wednesday. 

I  spent  my  hours  before  breakfast  this  morning  in  a  ramble  through  the 
churchyard,  looking  at  the  monuments.  I  discovered  several  substantial  ones 
erected  to  the  memory  of  his  ancestors  by  a  grandson,  and  a  great-grandson,  and 
a  great-great-grandson  (John  Quincy  Adams),  whose  name  was  not  expressed ; 
and  on  one  of  the  monuments  it  was  stated  of  the  deceased  that  he  was  "the 
father  of  John  Adams,"  and  "  the  grandfather  of  the  lawyer  John  Adams." 

Thus  the  burying-ground  gives,  in  the  most  unobtrusive  manner,  the  geneal 
ogy  of  the  Adams  family,  without  a  word  laudatory  of  either  of  the  Presidents. 
Having  obtained  the  key  of  the  meeting-house,  I  entered  it,  and  there  found 
the  well-known  inscription  upon  a  plain  marble  monument  in  the  wall,  sur 
mounted  by  a  bust  of  John  Adams,  and  closing  with  the  lines : 

From  lives  thus  spent  thy  earthly  duties  learn ; 
From  fancy's  dreams  to  active  duty  turn, 
Let  freedom,  friendship,  faith,  thy  soul  engage, 
And  serve,  like  them,  thy  country  and  thy  age. 

And  now  from  the  dead  we  turn  to  the  living  greatness  of  Quincy.  At  nine 
o'clock  I  was  shown  into  the  house,  and  waited  in  the  parlor  till  I  was  an 
nounced.  The  house  is  very  plain  and  old-fashioned ;  no  Turkey  carpeting,  no 
pier-tables,  no  "  pillar-and-claw  pianos."  Very  plain  ingrain  carpeting  covered 
the  floor,  very  plain  paper  on  the  walls ;  modern  but  plain  mahogany  chairs, 
and  a  piano  about  like  yours,  composed  the  simple  furniture  of  the  room,  ex 
cept  an  ancient  portrait  of  General  Washington,  another  of  Mrs.  Washington, 
one  of  Jefferson,  and  one  of  John  Adams. 

A  short,  rather  corpulent  man,  of  sixty  and  upward,  came  down  the  stairs 
and  approached  me.  He  was  bald,  his  countenance  was  staid,  sober,  almost  to 
gloom  or  sorrow,  and  hardly  gave  indication  of  his  superiority  over  other  men. 
His  eyes  were  weak  and  inflamed.  He  was  dressed  in  an  olive  frock-coat,  a  cravat 
carelessly  tied,  and  old-fashioned,  light-colored  vest  and  pantaloons.  It  was 
obvious  that  he  was  a  student,  just  called  from  the  labors  of  his  closet.  With 
out  courtly  air  or  attitude,  he  paused  at  the  door  of  the  parlor.  I  walked  quite 
np  to  him,  while  he  maintained  his  immovable  attitude,  and  presented  my  letter 
of  introduction  from  Tracy.  He  asked  me  to  sit,  read  the  letter,  said  he  was 
happy  to  see  me,  sat  down  in  the  next  chair,  inquired  with  the  earnestness  of  a 
particular  friend  concerning  Tracy's  health,  my  arrival,  etc.,  expressed  a  strong 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

desire  that  he  might  see  him,  and  then  ensued  a  pause.  I  alluded  to  my  busi 
ness  of  seeing  the  prominent  Antimasons  of  Boston,  and  stated  that  I  was  to 
have  heen  a  companion  of  Tracy.  "  Yes,"  said  he,  "  Mr.  Tracy  was  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  outrage  in  your  State,  and  his  attention  was,  therefore,  early 
drawn  to  the  subject ;  and  his  principles  are  too  honest  and  correct  not  to  deter 
mine  him  to  take  the  right  side."  u  A  fortunate  coincidence  of  opinion,"  thought 
I,  "both  as  to  my  principles  and  my  friend."  He  spoke  of  freemasonry,  said  he 
had  not  wished  to  do  anything  which  would  injure  Mr.  Clay's  prospect  of  ob 
taining  the  presidency,  and  had  therefore  been  restrained.  He  had  long  felt 
an  anxious  desire  to  discharge  the  duty  which  devolved  upon  him  in  relation  to 
freemasonry ;  but,  situated  as  he  was,  had  hoped  that  other  and  younger  men 
enough  would  engage  in  the  cause  to  dispense  with  his  exertions.  But  he  was 
satisfied  this  was  a  crisis  which  required  every  man  to  do  his  duty,  and  he  should 
not  shrink  from  his.  He  regretted  that  Mr.  Clay  had  not  been  advised  by  him 
and  by  Mr.  Rush  to  abandon  the  order ;  but  he  would  not  be  so  advised,  and 
that  was  his  misfortune ;  but  the  right  cause  must  not  be  sacrificed. 

He  spoke  enthusiastically  of  Rush  ;  said  Rush  sent  him  copies  of  his  letters 
before  they  were  published  ;  that  he  advised  him  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  presi 
dency,  but  he  declined,  and  now  he  (Adams)  regretted  it.  He  said  he  should 
have  more  confidence  in  Rush  than  in  Clay  as  President,  and  thought  him,  on 
the  whole,  superior  to  Clay.  He  spoke  of  Calhoun  as  a  man  possessed  of  great 
and  splendid  powers,  having  the  capacity  greatly  to  serve  his  country,  but  in 
sincere,  and  possessing  "  the  sin  of  unchastened  ambition."  He  hoped  Calhoun 
would  retrieve  his  condition,  adopt  better  principles,  and  yet  be  useful  to  his 
country. 

He  spoke  of  General  Jackson  and  the  Seminole  War  without  one  word  of 
reserve,  or  bitterness,  or  unkindness ;  thought  his  Administration  ruinous,  but 
still  doubted  not  that  he  would  be  reflected.  Of  John  McLean  he  spoke, 
though  not  warmly.  Of  himself,  he  said  that  he  would  not  desire  to  be  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  again,  though  he  should  have  the  assurance  of  a 
unanimous  vote.  He  had  had  the  office ;  he  knew  its  duties,  privations,  enjoy 
ments,  perplexities,  and  vexations ;  but  if  the  Antimasons  thought  his  nomi 
nation  would  be  better  than  any  other,  he  would  not  decline.  He  had  not, 
as  a  citizen,  a  right  to  decline;  but  hoped  they  would  not  mention  him,  except 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  the  best  candidate.  He  said  he  should  write  in  favor 
of  Antimasonry.  He  knew  what  the  opposing  party  would  say— they  would 
impeach  his  motives  ;  he  did  not  care  for  that ;  he  was  accustomed  to  it ;  he  was 
callous  to  it.  He  spoke  with  great  freedom  of  Daniel  Webster,  as  a  very  great 
man,  etc. 

Our  interview  lasted  three  hours ;  he  was  all  the  time  plain,  honest,  and  free, 
in  his  discourse ;  but  with  hardly  a  ray  of  animation  or  feeling  in  the  whole  of 
it.  In  short,  he  was  just  exactly  what  I  before  supposed  he  was,  a  man  to  be 
respected  for  his  talents,  admired  for  his  learning,  honored  for  his  integrity  and 
simplicity,  but  hardly  possessing  traits  of  character  to  inspire  a  stranger 
with  affection.  Occasionally,  indeed,  he  rose  into  a  temporary  earnestness  ;  and 
then  a  flash  of  ingenuous  ardor  was  seen,  but  it  was  transitory,  and  all  was  cool, 
regular,  and  deliberate.  When  I  left  him  he  thanked  me  for  the  call,  expressed 
a  hope  of  seeing  Tracy ;  and,  if  he  should  come  to  Boston,  he  would  call  on  me ; 
and  so  we  parted ;  and,  as  I  left  the  house,  I  thought  I  could  plainly  answer 


1881.]  JOSEPH   BONAPARTE.  207 

how  it  happened  that  he,  the  best  President  since  Washington,  entered  and  left 
the  office  with  so  few  devoted  personal  friends. 

September  19th. 

On  returning  from  Quincy,  I  finished  and  dispatched  my  letter  to  you,  after 
having  received  a  dozen  letters  from  everywhere.  I  went  in  the  evening  to  the 
theatre ;  saw  young  Kean  and  a  tolerably  full  house.  The  next  day  Mr.  Gassett 
called  with  a  gig.  I  rode  with  him  to  the  university  at  Cambridge ;  traversed 
the  halls,  library,  chapel,  etc. ;  called  on  Dr.  Waterhouse,  who  cordially  wel 
comed  me.  I  told  him  how  much  I  was  pleased  with  his  work  on  the  subject 
of  Junius.  He  showed  me  a  congratulatory  and  beautiful  letter  from  James 
Madison.  I  went  home  by  the  way  of  Bunker  Hill;  saw  the  half -finished 
monument  and  the  scenes  of  many  interesting  incidents  in  the  Revolutionary 
War ;  at  night,  visited  Mr.  Odion,  a  merchant,  who  entertained  a  number  of 
our  friends  with  myself  very  hospitably ;  talked  politics  till  eleven,  then  went 
home  to  my  lodgings.  The  next  day  I  devoted  to  business ;  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  it  all  do  well ;  dropped  into  the  Athenaeum ;  went  in  the  evening  to  the 
theatre ;  saw  Hackett  enter  upon  the  character  of  Solomon  Swap ;  was  called 
off  to  go  to  a  political  meeting ;  spoke  to  them  half  an  hour,  by  solemn  invi 
tation.  Next  morning  I  took  the  stage  at  five  o'clock ;  took  the  boat  at  Provi 
dence  at  one ;  and  yesterday  arrived  at  New  York. 

The  Baltimore  Convention  was  now  at  hand,  and  Seward  went, 
as  a  delegate,  to  attend  it. 

October  2d. 

I  left  Albany  on  Wednesday  afternoon,  reached  New  York  the  next  morn 
ing,  and  set  out  at  six  o'clock  on  the  steamboat  for  Philadelphia.  The  weather 
was  cold  and  wet,  and  the  journey  quite  uncomfortable.  Many  delegates  were 
on  board.  The  route  to  Philadelphia  is  by  steamboat,  forty-five  miles,  to  New 
Brunswick,  on  the  Raritan  River ;  then  twenty-six  miles  across  the  country,  by 
stage,  through  Princeton  to  Trenton  on  the  Delaware;  thence  down  the  Dela 
ware,  by  steamboat,  about  thirty  miles,  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

At  Bordentown,  a  few  miles  below  Trenton,  is  the  seat  of  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
who  has  secured  in  this  country  an  asylum  from  the  storms  of  the  Old  World, 
and  has  brought  with  him  wealth  which,  it  is  said,  is  used  with  munificence  not 
unworthy  of  a  king.  You  recollect  that  he  was  made,  by  his  brother  Napoleon, 
King  of  Spain,  and  was  not  an  unimportant,  though  at  times  an  ineffective, 
auxiliary  in  Napoleon's  stupendous  operations.  It  must  be  now  fourteen  or 
fifteen  years  since  he  came  to  this  country  to  reside,  during  all  which  time  he 
has  demeaned  himself  as  a  quiet  and  inoffensive  citizen ;  and  at  no  time  has  any 
aspiration  on  his  part  for  a  reentrance  upon  the  busy  theatre  of  French  politics 
become  public,  save  when,  on  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  revolution  in  July, 
1830,  and  at  the  time  of  the  establishment  of  the  new  dynasty,  he  issued  a 
manifesto,  in  which  he  asserted  the  right  of  the  young  Napoleon  to  the  French 
throne ;  doubtless  in  the  hope  that  it  might  excite  grateful  recollections  of  the 
emperor  among  the  French,  and  prepare  the  way  for  reestablishing  the  Bona 
parte  family.  The  manifesto  hardly  escaped  ridicule  in  this  country,  and  in 
France  fell  upon  a  people  who  seemed  to  regard  it  with  indifference. 

The  Raritan  River  is  little  less  than  a  bay,  or  arm  of  the  sea,  extending  forty 


208  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1831. 

or  fifty  miles  into  New  Jersey,  and  flowing  through  low  land  covered  with  wild 
salt  grass.  The  banks  of  the  river  are  destitute  of  beauty.  The  Delaware, 
below  Trenton,  flows  through  a  tract  of  finely-improved  land,  with  few  natural 
objects  of  sublimity  or  interest,  but  has  several  beautiful  towns  upon  its  banks, 
composed  principally  of  summer  residences  of  the  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia. 
We  reached  Philadelphia  at  seven  in  the  evening,  slept  at  the  United  States 
Hotel,  and  were  roused  at  five  by  the  summons  to  the  steamboat.  We  set  off  at  six 
o'clock,  and  floated  down  the  Delaware  till  we  reached  the  mouth  of  a  fine  ship- 
canal,  of  about  fifteen  miles  in  length,  crossing  which  we  were  in  Chesapeake 
Bay,  where  we  found  the  Charles  Carroll,  a  large  and  handsome  steamboat.  In 
her  we  proceeded  down  that  beautiful  sheet  of  water,  seeming  like  a  lake,  twelve 
or  fourteen  miles  wide,  till,  in  a  sequestered  cove,  we  found  stretched  before  us 
the  city  of  Baltimore,  of  which  the  most  prominent  point  is,  as  it  should  be,  a 
monument  to  Washington.  I  found  a  room  in  the  third  story  at  Barnum's. 

Now,  if  it  were  an  agreeable  subject,  I  would  describe  to  you  all  the  bustle, 
excitement,  collision,  irritation,  enunciation,  suspicion,  confusion,  obstinacy, 
foolhardiness,  and  humor,  of  a  convention  of  one  hundred  and  thirteen  men, 
from  twelve  different  States,  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candi 
dates  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

But  I  pass  over  that,  and  the  results  you  know  already.  The  convention 
adjourned  on  Wednesday  night  at  twelve.  The  next  day  I  called,  in  company 
with  several  of  the  delegates,  upon  Mr.  Wirt,  and  found  him  one  of  the  most 
interesting,  amiable,  and  intelligent  men  I  have  ever  met. 

Thursday,  October  Qth. 

Do  you  remember  my  writing  to  you  a  long  letter,  last  winter,  about  Colo 
nel  Burr  and  Blennerhasset  ?  If  you  will  look  up  again  the  old  trial  of  Burr, 
you  will  find  there  the  speech  of  Mr.  Wirt,  and,  when  you  have  read  that,  rum 
mage  over  your  father's  library  until  you  find  "The  British  Spy"  and  "The 
Old  Bachelor,"  and  look  over  them,  and  say  if  you  do  not  share  in  the  pride  of 
the  Antimasons  in  having  Mr.  Wirt  for  their  candidate.  It  is  cheering  to  them 
to  find  their  cause  manfully  and  zealously  espoused  by  three  so  pure,  so  able, 
so  illustrious  men  as  John  Quincy  Adams,  Eichard  Kush,  and  William  Wirt. 
I  have  never  seen  our  friends  when  they  felt  so  enthusiastic.  I  am  almost  the 
only  one  here  who,  wishing  Wirt  to  be  elected,  am  not  sanguine  in  the  hope  that 
he  will  be. 

Coming  up  the  river,  the  other  night,  a  man  fell  overboard  from  the  steam 
boat.  There  was  a  fearful  moment  of  uncertainty  as  to  who  it  might  be ;  and 
if  every  passenger  on  board  the  boat  thought  and  felt  as  I  did,  he  thought  only 
of  that  person,  nearest  and  dearest  to  himself,  who  was  among  the  passengers. 
Tedious  minutes  elapsed  until  it  was  known.  I  cannot  describe  to  you  the 
intense,  painful  anxiety  that  bound  in  silence  all  the  crowd,  which  looked  upon 
the  man,  as  he  seemed  to  stand  erect  in  the  water,  waiting,  and  waiting,  and 
waiting  for  the  boats  to  approach  him.  What  a  possession  is  human  life,  to  be 
exposed  to  such  hazards ;  and  what  must  have  been  the  solicitude  of  that  poor 
mortal,  while  the  boats  were  getting  toward  him !  And  yet,  had  he  sunk  be 
neath  the  waves,  to  rise  no  more,  what  would  it  have  been  but  hastening  for  a 
few  days,  or  months,  or  years,  a  catastrophe  which  is  inevitable ;  and  how  very 
soon  would  the  surface  of  human  society,  momentarily  agitated  by  the  event 


1832.]  SPEECH   ON  THE   UNITED  STATES  BANK.  209 

like  the  face  of  the  waters  disturbed  by  his  struggles,  have  become  smooth  and 
borne  no  trace  of  the  commotion ! 


CHAPTER  VII. 
1832. 

Legislative  Debates. — Speech  on  the  United  States  Bank. — Railroads. — General  Eoot  and 
the  Regency.— Boyish  Memories.— Ways  of  the  Lobbyists.— The  Address.— The 
Greeks. 

ANOTHER  session  was  now  at  hand.  Established  for  the  winter, 
with  his  family,  in  Albany,  Seward  wrote  describing  their  hotel-life  : 

It  has  been  intensely  cold  since  we  arrived  here,  the  mercury  standing,  last 
week,  at  sixteen  below  zero.  The  wind  has  blown  a  hurricane  for  the  two  days 
past ;  snow  and  sand  filled  the  air ;  nothing  was  to  be  seen  from  the  windows 
but  half-frozen  men  hauling  wood  at  ten  dollars  a  cord,  except,  indeed,  that 
night  before  last  a  fire  threw  its  lurid  glare  over  the  city,  and  yesterday,  in  the 
midst  of  the  storm,  the  procession  of  a  funeral  passed  before  us.  Nobody 
moved  without-doors  that  could  avoid  it. 

Though  our  parlor  is  but  twelve  feet  square,  a  bureau,  two  tables,  four 
chairs,  and  a  coal-scuttle,  constituting  its  furniture,  the  wind  whistled  through 
the  door-cracks,  and  we  drew  our  table  up  to  within  two  feet  of  the  coal-grate 
to  write,  but  between-whiles  stopping  to  warm  our  hands. 

But  to-day  the  wind  has  fallen,  the  sun  shines,  the  bells  ring,  and  the  streets 
are  enlivened  by  the  cheerful  gathering  of  people  at  church. 

The  United  States  Bank  question  had  begun  to  loom  up  as  a  com 
ing  political  issue.  The  petition  of  the  bank  for  a  continuance  of  its 
chartered  rights  lay  upon  the  table  of  a  Congress  known  to  be  fa 
vorable  to  its  request.  But  the  President's  hostility  had  already 
been  foreshadowed.  The  Jackson  party,  in  the  Legislature  at  Albany, 
followed  the  Executive  lead,  and  a  resolution  denouncing  the  bank 
was  introduced  in  the  Senate.  Maynard  opposed  it  with  his  usual 
eloquence.  Seward  followed  on  the  same  side.  His  speech  on  the  31st 
of  January  was  the  prominent  event  of  his  legislative  life  during  the 
year.  His  previous  modest  efforts  on  the  floor  had  made  a  favorable 
impression,  and  the  news  that  he  was  to  make  an  elaborate  speech 
brought  an  unusual  audience  to  the  cramped  space  allotted  to  specta 
tors  in  the  chamber.  He  began  : 

War,  sir,  is  a  grievous  calamity.  Consternation  goes  before,  destruction 
attends  it,  and  desolation  marks  its  path ;  and  yet  it  is  animating,  exciting, 
and  glorious.  We  love  to  dwell  even  upon  its  terrors.  The  poet  of  our  own 
age,  who  excels  all  others  in  telling  of  the  passions,  has  drawn  his  scene  of 
most  intense  interest  from  the  carnival  of  the  dogs  and  vultures  upon  the  field 
14 


210  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

of  battle.  Beauty  delights  to  honor  valor.  Young  ambition  is  emulous  of  its 
deeds,  and  poor  human  nature,  dazzled  and  confounded,  often  sinks  into  hom 
age  before  the  blaze  of  military  glory.  Well  does  the  gentleman  from  the 
Third  District  (Mr.  Edmonds)  understand  this  infirmity  of  our  nature ;  for,  in 
the  very  commencement  of  his  eloquent  speech,  he  converted  this  Senate-cham 
ber,  ordinarily  the  forum  of  placid  debate,  into  a  battle-field,  and  having  placed 
before  us,  as  an  enemy  of  huge  dimensions,  the  United  States  Bank,  he  pro 
claimed  a  war  which,  "  if  God  had  given  him  the  power,  should  be  a  war  of  ex 
termination."  Raising  high  that  standard,  always  equally  victorious  in  the  mar 
tial  or  the  political  campaign,  he  rushed  with  tremendous  energy  upon  the  foe. 
We  cheered  him  in  the  fight,  and  could  not  without  reluctance  withhold  the 
wreath  of  victory. 

Continuing  in  the  same  strain,  Seward  ironically  proposed  that 
the  Jackson  men  should  apply  their  doctrines  to  their  own  banks  ; 
and,  since  they  had  declared  war  against  "  bank  aristocracy,"  should 
begin  with  those  in  the  State  which  they  had  been  so  liberally  charter 
ing,  and  of  which  their  own  political  friends  were  stockholders  and 
directors.  This  "  palpable  hit  "  was  received  with  some  merriment. 

Much  is  said,  sir,  about  the  motives  of  this  crusade  against  the  bank,  its 
disinterestedness  and  patriotism.  I,  too,  am  at  least  disinterested  in  relation  to 
it.  Like  the  poet  who  feared  temptation,  and  therefore  blessed  his  Muse  u  who 
found  him  poor  and  kept  him  so,"  I  may  be  grateful  that  I  am  no  bank-stock 
holder,  either  in  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  or  any  other  of  the  banks,  nor 
have  I  connection  or  communion  with  those  who  are  interested  in  either. 

After  giving  a  history  of  the  national  bank,  an  exposition  of  its 
relations  to  the  fiscal  system  of  the  country,  and  a  summary  of  the 
arguments  for  and  against  its  recharter,  he  proceeded  to  draw  a  con 
trast  between  the  actual  operations  of  the  bank  and  the  effects  likely 
to  result  from  its  stoppage.  In  conclusion  he  said  : 

I  will  conjure  all  the  members  of  the  Senate  to  reflect  that  he  whose  will 
is  said  to  be  the  author  of  the  mandate  for  the  introduction  of  this  resolution, 
and  who  it  is  avowed  demands  its  passage,  great,  honored,  loved,  revered  though 
he  is,  is  nevertheless  mortal — mortal,  therefore  fallible — and  that  his  interests 
weigh  but  as  the  dust  in  the  balance  against  the  interests  of  twelve  millions  of 
people,  and  the  thousands  of  millions  of  their  posterity,  to  be  affected  by  this 
legislation.  Let  their  interests,  not  his  glory,  their  welfare  and  prosperity,  not 
his  success  in  an  election,  determine  our  votes  in  this  measure. 

On  the  14th  of  February  of  this  year  a  number  of  gentlemen, 
among  whom  were  large  landed  proprietors,  scientific  students,  and 
persons  of  prominence  in  political  affairs,  met  at  the  capital  to  take 
into  consideration  the  project  of  forming  a  State  Agricultural  Society. 
Le  Ray  de  Chaumont  was  chosen  its  president,  and  Jesse  Buel  one  of 
its  secretaries.  Among  others  who  participated  in  the  meeting  were 


1832.]  NULLIFICATION   MOVEMENTS.  211 

Judge  Conkling,  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  Isaiah  Townsend,  William 
James,  Edward  C.  Delavan,  Lieutenant-Governor  Edward  P.  Living 
ston,  Chancellor  Sanford,  Francis  Granger,  Peter  Sken  Smith,  John 
A.  King,  George  Tibbits,  Daniel  D.  Campbell,  and  William  C.  Bouck. 
Seward  was  a  delegate  from  Cayuga  County.  This  gathering  was 
one  of  the  early  steps  toward  organizing  the  New  York  State  Agri 
cultural  Society,  since  become  so  important  and  useful. 

Corporations  were  already  engrossing  much  of  the  attention  of  the 
Legislature.  In  a  speech,  at  this  session,  on  a  proposed  charter  to  a  whal 
ing  company,  Seward  showed  the  injustice  of  creating  monopolies,  and 
urged,  what  was  through  life  a  favorite  doctrine  with  him,  that  privi 
leges  for  commercial  enterprise,  in  all  its  forms,  roads,  banks,  railways, 
manufactures,  and  trade,  ought  to  be  thrown  open  to  all  citizens  by 
general  laws.  In  subsequent  years  this  principle  gradually  gained 
more  ground  in  the  statute-book. 

March  18th. 

We  have  before  us  the  great  western  and  southern  railroads.  Last  Monday 
the  bill  for  constructing  a  railroad  from  Waterford  to  Whitehall,  along  the  line 
of  the  Champlain  Canal,  was  before  the  Senate.  It  was  lost,  receiving  the  votes 
only  of  the  northern  Senators  on  its  line,  and  the  western  Senators  on  the  line 
of  the  Erie  Canal.  All  the  North  River  Senators,  except  -Tallmadge,  voted 
against  it.  It  was  at  the  same  time  distinctly  avowed  in  debate  by  JSeardsley, 
who  led  the  opposition,  that  there  should  be  no  railroad  constructed  on  the  line 
of  the  Erie  Canal.  The  reason  given  was  an  apprehension  of  a  diversion  of 
canal-tolls.  The  consequence  will  be,  that  the  western  railroad  will  be  defeated. 
Should  there  be  a  charter  granted  to  construct  a  road  from  Schenectady  to  Utica, 
I  think  the  road  would  probably  be  made.  It  is  said  it  would  not  be  possible  to 
procure  a  subscription  to  the  stock  of  a  railroad  from  Utica  or  Schenectady  to 
Buffalo ;  but  I  would  be  willing  to  grant  charters  for  roads  from  Buffalo  to 
Schenectady,  and  from  Lake  Erie  to  Orange  County. 

John  A.  King  is  not  only  an  Antimason,  but  a  clever,  fine  fellow,  and  very 
popular  with  the  whole  Legislature. 

April  2d. 

You  doubtless  have  read  General  Root's  attack  upon  the  "  Regency,"  and 
have  observed  the  prompt  denunciations  which  have  been  poured  out  upon  him. 
The  war  is  openly  declared.  I  wish  you  could  be  here  to  see  how  much  more 
violently  the  different  factions  of  "  the  party  "  hate  each  other  than  they  hate 
us.  As  yet  the  prospect  gains  ground  that  the  Clay  men  in  this  State  and  in 
Pennsylvania  will  be  content  to  support  our  tickets. 

You  will  have  seen  that  the  excitement  growing  out  of  the  Cherokee  question 
is  postponed  until  next  winter  for  the  benefit  of  General  Jackson.  In  the  mean 
time  Georgia  will  go  on  to  survey  the  Cherokee  lands  in  defiance  of  the  Supreme 
Court. 

All  private  intelligence  from  Washington  contributes  to  the  belief  that  no 
arrangement  of  the  tariff  question  will  be  made  this  winter :  and  that  within  the 
summer  South  Carolina,  aided  probably  by  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia, 


212  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

Alabama,  and  Mississippi,  will  hold  conventions  to  nullify  the  tariff  laws,  and 
threaten  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

I  am  informed  that  it  is  probable  that  I  have  been  nominated  for  supervisor. 
So  far  as  concerns  myself,  I  certainly  would  rather  be  run  when  I  must  be  de 
feated  than  to  run  and  be  elected.  I  understood  that  you  were  opposed  to  my 
nomination,  and  I  think  you  were  right ;  but  it  is  a  matter  of  not  very  great 
importance.  I  trust  our  friends  would  not  push  me  upon  the  course  unless 
it  were  for  the  best ;  and,  if  it  be  for  the  best,  I  shall  care  very  little  for  being 
beaten. 

In  April  he  made  another  visit  to  Orange  County,  leaving  Mrs. 
Seward  there.  A  letter,  written  her  on  his  return  to  Albany,  said  : 

How  does  Orange  County  appear  to  you?  I  do  not  mean  in  such  dull 
weather  as  this,  but  when  the  sun  shines  forth,  and  winds  are  stilled,  and  the 
air  is  soft.  It  is  to  me  a  land  of  many  charms  from  the  associations  of  youth 
and  habit.  I  love  its  mountains  and  vales,  its  brooks  and  groves.  There  are  a 
thousand  localities  there  which  I  do  not  recollect  to  have  admired,  when  I  lived 
there,  for  their  sublimity  or  beauty,  yet  which  are  green  and  fresh  and  lovely  in 
my  remembrance,  and  with  them  every  one  there  is  the  association  of  some  in 
cident  or  feeling  now  recalled  with  pleasure.  Let  one  speak  to  me  of  Mount 
Eve,  which  in  truth,  I  suppose,  is  far  from  being  beautiful  in  comparison  with 
other  mountains,  and  suddenly  the  green,  forest-covered  steep  rises  before  me, 
with  beautiful  fleecy  clouds  resting  midway  on  the  ascent,  now  gathering  form 
and  proportion,  now  fading  away  over  the  summit,  and  with  it  is  sure  to  come 
the  recollection  of  the  hundred  times  when  I  watched  it,  to  see  if  there  was 
cause  to  fear  a  storm  might  mar  anticipated  sport.  I  well  remember  once,  when 
you  were  in  Orange  County,  of  your  writing  to  me  about  strawberries  in  a 
meadow  belonging  to  Mr.  Curtis.  I  do  not  know  that  I  had  thought  of  the 
spot  in  twenty  years,  yet  the  distinct  recollection  of  the  grassy  knoll,  of  my 
own  hours  passed  in  gathering  the  delicious  fruit  there,  rises  with  all  mi 
nuteness  of  time,  circumstance,  incident,  and  even  conversation.  The  little 
brooks  which  you  so  much  admired  when  we  went  over  to  the  hill  on  which 
Chloe  lives,  are  marked  distinctly  by  the  recollection  of  many  a  jocund  laugh, 
many  a  fearful  story,  many  a  pleasant  truant  hour.  The  old  butternuts  that 
shade  her  humble  habitation,  how  venerable  they  seem  in  my  memory !  How 
many  hours  I've  spent,  squirrel-like,  in  gathering,  by  slow  labor,  the  nuts  to  lay 
in  store  for  winter's  evening  enjoyment !  I  think  that  this  delight  of  the  heart 
in  ancient  associations  is  the  secret  of  the  desire  so  common  to  return  and  close 
one's  days,  after  a  busy  life  abroad,  in  the  scenes  of  youth. 

When  I  was  studying  law,  I  think  at  Goshen,  there  came  a  lecturer  on  the 
"  Science  of  Mnemonics,  or  the  Art  of  improving  the  Memory."  His  plan  was 
this :  He  had  a  book  of  plates  containing  the  pictures  of  many  familiar  objects — 
a  pump,  a  table,  a  carriage,  etc.  These  were  placed  in  regular  order.  The  art 
consisted  in  forming  an  association  between  the  fact  or  idea  to  be  remembered 
and  one  of  those  objects,  so  that  everything  to  be  remembered  should  be,  as  it 
were,  stowed  away  in  the  same  room  with  one  or  another  of  the  pictures,  and 
whenever  the  picture  occurred  all  the  ideas  associated  with  it  came  up  in  the 
memory.  The  plan  was  ingenious,  but  useless,  because  too  artificial.  Yet  it 


THE 
UNIVEF, 

OF 

1832.]  THE   LOBBY.  213 

was  amusing  to  see  how  soon  the  fancy  supplied  the  desired  connection  between 
the  arbitrary  memento  and  the  thing  to  be  remembered,  and  in  all  after-life  I 
have  had  the  association  come  up  involuntarily  in  my  mind.  On  the  same  prin 
ciple  it  is  that  scenes  acquire  interest  and  preserve  it  by  association. 

The  striking  of  the  clock  admonishes  me  that  I  have  spent  an  hour  in  this 
rambling  letter.  My  anthracite  is  fading  into  stone.  I  will  leave  the  residue 
till  morning. 

April  \tih. 

Weed  called  this  morning,  and  announced  as  news,  among  other  things,  that 
Marcy  was  to  be  the  candidate  for  Governor. 

John  Birdsall  called,  and  we  discussed  that  part  of  the  science  of  demonol- 
ogy  which  relates  to  the  "  blue  devils."  He  was  delighted  with  an  opportunity 
to  relate  his  experience,  and  a  melancholy  one  it  was.  Who  would  think  that 
so  kind-hearted,  unobtrusive,  and  amiable  a  man  would  be  the  victim  of  such 
horrid  oppression  ? 

The  canal  will  be  opened  on  the  25th,  but  for  the  first  week  we  shall  hardly 
be  able  to  get  along  without  being  crowded  out  of  all  comfort. 

I  set  apart  to-day  to  write  the  address  of  the  Antimasonic  members  of  the 
Legislature,  locked  my  door,  and  went  to  work  with  great  diligence.  Having 
half  finished  it,  I  went  up  to  converse  with  one  of  our  leaders  upon  the  subject- 
matter.  He  advised  me  to  leave  out  all  on  the  subject  of  antimasonry,  and  fill 
it  with  matters  relating  to  the  conduct  and  doings  of  the  Legislature.  Thus 
advised,  I  proceeded  until  our  other  leader  came  into  the  room  at  noon.  I  read 
it  to  him ;  he  wondered  at  the  selection  of  such  topics,  and  thought  I  ought  to 
confine  myself  principally  to  antimasonry.  Then  I  made  up  my  mind  to  take 
my  own  way,  as  I  found  it  impracticable  to  meet  the  views  of  both  parties.  At 
last  I  have  gone  through  with  the  draft,  and  laid  it  aside  in  order  to  write  to 
you,  which  I  find  vastly  more  easy,  as  well  as  more  agreeable. 

Here  is  a  'bonmot  of  Granger's.  A  newly-married  pair,  both  recently  wid 
owed,  have  arrived  on  their  bridal  tour  at  Congress  Hall.  The  Kanes  sent  them 
cards  of  invitation  to  their  party,  but  the  bride  and  the  bridegroom  came  not. 
The  Kanes  asked  Granger  what  he  thought  was  the  reason  that  they  did  not 
come.  He  answered  that  he  "supposed  it  must  be  because  they  were  both 
in  deep  mourning !  " 

April  \§th. 

The  lobby  are  becoming  corrupt  and  impudent.  Yesterday,  after  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  to  vote  for  the  Leather  Manufacturers'  Bank,  I  received  a  let 
ter  requesting  me  to  vote  for  it,  because  it  would  be  to  "  the  interest  of  the 
writer."  I  threw  the  letter  into  the  fire,  and  told  Mr.  Tracy  that  I  was  almost 
disposed  to  vote  against  the  bank.  The  bank  bill  passed.  To-day  the  gentle 
man  appeared  and  told  me  that  any  amount  of  stock  I  wanted  in  the  bank  I 
could  have  at  ten  per  cent.  I  told  him  I  wanted  no  stock  in  the  bank.  He 
said  he  could  not  offer  it  before  the  bank  bill  passed.  I  told  him  it  was  useless 
to  offer  it  to  me,  either  before  or  after  it  passed.  I  have  seen  too  much  of  these 
operations.  "  Give  me,"  said  Agur,  " neither  poverty  nor  riches!  "  and  so  say  I. 
And  yet,  though  I  see  those  now  flourishing  who  practise  mean  and  corrupt 
ways,  I  cannot  think  it  always  was  so,  or  always  will  be.  If  I  thought  so, 
Heaven  knows  I  would  soon  be  out  of  the  line  altogether.  But  it  has  not  been 
so  with  me.  For  my  years,  I  have  had  good  speed,  and  as  little  reverse  as 


214  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

most ;  and  yet  I  have  never  given  one  vote  from  interested  considerations,  or 
attached  myself  to  a  party  whose  principles  did  not  receive  the  support  of  my 
conscience.  There  is  nothing  bright,  to  be  sure,  in  prospect,  yet  the  way  seems 
no  more  difficult  than  that  through  which  I  have  passed. 

You  recollect  the  friendly  fraternal  solicitude  Weed  manifested  about  the 
success  of  my  effort  on  the  United  States  Bank?  Among  all  the  compliments, 
all  the  praise  that  effort  brought  me — and  it  brought  me  more  than  it  deserved 
— one  from  Weed  gave  me  most  pleasure.  None  but  one  of  his  delicacy  of 
principle  would  have  thought  of  it.  "  Seward,"  said  he,  "  that  speech  will  do 
great  things  for  you.  It  will  win  you  much  favor,  not  so  much  for  its  merit  as 
a  defense  of  the  bank,  though  in  that  respect  meritorious,  but  because  it  may 
lead  people  to  know  and  esteem  your  principles,  and  your  feelings."  I  have  run 
on  in  this  strain  of  egotism,  I  know  not  how ;  but  to  return :  I  think  such  prin 
ciples  ought  to  distinguish  our  party  from  its  opponents. 

Nine  o'clock  P.  M. 

I  have  been  vigorously  at  work  on  the  address.  It  has  grown  upon  my 
hands. 

Thursday,  April  IMJi. 

You  would  give  me  joy,  I  know,  if  you  were  here.  I  have  just  finished  the 
first  copy  of  my  address,  after  a  labor  of  many  hours.  The  feelings  called  forth 
in  the  composition  of  it  are  yet  warm ;  and  therefore  it  seems  to  me  a  success 
ful  performance.  I  will  speak  well  of  it  now,  for,  before  many  days,  it  will 
seem  "  weary,  stale,  flat,  and  unprofitable." 

Tallmadge  reads  his  to-night  in  the  Eegency  caucus.  I  am  going  to  hear  it, 
partly  for  the  purpose  of  being  prepared  to  answer  anything  in  it  that  may 
require  answer,  and  partly  for  the  purpose  of  comparing  my  own  with  his, 
although  the  risk  of  being  disgusted  with  my  own  is  very  great. 

Saturday,  21«*. 

Yesterday  was  a  day  of  caucusing.  The  Antimasonie  committee  were  here 
to  take  into  consideration  the  address.  In  the  evening  all  the  Antimasonie  mem 
bers  were  crowded  in  the  ladies'  parlor  for  the  same  purpose.  It  was  submit 
ted,  criticised,  and  approved.  It  only  remains  that  it  be  copied  correctly  for 
the  press,  and  then  it  is  off  my  hands. 

Before  this  time,  notwithstanding  the  rain  and  clouds,  I  suppose  George  and 
his  bride  have  arrived.  The  heavens  smile  not  on  your  festivities.  Jove  laughs, 
they  say,  at  lovers'  prayers,  but  lovers,  during  the  honeymoon,  may  laugh  at 
his  storms. 

I  shall  employ  myself  diligently  in  closing  my  concerns,  so  as  to  be  off  from 
Albany  at  the  instant  of  the  adjournment. 

Among  the  events  of  the  year  1832  was  the  final  adjustment,  by 
the  great  powers,  of  the  boundaries  of  Greece  as  an  independent 
state,  and  the  elevation  of  Otho  to  her  throne.  The  news  of  her  in 
dependence  was  welcomed  by  the  friends  of  the  Greek  cause  in  Amer 
ica,  though  it  hardly  realized  their  highest  hopes  of  Greek  liberty. 
In  February,  1827,  when  the  tidings  came  that  the  fortress  of  Mis- 
solonghi,  after  long  resisting  the  power  of  the  Turks,  had  yielded,  and 


1832.]  THE   CHOLERA.  215 

the  greater  part  of  the  brave  defenders  had  been  massacred,  Seward 
had  joined,  with  youthful  ardor,  in  the  meetings  and  appeals  for  relief. 
Forty  years  later,  when  he  made  the  circuit  of  the  globe,  and  was 
received  by  every  nationality  with  some  demonstration  of  gratitude 
for  remembered  kindness,  he  landed  one  day  among  the  isles  of  Greece. 
As  he  was  setting  sail  at  twilight  from  Syra,  the  town  and  hillside 
burst  into  a  blaze  of  illumination,  as  for  some  festival.  A  deputation 
of  venerable  men  came  to  say  to  him  that  the  display  was  in  his 
honor,  and  not  merely  for  his  renown  as  a  statesman,  but  because  they 
cherished  with  especial  pleasure  the  remembrance  of  the  young  lawyer 
at  Auburn,  who,  in  years  gone  by,  had  so  earnestly  pleaded  for  help 
to  the  Greeks. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
1832. 

Rural  Fancies.— Rev.  Alonzo  Potter.— The  Fire-King.— Coming  of  the  Cholera.— Maynard's 
Death. — Lieutenant-Governor  Livingston. — Jackson  reflected. — Governor  Marcy. — A 
Weather-Prophet.— Rival  Stages.— The  Price  of  Candles.— Edwin  Forrest.— A  Pre 
monition  of  the  Civil  War. 

ENJOYING  at  Auburn,  after  the  adjournment,  a  respite  from  official 
labors,  Seward,  in  a  letter  to  Weed,  alluded  to  that  dream  of  rural 
life  which  was  one  of  his  favorite  imaginings  : 

Public  life  has  produced  a  singular  effect  upon  me.  It  is  the  desire  to  aban 
don  active  occupation  altogether.  It  has  produced  disgust  for  my  profession ; 
that  is  natural  enough,  but  it  has  diminished  my  ambition  for  public  service.  I 
seem  now  to  wish  only  for  a  farm,  with  sufficient  revenue  to  save  me  from 
actual  embarrassment. 

So  you  see,  when  you  and  Granger,  Whittlesey,  Maynard,  and  the  rest,  come 
to  your  kingdom,  I  shall  be  looking  out  upon  you  from  the  "  loop-holes  of  my 
retreat." 

But  there  was  little  time  for  the  indulgence  of  such  fancies.  This 
was  to  be  a  busy  summer.  It  was  the  year  of  the  presidential  elec 
tion.  In  June  the  Antimasons  were  to  hold  their  State  Convention  at 
Utica,  and  the  Legislature  was  to  meet  in  extra  session  to  apportion 
congressional  districts.  Then,  too,  a  new  and  comparatively  unknown 
public  danger  was  approaching.  The  cholera  had  made  its  appearance 
in  America.  Not  only  was  that  pestilence  more  dreaded  than  now, 
but  it  was  fraught  with  more  actual  peril,  for  medical  knowledge,  in 
regard  to  its  treatment,  was  scanty  and  imperfect. 

So  vague  and  confused  were  many  of  the  popular  ideas  about  it 
that  a  story  was  told  of  a  squad  of  men  who  went  out  from  Albany,. 


216  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1832, 

armed  with  sticks,  to  drive  it  back  if  they  should  happen  to  meet  it 
on  the  line  of  the  Northern  Canal ! 

CONGRESS  HALL,  June  21st. 

I  have  drawn  the  red-covered  table  into  the  centre  of  "Letter  B,"  and  made 
ready  to  write  you  a  good  letter,  telling  you  that  I.  have  escaped  upsets  by  stage, 
fire  in  the  taverns,  explosions  by  steam  on  the  railroad,  and  cholera  on  the 
canal.  As  we  anticipated,  we  arrived  in  Utica  Tuesday  evening.  The  next 
morning  we  took  the  Telegraph,  which  landed  us  at  Schenectady  at  seven  in 
the  evening — too  late  for  the  railroad-cars,  so  we  concluded  to  remain  there  in 
preference  to  coming  by  night  in  the  sjage. 

I  went  over  the  college-grounds,  after  which  I  called  upon  one  or  two  friends 
and  spent  the  evening  in  conversation,  reviving  old  recollections. 

There  is  no  cholera  here,  and  none  known  to  exist  in  the  State,  except  at 
Ogdensburg,  Plattsburg,  and  Fort  Miller.  I  believe  there  was  a  solitary  case  at 
Mechanicsville,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  infected  the  place.  I  think  we 
shall  have  a  short  session. 

June  21»#. 

The  alarm  has  greatly  subsided.  It  disturbs  no  domestic  circle,  and,  so  far 
as  I  can  learn,  prevents  no  contemplated  arrangement.  Because  the  cholera  has 
not  yet  come  the  people  are  quite  well  convinced  it  will  not  come  at  all,  or,  if  it 
come,  will  be  less  fatal  than  was  anticipated.  The  accounts  now  received  from 
Canada  induce  the  belief  that  its  ravages  are  confined  to  the  immigrants,  of  whom 
it  is  said  twenty-five  thousand  have  landed  this  year  at  Montreal,  a  number  ex 
ceeding  the  entire  population  of  that  city. 

The  Drowned  Land  road  cause  came  up  in  the  Supreme  Court,  so  I  had  to 
attend  there  at  ten.  At  eleven  we  went  into  session  as  a  legislature,  and  spent 
the  day  till  two  o'clock  in  passing  a  bill  for  the  preservation  of  the  public  health. 
Its  provisions,  if  they  can  be  enforced,  may  be  very  useful,  but  it  is  rather  re 
garded  as  an  endeavor  to  quiet  the  public  mind  than  as  growing  out  of  any 
exigency  actually  existing.  Thus  far  all  continues  well. 

In  the  evening  the  delegates  arrived  from  the  Utica  Convention,  among 
whom  were  Tracy,  Weed,  Andrews,  Gary,  and  Holley.  They  had  an  harmonious 
meeting,  and  made  nominations  which  suit  the  Nationals,  without  compromitting 
the  interests  or  principles  of  our  own  party.  The  fair  prospect  now  is,  that  we 
shall  combine  in  support  of  our  ticket  the  whole  opposition,  and  many  entertain 
confident  hopes  of  the  election  of  Granger  and  Stevens,  and  our  Wirt  electoral 
ticket. 

Last  evening,  we  steamed  an  hour  at  the  Museum  in, witnessing  the  exploits 
of  the  "  Fire-King."  They  were  marvelous  enough  to  excite  astonishment,  but 
not  sufficiently  diversified  to  sustain  the  interest.  The  performance  commenced 
with  the  operation  of  holding  for  five  minutes  a  piece  of  white  paper  in  the 
blaze  of  a  candle,  and  preserving  it  unburned  by  means  of  blowing  upon  it.  The 
next  was  eating  liquid  sealing-wax.  Then  "  his  majesty  "  poured  liquid  molten 
lead  upon  his  tongue,  and  afterward  swallowed  boiling  oil.  He  concluded  with 
the  feat  of  going  into  an  oven,  and  remaining  there  ten  minutes  while  he  cooked 
a  beefsteak.  Of  course  there  is  nothing  wonderful  in  all  this,  except  the  secret 
of  the  substances  which  he  uses  to  counteract  the  heat. 


1832.]  CLAY  AND   WIRT.  217 

Monday,  June  25th. 

Yesterday  morning  I  went  to  St.  Peter's  Church,  where  I  heard  a  beautiful 
discourse  from  Alonzo  Potter,  of  Schenectady.  I  came  away  satisfied  that  he  is 
a  fine  scholar,  as  I  had  supposed  when  in  college  he  would  prove  to  be.  In  the 
afternoon  I  went  to  the  Baptist  Church,  and  was  gratified,  of  course,  with  the 
impassioned  sermon  of  Mr.  Welch. 

William  Fosgate  came  here  in  the  afternoon,  and  we  spent  two  hours  in 
rambling  over  the  graveyards  searching  for  the  grave  of  Clinton.  It  turned  out 
that  his  remains  were  deposited  in  some  vault,  so  that  we  were  disappointed  in 
our  search. 

Consternation  here  about  the  cholera  has  ceased ;  indeed,  I  wish  it  had  kept 
up  a  little  longer.  The  streets  are  offensive,  but  it  seems  to  be  thought  probable 

that  our  State  will  escape  the  contagion. 

Tuesday,  June  26th. 

After  tea  last  evening,  we  had  a  caucus  at  Gideon  Hawley's.  Among  those 
who  attended  was  Judge  Woodworth.  On  the  way  home  he  and  I  fell  in  with 
General  Gansevoort,  who  extolled  so  highly  his  port  wine,  that  we  were  induced 
to  accept  his  invitation  to  taste  it. 

We  found  the  wine  very  good,  and  the  general  very  hospitable.  We  talked 
about  Indians  in  general,  and  the  expedition  to  Chicago  in  particular. 

Next  perhaps  in  importance  was  the  call  on  Mrs.  Livingston,  the  bride,  who 
is  domiciled  at  the  Eagle.  She  made  many  inquiries  about  you  and  the  boys, 
All  seem  to  think,  from  the  circumstance  of  your  spending  last  winter  with  me, 
that  you  were  enlisted  for  the  whole  senatorial  term,  and  were  to  be  expected 
here  whenever  the  Legislature  should  be  in  session.  If  you  were  here  you 
would  enjoy  Albany  very  much.  The  weather  is  warm,  indeed,  but  morning 
and  evening  it  is  delightful.  There  are  no  lobby-men  here,  and  nobody  is  writ 
ing  speeches. 

I  purposed  while  here  to  prepare  an  address  to  be  delivered  at  Schenectady. 
I  found  the  time  passing  rapidly  away,  and  yet  I  was  unable  to  select  any  sub 
ject,  and  so  I  read  and  wrote,  not  knowing 

"  How  the  subject  theme  might  gang  ; 
Perhaps  it  may  turn  out  a  sang 
Perhaps  turn  out  a  sermon  " — 

until  yesterday,  when  I  became  convinced  that  I  had  not  and  could  not  have 
time  and  opportunity  to  prepare  such  a  discourse  as  would  be  satisfactory  to  my 
own  mind.  I  burned  the  manuscript  and  abandoned  the  intention. 

Wednesday,  June  Vfith. 

Last  evening  I  attended  a  joint  meeting  of  the  leading  politicians  at  the 
Adelphi. 

The  Nationals  have  declared  their  entire  concurrence  in  the  nominations 
made  by  the  Antimasonic  State  Convention  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor  and  electors.  Thus,  after  four  years  of  reviling  us,  wasting  their  own 
strength,  and  embarrassing  ours,  to  this  end  they  are  come  at  last,  to  take  up 
onr  cause  and  our  candidates.  I  hope  it  may  not  be  too  late. 

Now  followed  an  active  and  exciting  presidential  campaign.  The 
•union  between  the  supporters  of  Clay  and  those  of  Wirt,  it  was  be- 


218  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

lieved,  might  be  successful  in  overthrowing  the  party  in  power,  who 
had  renominated  General  Jackson. 

By  the  local  convention  of  his  party  Seward  had,  this  year,  been 
chosen  the  chairman  of  the  Central  Committee  in  Cayuga  County,  his 
associates  being  J.  H.  Hardenbergh,  George  C.  Skinner,  Robert  Cook, 
and  A.  D.  Leonard.  Their  address  of  August  4,  1832,  "  to  the  Anti- 
masonic  Republicans  "  of  the  county,  called  upon  them  to  "  make  a 
renewed  and  vigorous  effort  "  in  the  election,  "  in  which  they  will  for 
the  first  time  have  the  privilege  of  voting  for  candidates  of  their  own 
nomination  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States," 
and  invited  the  cordial  cooperation  of  all  who  approved  the  Utica 
nominations. 

But  their  high  hopes  were  destined  to  swift  disappointment  in 
November.  At  the  election  the  Jackson  men  again  carried  the  State 
and  nation  by  overwhelming  majorities. 

A  session  of  the  Court  of  Errors,  held  soon  after,  called  Seward 
again  to  Albany,  whence  he  wrote  : 

November  10th. 

I  am  resting  from  the  labors  of  my  journey  under  the  wings  of  the  Eagle. 
The  result  of  the  election  has  been  so  signally  overwhelming  as  to  leave  no 
cause  for  idle  or  unavailing  regrets. 

I  find  myself  among  men  who  are,  like  myself,  beaten,  but  not  desponding, 
and  so  much  beaten  that  they,  like  me,  laugh  at  the  delusion  which  could  hope 
for  a  different  result. 

Besides  this,  our  opponents  have  achieved  so  destructive  a  victory  that  in 
common  decency  they  are  compelled,  when  in  our  presence,  to  suppress  the  ex 
pression  of  their  exultation.  Marcy  came  into  the  Senate-chamber  this  morn 
ing  and  received  the  congratulations  of  his  friends ;  but  there  was  great  deli 
cacy  in  the  conduct  of  the  ceremonies,  for  which,  as  for  the  least  of  mercies, 
we  ought  to  desire  to  be  grateful. 

I  went  last  night,  as  soon  as  I  arrived,  to  see  Weed.  He  is  still  confined  to 
the  house.  He  sits  up,  however,  and  his  house  is  a  levee,  continually  resorted 
to  by  our  defeated  friends.  I  found  John  Birdsall  and  others  with  him.  Weed 
sustains  defeat  with  firmness  and  spirit.  Birdsall  is  now  the  only  associate  I 
have  here.  I  have  come  to  esteem  him  very  much  ;  he  is  honest,  candid,  and 
unsuspecting. 

Sunday  Night,  November  llth. 

I  was  tempted  to-day  to  remain  within-doors,  the  weather  was  so  cold  ;  but 
I  gallantly  surmounted  the  artifices  of  the  Evil-One  in  this  particular,  although  I 
have  abundant  reason  to  fear  that  his  grappling-irons  seized  more  strongly 
upon  some  other  parts  of  my  religious  character.  In  the  morning  I  went  with 
Mrs.  Tracy  and  Mrs.  Gary  to  St.  Peter's  Church.  The  pews  were  meagrely 
filled.  I  went,  intending  to  be  interested  at  least  in  the  service,  but  the  wretched 
expedient  of  labor-saving,  by  employing  a  clerk  to  utter  the  responses  which 
the  people  alone  ought  to  express,  destroys  the  whole  system  of  audible  worship 
by  individuals.  Now,  I  could  well  enough  have  joined  with  all  the  congrega- 


1832.]  AFTER  THE   DEFEAT.  219 

tion,  in  so  low  a  voice  as  to  attract  no  notice,  and  yet  keep  my  mind  riveted  to 
the  subject-matter  of  the  prayers ;  but  when  I  heard  a  priest  saying  one  part  of 
the  service  in  a  loud  and  melodious  tone,  and  a  clerk  uttering  the  other  part  in 
a  still  louder  nasal  sing-song,  the  whole  seemed  a  ceremony  which  I  might  listen 
to  without  having  any  responsibility  upon  myself. 

In  the  afternoon  I  went  to  Dr.  Campbell's,  where  people  actually  were  not 
too  lazy  to  sing,  and  the  clergyman  spoke  as  if  he  was  conscious  that  his  con 
gregation  had  souls  to  be  saved.  The  sermon  was  desultory,  rather  a  lecture 
than  a  sermon  ;  but  it  was  nevertheless  one  of  the  best  I  have  ever  heard  from 
that  amiable  and  eloquent  preacher. 

Dr.  Campbell  had  recently  come  to  Albany  from  Washington.  He 
was  now  settled  in  pastoral  charge  of  the  First  Presbyterian  Church — 
the  "  Old  Brick  " — whose  walls  had  echoed  the  voices  of  so  many  elo 
quent  men.  Dr.  Campbell  was  still  young,  and  of  striking  appearance: 
tall,  very  thin,  very  pale,  and  spiritual-looking,  with  dark  hair  and 
eyes,  he  was  always  dignified  and  grave  in  the  pulpit,  though  in  soci 
ety  his  conversation  never  lacked  genial  humor.  He  had  already 
grown  very  popular. 

Monday ,  November  12th. 

Every  man  I  meet  asks  what  we  are  to  do  next.  How  shall  we  proceed  ? 
Shall  we  fight,  or  shall  we  surrender  ?  How  and  where  shall  we  rally  ?  But 
no  man  pretends  to  answer  the  questions  which  all  so  eagerly  propose. 

My  friends  give  me  credit  for  philosophical  or  stoical  firmness  in  misfortune. 
"What  do  you  think  is  my  comfort  now  ?  It  is,  that  there  is  always  some  way  out 
of  the  most  intricate  of  labyrinths,  and  some  relief  in  store  for  the  most  help 
less  of  conditions.  How  we  are  to  get  along  I  know  not ;  but,  when  the  confu 
sion  of  our  defeat  is  past,  I  doubt  not  that  there  will  offer  some  course  which 
can  be  pursued  with  honor  and  with  advantage  to  the  interests  of  our  country — 
honor  which  I  shall  never  sacrifice,  interests  which  I  shall  continue  to  cherish 
and  to  defend. 


Last  evening  I  sallied  forth  to  Little's  book-store  in  quest  of  a  book  to  re 
lieve  the  dullness  of  my  spirits.  I  ransacked  the  inexhaustible  treasures  of 
Little's  shelves — annuals,  bijoux,  caricatures,  comedy,  and  farce  ;  then  the  more 
rational  stores  of  morals ;  and,  lastly,  devout  "  Addresses  to  Persons  in  Afflic 
tion,"  "  Thoughts  for  a  Quiet  Man,"  the  "  Religious  Statesman,"  "  Christian 
Solace  in  Season  of  Public  Calamity ;  "  but  I  could  be  content  with  nothing, 
and  at  last  in  despair  I  seized  upon  Fielding's  "  Amelia,"  and  bore  it  off  to  the 
Eagle.  Kent  came  in,  and  we  discoursed  affectionately  until  midnight.  When 
we  parted  I  laid  hands  upon  the  novel,  when  lo !  I  had  brought  the  second  vol 
ume  only.  Judge  with  what  disappointment  I  retired  to  bed.  Fortunately,  I 
had  employment  enough  in  the  morning.  I  have  devoted  myself  to  it  with 
assiduity,  and  now  "  Richard  is  himself  again." 

I  spent  three  delightful  hours  to-night  with  Mr.  Van  Vechten.  He  was  at 
times  gloomy,  always  charming,  and  seemed  prophetic  in  his  forebodings.  "  What 
madness  is  in  the  people,"  thought  I,  "  that  cannot  listen  to  the  remonstrances 
of  this  venerable  man  !  " 


220  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

I  do  not  know  but  the  prospect  of  repose,  and  of  drawing  comfort  and 
pleasure  from  the  recollection  of  by-gone  days,  is  always  delusive.  When  I 
went  to  Auburn  first,  I  carried  with  me  a  full  bushel  of  letters,  which  I  prom 
ised  myself  at  some  leisure  hour  to  assort  and  preserve  for  perusal,  not  doubt 
ing  but  that  I  should  delight  in  the  recollections  which  they  would  call  up.  In 
haste  I  deposited  them  in  a  drawer  in  the  office.  There  they  lie  now,  and  have 
remained,  untouched,  untasted.  Many  a  gloomy  hour  have  I  had,  many  a  list 
less  season  ;  but  never  have  I  seen  the  time  that  I  would  resort  to  their  contents 
for  support  or  for  amusement.  Nevertheless,  I  cannot  but  indulge  the  hope 
that  there  will  be  a  time  when  I  can  withdraw  from  cares  which  harass  me,  and 
pursuits  uncongenial  to  my  taste  and  feelings ;  and  that  then  I  shall  derive  pleas 
ure  in  renewing  the  incidents  and  feelings  of  this,  which  I  would  fain  believe  to- 
be  the  most  busy  and  perplexed  portion  of  my  life.  No  record  will  remain  of 
it  but  these  hurried  letters,  that  are  written  with  all  the  freedom  and  thought 
lessness  in  which  I  could  write  or  speak  to  no  being  on  earth  save  yourself. 
But  shall  I  laugh  or  weep  when  I  call  from  its  musty  abode  this  record  of 
chagrin  and  disappointment?  In  truth,  as  my  old  friend  Mr.  Van  Vechten 

says,  "  That  is  to  depend  upon  the  chapter  of  chances." 

November  Wh. 

From  the  conversation  of  the  good  society  at  the  head  of  our  dinner-table, 
I  infer  that  the  town  is  engrossed  by  the  subject  of  the  two  great  marriages, 
one  of  which  took  place  on  Wednesday,  and  the  other  yesterday.  The  first  was 
that  of  Mr.  Barker,  son  of  Jacob  Barker,  to  a  daughter  of  William  James ;  the 
other  was  Colonel  Barnard  to  Miss  Walsh. 

I  have  been  at  Weed's  all  this  evening.  He  has  related  to  me  with  great 
minuteness  the  melancholy  story  of  Maynard's  illness  and  death.  Weed  says  he 
was  wild  and  bewildered,  much  of  the  time,  and  talked  politics  always,  when 
he  was  out  of  his  senses.  When  possessed  of  his  powers  he  was  silent,  con 
scious  of  his  danger,  and  undismayed  about  it. 

Weed  describes  most  touchingly  the  ghastly  but  sublime  appearance  of  his 
countenance  in  dying.  Poor  fellow !  he  died  most  fortunately.  The  ruin  of  the 
political  interests  he  had  so  much  at  heart  would  have  consigned  him  to  un 
merited  and  insupportable  obscurity. 

November  Wh. 

"  The  sufferings  "  of  the  Antimasons  "  at  this  time  is  so  intolerable,"  that 
individuals  cannot  endure  them  alone  and  in  silence.  To  this  cause,  doubtless, 
I  owed  a  visit  yesterday  from  Tracy  and  Birdsall ;  they  came  in  at  three 
o'clock,  and  determined  to  caucus.  Was  ever  a  patriot  band  reduced  to  num 
bers  so  thin  and  forlorn  as  our  trio  ?  We  canvassed  and  discussed  the  state  of 
our  political  affairs  until  five  o'clock,  when,  having  hit  upon  a  plan  of  operations, 
we  hastened  to  Weed  to  submit  it.  He  fully  accorded  with  us ;  but,  in  the  diffi 
culty  of  carrying  out  the  details,  we  foresaw  its  impracticability,  abandoned  it, 
adopted  a  different  measure,  and  separated  ;  the  burden  being  imposed  upon  me 
of  writing  the  manifesto  by  which  the  Evening  Journal  is  to  announce  to 
Antimasons,  all  over  the  world,  the  policy  which  the  party  will  pursue. 

November  llth. 

I  have  now  on  hand  the  manifesto  of  which  I  spoke  in  my  letter  of  yester 
day,  besides  an  unfinished  opinion,  and  two  more  cases  to  study,  with  many  let 
ters,  and  some  other  business  to  transact. 


1832.]  STAGE-COACH   TRAVELING.  221 

This  evening  the  Lieutenant-Governor  gave  me  many  details  of  his  travels 
in  France,  his  stay  in  Paris  during  the  consulate  of  Bonaparte,  his  visits  to  the 
court,  his  introduction  to  Josephine,  his  dinners  with  Talleyrand,  his  interviews 
with  Cambace"r6s,  Massena,  Junot,  and  others. 

November  l$th. 

This  day  has  been  a  worthless  one.  I  feel  wretchedly,  always,  when  I  have 
to  retire  to  bed  with  the  reflection  that  I  have  accomplished  nothing  I  ought  to 
have  done,  and  learned  nothing  I  ought  to  know. 

The  Jackson  men  exult  in  the  belief  that  Van  Buren  starts  auspiciously  for 
the  presidency,  and,  although  he  has  great  opposition  to  contend  with,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  he  has  already  more  organized  force  than  any  other  candidate. 

Wednesday,  November  2lnt. 

About  these  days,  when  I  think  of  little  else  but  going  to  Auburn,  I  have 
become  a  constant  weather-inspector.  The  accounts  of  the  roads,  for  the  last 
three  weeks,  have  been  disheartening.  This  morning  was  mild  and  moist, 
but  before  nine  o'clock  I  discovered  the  great  golden  fish  which  points  the 
weather  from  the  Second  Presbyterian  Church  was  scenting  about  for  a  change. 
He  vacillated,  now  showing  his  nose  down  the  river,  now  a  little  west,  then 
rapidly  resuming  his  first  position  ;  but  I  at  length  had  the  pleasure  to  see  him 
present,  direct  to  the  west,  his  open  mouth,  while  his  golden  fins,  displayed  to 
my  eye,  indicated  that  he  preferred  colder  weather.  A  flurry  of  snow  suc 
ceeded.  I  shall  hope  to  have  sleighing  before  Thursday. 

November  22</. 

To-night  the  Regency  have  had  their  great  celebration.  They  have  fired  one 
hundred  guns,  and  feasted  the  populace,  with  which  the  populace  are  satisfied. 
I  have  come  to  be  quite  content  and  undisturbed  amid  the  scenes  which  it  was 
so  painful  to  contemplate  in  prospect. 

November  23d. 

Mr.  Adams's  poem  is  called  "  Dermot  McMarragh."  I  have  tried,  in  vain,  to 
buy  one.  All  the  copies  received  here  have  been  sold  immediately,  and  the 
booksellers  say  that  the  edition  is  exhausted.  Nevertheless,  as  I  suppose  I  shall 
go  to  New  York  next  week,  I  hope  to  be  able  to  bring  one  for  you.  In  meas 
ure  and  style,  it  somewhat  resembles  Lord  Byron's  "  Beppo."  A  part  of  it  con 
tains  a  piquant  satire  on  "  princely  marriages  for  convenience  made :  " 

"  Long  round  the  torch  of  Hymen  Cupid  hovers, 
The  case  is  not  the  same  with  royal  lovers." 

Less  than  a  month  intervened  for  a  brief  stay  at  Auburn,  before  it 
was  time  to  return  for  the  opening  of  the  annual  session.  There  was 
rivalry  between  two  lines  of  stage-coaches,  and  Seward  narrated  some 
of  the  incidents  which  relieved  the  monotony  of  his  journey  to  Albany: 

December  262A. 

Our  ride  to  Syracuse  was  exceedingly  tedious.  There  were,  besides  myself, 
four  passengers,  one  of  whom  was  a  very  rough  old  man,  who  had  paid  half 
a  dollar  more  than  he  could  have  gone  for  in  the  other  coach.  He  seemed  to 
have  supposed  that  this  additional  compensation  would  induce  the  proprietors 
to  smooth  the  turnpike,  and  cover  it  with  snow. 


222  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

Two  other  passengers  had  come  to  Auburn  in  our  coach  and  there  stopped, 
with  the  intention  of  taking  the  other ;  but,  neglecting  to  order  their  baggage 
taken  out,  it  came  on  with  us,  leaving  the  owners  at  the  American  Hotel  in 
Auburn.  Full  of  wrath,  they  overtook  us  on  horseback,  about  a  mile  east  of 
the  village,  and  took  seats  in  the  stage,  after  sending  their  horses  back  to  the 
"  library  "  (as  they  described  the  place  from  which  they  procured  them).  These 
men,  too,  uttered  nothing  but  complaints  against  the  villainous  stage-proprietors 
who  did  not  take  out  their  baggage,  in  consequence  of  which  they  had  to  pay,  in 
addition  to  the  stage-fare,  one  dollar  to  the  keeper  of  the  "  library-stable." 

How  edifying  was  the  discourse  of  my  fellow-passengers,  you  may  judge. 
One  of  them  surveyed  my  baggage -marks,  and  then  asked  if  I  lived  at  Auburn. 
This  was  a  plain  question,  and  admitted  an  easy  answer ;  but  the  second  ques 
tion  was  a  poser.  "  "What  is  the  price  of  candles  there  ?  "  Being  utterly  unpre 
pared  to  answer,  I  said,  "  What  did  you  ask,  sir  ? "  hoping  that  the  question 
when  next  presented  would  come  in  such  a  shape  that  I  might  "  speak  to  it." 
But  there  was  no  such  relief  for  me.  Out  it  came  again :  "  What  do  you  pay  for 
candles  at  Auburn?  "  Now,  what  was  I  to  say?  Acknowledge  my  ignorance? 
It  seemed  to  me  that  would  not  do.  A  man  might  be  pardoned  for  not  knowing 
the  price 'of  wheat.  Wheat  is  bought  and  sold  as  a  matter  of  speculation.  Corn, 
iron,  cotton-goods,  anything  else,  a  man  may  be  ignorant  of  the  condition  of  the 
market,  if  he  be  not  a  professed  dealer.  But  candles !  Who  does  not  burn  can 
dles  ?  Whether  I  was  a  merchant,  or  a  lawyer,  or  a  divine,  I  must  have  light, 
and  how  could  I  get  it  without  buying  candles,  and  how  buy  candles  without 
learning  the  price?  And  I  felt,  too,  that  I  ought  to  know — I,  a  lawyer,  a 
Senator,  a  man  with  a  wife  and  two  children,  how  could  I  make  the  inquirer 
understand  how  it  could  be  that  I  did  not  have  occasion  to  learn  the  price  of  can 
dles?  In  the  eloquent  phrase  of  Senator  T ,  "it  is  a  question  which  comes 

home  to  every  burner  of  candles,  and  who  in  this  land  is  not  such  ?  "  Never 
theless  so  it  was,  I  could  not  answer.  At  first  I  thought  I  would  excuse  myself 
and  say,  "  I  burn  oil ;  "  but  the  question  then  would  come,  "  What  is  oil  worth  ? " 
and  this  would  be  no  easier  than  the  other.  Then  I  thought  I  would  guess  the 
price  of  candles ;  but  the  knowing  look  of  the  interrogator  warned  me  from  that 
purpose,  and  I  finally  acknowledged  that  I  did  not  know  the  price  of  a  pound 
of  candles.  My  fellow-passenger  sympathized  in  my  confusion,  and  dispelled, 
in  some  degree,  my  mortification,  by  saying  he  was  a  tallow-chandler  at  Eoches- 
ter,  which  was  the  reason  he  inquired.  The  old  grumbler  then  announced  him 
self  to  be  a  butcher,  and  the  two  communed  sweetly  together,  upon  the  mys 
teries  of  slaughtering,  dressing,  moulding,  dipping,  and  soap-boiling. 

Albany,  as  usual,  was  enlivened  by  the  approach  of  winter.  Hotels 
were  filled  with  guests,  society  was  preparing  for  pleasure,  and  legisla 
tors  and  lobby  for  work.  Se ward's  next  letters  adverted  to  meetings 
with  new  and  old  acquaintances,  and  visits  to  the  theatre  to  see  a 
young  tragedian  of  rising  fame  : 

December  2Sth. 

Wednesday  evening  I  went  with  Thomas  Y.  How  to  see  Forrest  play  Hamlet. 
Critics  say  he  is  not  a  first-rate  actor,  except  in  characters  adapted  for  the  dis 
play  of  great  physical  power,  and  in  such  parts  he  is  admitted  to  excel.  But  he 


1832.]  EDWIN  FORREST.  223 

certainly  played  Hamlet  with  profound  judgment  and  much  effect.  I  was  very 
happily  disappointed  in  it.  Even  the  ghost-scene,  unnatural  as  it  is,  seemed 
less  so,  because  the  eye  and  ear  were  riveted  upon  Hamlet,  terrified,  dismayed, 
horror-struck,  but  firm  of  purpose  to  discharge  the  duties  of  a  son.  The  inter 
view  between  Hamlet  and  his  mother,  in  her  closet,  where  he  accuses  her  of 
murder  and  incest,  and  wrings  from  the  lips  of  a  mother,  whose  only  remaining 
virtue  is  her  love  for  her  son,  a  confession  of  her  guilt,  was  a  scene  of  deep  in 
terest. 

There  is  another  part  of  the  play  which,  on  reading,  always  seemed  to  me  to 
be  mistaken  in  point  of  effect.  I  mean  the  representation  by  the  players  of  a 
tragedy  intended  to  be  the  means  of  discovering,  by  its  effect  upon  the  guilty 
King  and  Queen,  the  truth  of  the  accusations  by  the  ghost.  But  here  again  I 
was  disappointed,  and  admired  still  more  the  deep  discernment  of  Shakespeare. 
Hamlet,  meditating  upon  this  plan,  says : 

"  The  play,  the  play  ;  yes,  the  play's  the  thing  ; 
With  that  I'll  catch  the  conscience  of  the  king." 

Now,  these  lines  I've  read  a  thousand  times,  without  discovering  that  they 
had  any  meaning,  or  were  of  more  use  than  to  end  the  scene  in  rhyme.  But, 
when  Forrest  so  uttered  the  lines  as  to  express  the  full  meaning,  I  saw  how 
true  both  author  and  actor  were  to  Nature — when  the  King  started  at  the  first 
suspicion  that  his  guilty  secret  was  out ;  when  Hamlet  insidiously  urged  on  to 
quick  discovery,  and  the  King,  losing  all  self-possession,  rushed  from  the  cham 
ber,  while  the  affrighted  players  dropped  their  curtain  and  fled. 

In  my  boyish  days  I  kept  a  scrap-book,  into  which  I  transferred,  as  I  thought, 
the  finest  passages  of  Shakespeare,  and  among  the  rest  those  which  are  found 
in  "  Hamlet ;  "  but  Forrest's  just  perception  showed  me  a  thousand  beauties 
and  sublimities  I  never  knew  before.  But  I  must  not  dwell  longer  on  the  the 
atre.  To-night  he  plays  Metamora.  I  am  going  to  see  whether  the  Indian  char 
acter  can  be  written  and  enacted. 

December  292 A. 

Day  before  yesterday  Mr.  Bronson  announced,  at  dinner,  that  Mr.  Van 
Buren  and  Governor  Throop  had  called  this  morning  upon  the  ladies,  and  left 
their  compliments  for  all  the  gentlemen  of  the  Court  of  Errors.  Yesterday 
morning  Mr.  Van  Buren  came  into  the  Court  of  Errors,  and  remained  until  the 
adjournment. 

Did  you  notice  in  the  papers  the  death  of  Mrs.  Henry  Hone,  formerly  Caro 
line  Burrill?  "When  you  and  I  were  first  acquent,"  Mr.  Burrill's  three  daugh' 
ters  were  the  theme  of  all  conversation  in  the  society  in  which  I  lived.  Their 
beauty  of  person,  powers  of  mind,  and  traits  of  character,  were  subjects  of 
discussion  in  almost  every  circle.  Mrs.  Murray  Hoffman  was  dignified,  Emily 
was  modest  and  lovely,  Caroline  was  witty  and  satirical.  All  three  were  mar 
ried,  had  children,  and  died,  within  ten  short  years.  Dignity,  loveliness,  and 
talent,  though  they  possessed  them  all,  have  fled,  and  the  earth  covers  the  poor 
handfuls  of  dust  which  can  no  longer  excite  admiration  or  inflict  pain. 

I  cannot  augur  good  of  the  proposed  marriage  to  which  you  refer.  But  it 
seems  always  idle  in  such  cases  to  advise.  There  is  a  disposition  not  to  be  ad 
vised,  and,  moreover,  this  is  such  a  "  clever  "  world  that  many  people  always 
advise  lovers  to  follow  their  own  inclinations ;  being  willing  to  believe  that  all 


224:  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1832. 

will  be  as  it  ought  to  be,  very  happy,  if  the  person  most  interested  wishes  to 
believe  so.  This  is  a  kind  of  complacency  of  which  I  have  no  share.  But  I 
confess  I  have  seldom  seen  the  friend  who  had  firmness  enough  to  advise 
another  against  marrying  in  accordance  with  inclination. 

I  am  grieved  to  say  that  our  poor  friend  Weed  is  in  a  very  critical  situation. 
He  can  hardly  hope  to  escape  without  loss  of  limb  or  life.  It  is  horrible ;  it  de 
stroys  all  the  happiness  of  his  society.  It  is  almost  enough  to  make  us  repine 
at  the  dispensations  of  Providence.  Never  were  men  more  honest,  more  pure 
in  patriotic  enterprise,  than  our  feeble  band  of  Antimasons.  Yet  the  greatest 
and  noblest  is  struck  to  the  earth ;  and  another  is  prostrated ;  and  this  comes 
simultaneously  with  the  desolation  of  all  our  fair  hopes ;  while  triumphs  and 
festivities  seem  held  in  reserve  for  those  who  sacrifice  their  country  to  their 
party,  and  their  party  to  themselves. 

But  I  had  better  tell  you  about  Metamora  than  to  fill  up  this  page  with  mur- 
murings  against  the  dispensations  of  Providence. 

Metamora  is  Philip,  the  last  King  of  the  Wampanoags.  Forrest  looks  like  an 
Indian,  walks  like  an  Indian,  and  talks  as  well  as  if  he  were  not  an  Indian.  The 
play  would  be  no  play  if  the  hero  did  not  speak,  and  unfortunately  we  all  know  that 
Indians  never  do  make  long  speeches,  or  declaim  like  white  men.  This  inherent 
but  unavoidable  defect  in  the  tragedy  renders  the  whole  thing  so  absurd  that  no 
one  can  be  interested  in  the  first  four  acts.  The  last  act,  however,  is  filled  with 
incidents  which  excite  intense  interest.  His  child  is  pierced  by  a  bullet  sped  at 
his  wife  (the  Indian  woman,  by-the-way,  was  acted  to  the  life).  The  enemy  are 
in  hot  pursuit.  The  tribe  of  Wampanoags  are  all  cut  off,  and  the  chief,  his 
wife,  and  their  dead  child,  are  in  their  cave.  The  alarm  of  the  approach  of 
white  men  inspires  him  with  a  sudden  resolution.  He  points  his  wife  to  the 
sky — tells  her  the  great  and  departed  of  her  race  beckon  her  thither.  She  de 
spairingly  declares  she  is  ready.  He  stabs  her,  weeps  over  her,  curses  the 
white  men — the  enemy  discover  him — he  bares  his  breast,  receives  a  whole  vol 
ley  of  musketry,  and  dies  execrating  the  cruelty  of  pale-faces.  It  is  impossible 
to  witness  the  representation  of  the  play,  and  not  rise  from  it  without  a  feeling 
of  detestation  of  our  ancestors  and  ourselves.  This  bloody  tragedy  is  not  fic 
tion  ;  it  is  a  softer  picture  of  more  than  a  thousand  massacres ;  and  yet  we  go 
on.  The  race  is  almost  extirpated  here ;  we  proceed  to  extirpate  the  remnant 
in  their  retreat.  With  the  wrongs  of  the  Indian  and  the  negro  races  still  fresh 
and  ascending  to  Heaven  for  vengeance,  little  ground  have  we  to  hope  to  avoid 
civil  war,  and  I  sometimes  think  a  just  Providence  overrules  all  efforts  of  the 
good  and  wise,  that  it  may  hasten  the  day  of  that  calamity. 


1833.]  NEW-YEAR'S  VISITS.  225 

CHAPTER  IX. 
1833. 

New-Year's  Reflections.— A  Round  of  Calls.— United  States  Senators.— Silas  Wright.— N. 
P.  Tallmadge.— Christian  Faith.— South  Carolina  Nullification.— Speech  defending 
Jackson's  Proclamation.— A  Mother's  Illness.— Voyage  to  Europe. 

January  1,  1833. 

WITH  this  New -Year's  day  comes  the  reflection  that  my  term  of  office  is  half 
expired.  One-half  of  those  by  whom  I  was  surrounded  when  I  first  took  my 
seat  in  the  Senate  have  vacated  their  places :  Stephen  Allen,  Mather,  Fuller, 
and  Maynard.  I  can  truly  say  I  feel  no  regret  at  the  evidences  that  my  official 
term  draws  nearer  to  its  close.  What  is  to  be  "  the  color  of  the  times "  dur 
ing  the  residue  of  my  legislative  term,  I  know  not.  At  present  there  is  little 
to  encourage  exertion.  Our  friends  are  desponding,  the  victors  are  arrogant, 
and  the  people  sunk  in  too  profound  a  slumber  to  be  waked  to  a  conviction  of 
their  interests.  What  new  events  may  come,  and  what  may  be  the  operation 
of  such  events,  no  man  can  read.  It  is  certainly  not  impossible  that  a  reorgani 
zation  of  political  elements  may  take  place.  The  times  indicate  it,  bat  whether 
it  will  be  one  which  will  be  fraught  with  weal  or  disappointment  to  those  with 
whom  I  act,  no  one  can  even  pretend  to  conjecture. 

January  2d. 

The  Legislature  adjourned  yesterday,  without  receiving  the  Governor's  mes 
sage,  in  order  to  afford  opportunity  for  the  celebration  of  New-Year's  day  in  the 
usual  manner.  The  military  were  out,  of  course,  and  the  usual  public  demon 
strations  were  made.  It  is  only  of  my  own  adventures  that  I  can  speak.  First, 
I  called  on  Lewis  Benedict's  family,  who  gave  me  an  old-fashioned  welcome. 
Here  Birdsall  joined  me.  We  passed  by  Chancellor  Sanford's — dropped  in 
at  old  Mr.  Gregory's — did  not  see  Mrs.  Wing,  but  Mrs.  G.  wished  us  a  happy 
New-Year.  Stopped  at  Congress  Hall,  called  on  Mrs.  Gary,  found  Mrs.  Tracy 
in  the  ladies'  parlor  arranging  a  table  for  the  entertainment  of  her  friends. 
The  new  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  the  ladies  of  his  family,  held  levee  in  the 
dining-room,  where  there  was,  of  course,  a  throng.  Birdsall  mingled  with 
the  crowd  that  pressed  into  the  room  of  "  the  magician."  Our  next  call  was 
at  John  T.  Norton's,  where  we  found  Mrs.  N.  the  mother,  Mrs.  N.  the  wife, 
and  Miss  Tread  well.  Next  we  dropped  in  at  the  Chief -Justice's ;  found  Mrs. 
Savage  as  agreeable  as  formerly.  Thence  to  Judge  Sutherland's;  him  we 
found  surrounded  by  his  wife  and  half  a  dozen  daughters.  Our  next  call  was 
at  Mr.  Weed's.  Mrs.  Bronson  has  fitted  up  the  Hopkins  House,  so  it  seems  to 
be  a  different  establishment.  We  found  the  Chancellor  at  home  with  his  family. 
Having  now  come  down  Washington  Street,  we  went  round  the  Academy  Park. 
At  Porter's,  we  met  his  late  Excellency  Governor  Throop,  Mrs.  Porter,  and  Mrs. 
Lafarge.  Then  we  called  at  Delavan's ;  there  we  found  ourselves  in  the  crowd 
who  thronged  the  halls  of  the  new  Governor.  The  sovereign  people  crowded, 
as  idolaters  always  do,  to  worship  the  god  they  have  just  made.  His  Excellency 
was  pleased  to  say  he  was  very  happy  to  see  us.  Mrs.  Marcy  occupied  the  draw 
ing-room  ;  the  Adjutant-General  and  the  aides  of  the  Governor  were  in  attend 
ance  in  uniform. 
15 


226  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  1 1833.. 

Left  my  card  at  Congress  Hall  for  Mrs.  Julius  Rhoades ;  crossed  to  John 
Keyes  Paige's,  who  was  out ;  then  to  the  Recorder's,  who  was  in.  Then  to  the 
Surveyor-General's,  and  then  to  his  son's.  Went  into  the  Misses  Lovett's  ;  then 
made  our  way  to  Isaiah  Townsend's,  and  stopped  at  ex-Mayor  John  Townsend's, 
who  puts  a  good  grace  upon  the  loss  of  his  election,  and  declares  he  is  glad  he 
is  out. 

Gary,  by  this  time,  had  joined  us,  and  we  went  into  Coming's ;  thence  to 
Wendell's.  Never  saw  a  handsomer  girl  than  Anna  Mary,  or  a  cleverer  matron 
than  her  mother.  Was  informed  that  Mrs.  Blanchard  did  not  receive  company ; 
nor  did  Mrs.  James  King.  Called  at  Rufus  H.  King's,  Mrs.  Brinckerhoff's,  Mrs. 
Mancius's,  Chancellor  Sanford's,  Judge  Spencer's,  the  Bleeckers',  Kane's,  Baine's,, 
etc.,  etc. ;  more  than  I  can  speak  of  in  detail.  We  called  at  the  new  mayor's 
(Bloodgood's) ;  his  daughter  is  accomplished  and  elegant.  While  Cary  and  I 
were  there,  he  happened  to  call  me  "uncle,"  at  which  they  all  started,  and 
required  explanation.  I  told  them  that  it  is  a  generic  name  applied  to  me  by 
my  Antimasonic  brethren,  who  make  me  uncle  to  the  whole  party.  On  which 
the  girls  declared  that  they  desired  to  be  received  as  my  nieces,  and  we  all 
agreed  that  our  family,  though  not  the  most  numerous,  was  yet  a  very  respect 
able  and  worthy  one. 

January  4,  1833. 

Friday  was  the  day  appointed  for  choosing  a  Senator  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  I  went  into  Spencer's  room  on  business  on  Thursday  evening,  and 
he  told  me  there  was  to  be  a  caucus  of  our  friends  at  Bement's  at  seven  o'clock. 
I  staid  and  took  tea  with  him ;  we  consulted  upon  the  matter,  and  finally 
agreed  that  it  would  be  well  for  us  to  scatter  our  vote  among  our  Antimasonic 
friends.  When  the  meeting  organized,  Spencer  submitted  his  views,  and  called 
upon  me.  I  concurred ;  some  others  opposed ;  Birdsall  joined  us ;  Cary  as 
sented  ;  and  finally  all  agreed  in  entire  harmony  and  good  feeling  to  the  policy 
we  proposed. 

This  election  was  to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  resignation 
of  Judge  Marcy,  who  had  been  elected  Governor.  There  was  no  con 
test  ;  the  Democratic  candidate  was  the  Comptroller,  Silas  Wright ;  and 
as  his  political  friends  numbered  three-fourths  of  both  Houses,  he  was 
elected  without  difficulty.  The  Antimasonic  members  scattered  their 
votes  as  had  been  prearranged. 

Sunday  Evening,  January  6th. 

This  afternoon  I  went  to  St.  Paul's,  where  I  heard  a  sermon  on  the  necessity 
of  evangelizing  the  heathen.  I  never  enter  a  church  and  hear  the  doctrines, 
hopes,  and  fears  of  our  faith  explained,  but  that  I  feel  sensibly  how  much  bet 
ter  it  is  to  believe,  and  to  seek  to  act  according  to  its  precepts,  than  to  be  desti 
tute  of  religious  faith  and  practice,  hope  and  comfort.  Happy  are  those  who 
receive  this  religion  in  childhood,  grow  up  in  the  faith,  go  through  life  without 
doubting,  and  die  with  triumphant  hope ;  and  miserable  is  he  who  either  be 
lieves  or  acts  as  if  he  believed  that  this  span  of  life  is  the  whole  period  allotted 

for  his  duration ! 

Monday,  7th. 

I  have  to  tell  you  what  will  undoubtedly  be  most  gratifying.  Dr.  McNaugh- 
ton  was  at  Weed's  yesterday  and  examined  his  limb  ;  he  pronounced  with  muck 


1833.]  NATHANIEL  P.   TALLMADGE.  227 

confidence  that  the  disease  was  a  mere  enlargement  of  the  ligaments,  and  prom 
ised  him  that  he  should  be  able  to  quit  his  house  in  a  fortnight.  I  learned  also 
that  Dr.  Williams's  opinion  is  in  accordance  with  Dr.  McNaughton's. 

I  would  give  half  a  kingdom  (if  I  had  a  whole  one)  to  be  divested  of  my  dis 
position  to  suffer  under  an  oppressive  sense  of  responsibility.  I  brought  with 
me  the  papers  to  argue  two  cases  in  the  Supreme  Court.  The  argument  was  to 
be  brought  on  to-day  ;  I  labored  yesterday,  and  for  two  days  previous,  in  pre 
paring  a  brief,  and  was  constantly  depressed  by  apprehensions  of  failure.  The 
day  at  length  came ;  I  waited  my  turn  in  court  with  a  state  of  feeling  very 
much  like  that  of  a  man  about  to  be  hanged.  I  rose,  stated  the  case,  read  my 
notice,  and  looked  round,  when  lo  !  nobody  appeared  to  gainsay  my  motion,  and 
I  took  it  by  default  in  each  case. 

Another  Senator  in  Congress  is  to  be  chosen  by  the  Legislature  in  February. 
Tallmadge  and  McLean  are  busily  employed  in  canvassing.  Tallmadge's  chief 
opponent  is  Judge  Sutherland.  I  incline  to  the  belief  that  Tallmadge  will  suc 
ceed.  Comptroller  Wright  has  already  been  elected  to  the  Senate ;  Flagg,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  is  to  be  Comptroller  ;  General  Dix,  the  Adjutant-General,  it  is 
understood,  is  to  be  promoted  to  fill  Flagg's  place,  which  leaves  the  Adjutant- 
General's  place  vacant ;  there  is,  however,  nothing  left  for  us  to  do  but  to 
look  on. 

My  afternoon  was  occupied  with  calls,  among  which  was  that  of  Judge 
Woodworth,  who  condoled  with  me  over  our  defeat,  and  we  both  agreed  we 
would  never  be  so  much  excited  again  in  a  political  controversy.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  either  of  us  adhere  to  so  wise  a  resolution. 

After  a  brief  visit  to  Auburn  in  the  early  part  of  February,  he  re 
turned  to  Albany,  bringing  his  family  with  him,  and  wrote  thence  to 
Judge  Miller  : 

February  10th. 

Our  journey  was  as  comfortable  as  we  could  reasonably  expect.  The  chil 
dren  seem  to  enjoy  entire  health.  It  will  be  something  for  them  to  tell  of,  if 
they  live  after  a  few  years,  that  they  sat  on  the  knee  of  Aaron  Burr.  Yet  it  will 
be  true.  The  old  man  spent  the  morning  with  me  to-day.  He  had  begun  to 
tell  me  the  story  of  the  duel  when  Dr.  Williams  came  in,  and  that  broke  off  the 
narration.  I  would  have  given  much  to  hear  it  from  his  lips. 

The  chief  incident  which  has  occurred  in  the  Legislature  was  the  election  of 
Tallmadge  to  be  U.  S.  Senator. 

A  question  immediately  arose  as  to  the  eligibility  of  Mr.  Tallmadge. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  State  Senate,  and  the  Constitution  contained 
a  provision  prohibiting  any  member  of  the  Legislature  from  receiving 
"  any  civil  appointment "  from  that  body  during  the  time  for  which  he 
was  elected.  An  animated  debate  ensued.  Some  of  the  political  asso 
ciates  of  Mr.  Tallmadge,  having  scruples  about  the  legality  of  the 
election,  asked  to  be  excused  from  voting.  The  Attorney-General 
(Greene  C.  Bronson),  to  whom  reference  of  the  question  had  been 
made,  gave  an  opinion  that  the  constitutional  provision  did  not  apply 
to  the  case.  Various  minor  questions  entered  into  the  discussion  in 


228  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1833. 

the  two  Houses,  in  which  Messrs.  Edmonds,  Foster,  Sherman,  Tracy, 
Spencer,  Livingston,  and  Morris,  took  prominent  part.  Se ward's 
closing  argument  was  a  careful  presentation  of  the  legal  points  in 
volved.  Finally  the  election  was  approved  and  pronounced  valid  by  a 
party  vote. 

The  country  was  now  alarmed  by  the  grave  and  exciting  incidents 
of  the  nullification  struggle,  the  resignation  of  Vice-President  Calhoun, 
the  passage  of  the  South  Carolina  Ordinance,  the  memorable  debate  in 
Congress,  Webster's  reply  to  Hayne,  President  Jackson's  proclamation, 
and  the  orders  to  the  land  and  naval  forces  near  Charleston.  Of  course 
the  New  York  Legislature  took  cognizance  of  the  crisis.  A  joint  com 
mittee  was  appointed,  who  presented  a  report  that  became  a  subject  of 
debate.  A  question  of  this  character  could  not  fail  to  enlist  Seward 
on  the  side  of  the  Union,  regardless  of  party  prejudices.  On  the  16th 
of  February  he  addressed  the  Senate  at  some  length,  and  introduced  a 
series  of  resolutions,  closing  with  this  : 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  late  proclamation, 
has  advanced  the  true  principles  upon  which  only  the  Constitution  can  be  main 
tained  and  defended. 

In  his  speech  he  said  : 

The  last  resolution,  sir,  approving  the  principles  contained  in  the  procla 
mation,  seems  absolutely  necessary,  inasmuch  as  the  committee  either  forgot,  or 
evaded  expressing,  any  approbation  in  their  report.  They  set  out  to  vindicate 
the  President,  but  compliments  supply  the  place  of  vindication,  or  even  approval 
of  the  proclamation.  But  we  are  told  that  in  order  to  maintain  and  preserve 
the  "  Democratic  character  "  of  the  State,  we  must  adopt  the  Yirginia  and  Ken 
tucky  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799.  Have  recent  events  brought  suspicion  on 
our  "  Democratic  character?  "  If  not,  why  is  it  now  necessary  to  burnish  it? 
And  how  is  it  to  be  effected?  New  York  demurely  resolves  against  nulli 
fication,  but  adopts  the  text-book  of  the  heresy  to  show  that  she  is  not  in 
earnest !  The  resolution  shows  that  we  are  opposed  to  nullification  as  practised 
by  South  Carolina ;  but  the  report  shows  we  can  wink  at  it  in  the  abstract, 
as  indulged  by  Yirginia.  .  .  .  Sir,  South  Carolina  and  the  great  party  who 
favor  nullification  at  the  South  ask  nothing  more  of  us  than  to  waive  the  Con 
stitution,  and  adopt  those  resolutions  of  Yirginia.  and  Kentucky.  They  are 
written  in  their  hearts'  core.  If  we  adopt  them,  the  question  is  no  longer 
whether  nullification  and  secession  are  constitutional,  but  it  is  reduced  to  a  ques 
tion  of  construction  of  your  new  text-book. 

Replying  to  the  argument  that  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions  was 
a  tribute  to  Jefferson,  "the  second  savior  of  his  country,"  as  they 
called  him,  he  said  : 

Sir,  I  remind  you  of  the  duty  due  to  the  first  real  savior  of  his  country, 
the  Father  of  his  Country,  under  whose  hand  the  Constitution  has  come  down 


1833.]  A  MOTHER'S   ILLNESS.  229 

to  us.  Were  his  venerated  shade  to  witness  these  deliberations,  how,  with  a 
countenance  "  more  in  sorrow  than  in  anger,"  would  he  remonstrate  against  the 
infatuation  of  surrendering  that  sure  and  only  guide,  to  adopt  in  its  place  the 
crude  dogmas  of  any  man  or  men !....!  protest  against  the  exhibition  of 
the  servile  spirit  toward  Virginia  indicated  by  the  uncalled-for  adoption  of 
these  resolutions.  I  know  it  is  a  custom  in  this  State,  but  I  can  say  of  it : 

"  Though  I  am  native  here, 
And  to  the  manner  born,  it  is  a  custom 
More  honored  in  the  breach  than  the  observance." 

To  find  himself  a  champion  and  defender  of  General  Jackson 
against  the  "  Jackson  party "  in  the  Senate,  was  a  novel  position  for 
Seward.  But  the  ground  was  so  well  taken,  and  the  popular  heart  so 
fully  in  accord  with  his  Union  sentiments,  that,  although  the  commit 
tee's  resolutions  were  adopted,  and  his  own  "  postponed,"  yet  he  suc 
ceeded  in  making  a  break  in  the  party  vote,  some  of  his  Democratic 
colleagues,  Sudani,  Sherman,  and  Van  Schaick,  voting  for  his  stronger 
indorsement  of  the  "  Old  Hero's  "  proclamation. 

Hardly  had  the  Legislature  adjourned,  at  the  close  of  April,  when 
he  was  summoned  to  Florida  by  news  of  the  alarming  illness  of  his 
mother.  He  remained  there  until  her  convalescence.  One  of  his  let 
ters  home  spoke  of  the  affection  with  which  she  was  regarded : 

All  the  journey  long  I  felt  that  I  had  never  before  realized  how  far  I  was 
living  from  a  mother  who  had  always  loved  me  with  more  than  ordinary  mater 
nal  affection. 

"When  she  became  very  sick,  the  front-gate  was  closed,  and  all  access  to  her 
room  was  denied  except  to  her  children,  physicians,  and  nurses.  Billets  of  wood 
were  laid  on  the  west  side  of  the  street,  to  oblige  people  to  pass  as  far  as  possi 
ble  from  the  house,  so  that  she  might  not  be  annoyed.  All  these  precautions 
were  calculated  to  excite  prejudice,  but  the  sympathy  of  the  neighbors  far  and 
near  has  been  strong  and  affectionate. 

I  rode  out  this  morning,  and  all  along  the  road,  at  almost  every  house,  some 
person  came  out  to  inquire  concerning  her.  There  is  not  one  who  does  not  love 
her ;  and  in  all  this  region  there  is  none  whom  Death  can,  in  his  caprice,  select 
as  a  victim  whose  removal  would  excite  so  deep  and  general  concern. 

As  soon  as  her  recovery  was  assured,  preparations  began  for  a 
summer  voyage  to  Europe  with  his  father,  already  described  in  his 
autobiography.  There  were,  as  yet,  no  ocean -steamers.  At  the  open 
ing  of  June  they  embarked  on  the  Liverpool  packet. 


230  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1833-'34. 

CHAPTER  X. 
1833-1834. 

Eeturn  Home.  —  The  Wadsworths.  —  Dissolution  of  the  Antimasonic  Party.  —  Debate  on 
Removal  of  the  Deposits.  —  The  Six-Million  Loan.  —  Commercial  Distress.  —  A  Depre 
ciated  Currency.  —  The  Cholera.  —  Freeman  the  Artist.  —  Nomination  for  Governor. 


the  summer  and  autumn  of  1833,  Seward's  letters  from 
Europe  to  his  family  and  friends  described  the  incidents  of  his  tour. 
Weed,  who  had  received  some  and  read  others,  insisted  that,  though 
not  written  for  publication,  they  were  worthy  of  it  ;  and  a  reluctant 
consent  was  obtained  for  their  appearance,  without  signature,  in  the 
Evening  Journal.  European  life  and  travels  were  topics  as  yet  fresh 
and  novel  to  the  American  public,  and  the  letters  were  widely  read. 
As  their  substance  is  recounted  in  the  autobiography,  they  may  be 
passed  over  here. 

Returning  home  in  the  fall,  the  close  of  November  found  him  again 
leaving  Auburn  for  Albany,  to  resume  his  seat  in  the  Court  of  Errors. 

CONGRESS  HALL,  November  22,  1833. 

The  stage  at  Auburn  was  delayed  quite  an  hour  after  the  notice  given  me. 
The  delay  was  occasioned,  as  I  found,  by  the  driver's  having  waked  up  Mr. 
Hills.  Which  was  most  vexed  by  a  mistake  thus  occurring  on  a  severe  Novem 
ber  morning  —  the  driver,  my  neighbor,  or  myself  —  is  very  doubtful.  Our  jour 
ney  was  tedious  enough  to  Utica,  but  a  good  fire,  a  good  supper,  and  an  inter 
view  with  one  good  and  estimable  friend,  Devereux,  made  the  evening  pass 
pleasantly.  Devereux,  after  hearing  my  first  impressions  of  his  unhappy  coun 
try,  interested  me  exceedingly  in  the  detail  of  the  political  events  which  had 
occurred  during  my  absence.  He  told  me,  among  other  things,  that  General 
Jackson  had  offered  to  Richard  Rush  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  that  Rush  has  the  proposition  at  present  under  consideration.  The  object  is 
supposed  to  be  to  enlist  the  Antimasons  of  Pennsylvania  in  favor  of  Van  Buren 
for  the  presidency. 

All  along  the  road  during  the  day  I  heard  from  the  drivers  that  Mr.  Wads- 
worth,  of  Geneseo,  with  his  family,  were  coming  behind  us  in  an  "  extra."  We 
arrived  at  nearly  the  same  moment,  at  Bagg's.  Being  entirely  unacquainted 
with  Mr.  Wadsworth,  but  knowing  him  to  have  been  an  ardent,  liberal,  and 
distinguished  member  of  our  party,  I  thought  circumstances  justified  me  in 
making  his  acquaintance.  He  seemed  to  think  so  too  ;  he  received  me  with 
warmth,  and  invited  me  to  travel  to  Albany  with  them.  In  the  evening  Abijah 
Fitch  came  in  from  the  State  Temperance  Convention.  He  was  full  of  zeal  in 
the  great  reform. 

A  thousand  recollections  of  intense  interest  crowded  upon  my  mind  when  I 
lay  down  to  rest  in  the  same  little  room  in  the  third  story  which  you  and  I 
occupied  when  we  visited  Utica  in  1828,  during  the  sitting  of  the  Young  Men's 
State  Convention.  I  reviewed  my  political  course  since  that  day,  when  it  com 
menced  to  attract  public  attention,  and  reflected  with  pleasure  that  it  had  been 


1833-'34.]  END   OF   ANTIMASONIC   PARTY.  231 

marred  by  no  act  and  no  motive  which  brought  self  reproach.  I  reviewed  the 
same  period  of  our  domestic  association,  and  was  sincerely  grateful  that  the 
affection  which  then  united  us  had  only  continued  to  increase  and  to  make  us 
both  more  truly  happy. 

Our  party  in  the  "  exclusive  extra  "  consisted  of  Mr.  Wadsworth,  his  daugh 
ter  and  son,  and  myself,  with  their  servant.  I  hardly  know  a  more  interesting 
man  than  Mr.  Wadsworth.  He  is  about  sixty-five,  a  gentleman  of  good  educa 
tion,  and  extensive  philosophical  reading.  He  had  traveled  in  Europe  some 
twenty-five  years  ago,  and  was  an  observer  of  men  and  things.  In  personal 
politeness,  in  urbanity,  and  kindness,  as  well  as  in  the  ease  of  his  manners,  he 
resembles  Colonel  Mynderse.  His  daughter  is  one  of  those  beings  who  cannot 
be  seen  without  being  loved.  She  seemed  unaffected,  sincere,  modest,  and 
affectionate.  She  is  about  eighteen  or  nineteen,  and  is  not  in  good  health. 

Her  brother  appeared  to  be  of  the  same  elevated  and  honest  class  of  minds 
as  his  father.  You  will  readily  imagine  how  much  I  enjoyed  the  society  of  my 
fellow-travelers.  The  conversation,  which  was  principally  between  the  father 
and  myself,  did  not  flag  during  the  whole  journey.  We  compared  recollections 
of  the  Old  World,  and  agreed  entirely  in  our  views  of  things  on  this  side  of  the 
water.  The  good  old  man,  with  all  his  shrewdness,  had  not  yet  seen  reason  to 
doubt  the  eventual  success  of  political  Antimasonry,  and  grieved  when  he  heard 
me  express  a  doubt  whether  it  would  be  either  possible,  or  even  expedient,  to 
attempt  another  organization. 

November  2Sd  , 

I  am  once  more  established  in  my  old  quarters,  and  already  too  much  en 
grossed  with  the  subjects  which  always  absorb  the  attention  of  public  men  when 
congregated  here.  It  makes  me  melancholy  to  look  around  my  chamber  ;  it  is 
the  same  in  which  Maynard  lived.  Reminiscences  of  that  great,  estimable,  and 
eccentric  man  crowd  upon  me,  and  I  have  mused  in  moralizing  mood  upon  the 
incidents  of  my  acquaintance  with  him. 

I  remember  well  when  I  first  saw  him,  how  much  influence  he  exerted  in 
determining  me  to  embark  in  a  cause  which  had  already  enlisted  my  feelings, 
the  intimate  association  which  afterward  existed  between  us,  until,  in  his  sudden 
withdrawal  from  earthly  responsibilities,  the  cause  suffered  a  loss  which  we 
justly  deemed  irreparable. 

Though  I  have  often  occasion  to  reflect  upon  the  uncertainty  of  all  political 
events,  and  the  uneven  and  unsubstantial  pleasures  which  are  to  be  reaped  in  a 
field  where  such  fiery  competition  is  exhibited,  I  do  not  venture  to  doubt  that  I 
shall,  from  the  force  of  constitutional  bias,  be  found  always  mingling  in  the  con 
troversies  which  agitate  the  country.  Enthusiasm  for  the  right,  and  ambition 
for  personal  distinction,  are  passions  of  which  I  cannot  divest  myself,  and  while 
every  day's  experience  is  teaching  me  that  the  former  is  the  very  agent  which 
must  defeat  the  latter,  I  am  far  from  believing  that  I  should  be  more  happy 
were  I  to  withdraw  altogether  from  political  action. 


November 

The  visit  of  our  members  of  Congress  at  this  moment  when  the  Senate  is  in 
session  has  brought  about  an  interchange  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  condition 
and  prospects  of  our  party.  All  seem  to  agree  that  the  experiment  has  been 
sufficiently  made,  and  that  it  is  proved  that  Antimasonry  cannot  succeed  politi- 


232  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1833-'34, 

cally.  In  a  few  counties  at  the  west,  if  our  friends  are  to  be  reflected,  it  must 
be  upon  Antimasonic  grounds,  and  it  is  not  a  little  amusing  to  see  one  of  them 
insisting  upon  a  general  organization  of  the  Antimasonic  party  throughout  the 
State,  in  order  to  secure  his  own  reelection  next  year,  while  he  does  not  hesitate 
to  tell  us  that  the  party  cannot  go  further  than  through  that  election,  and  when 
it  is  disbanded  he  intends  to  go  in  for  Van  Buren,  who  will  be  elected. 

Weed  seems,  like  John  Birdsall  and  myself,  not  to  have  inquired  whether 
there  is  a  hope  of  defeating  Van  Buren,  but  determined  by  principle  and  con 
sistency  to  continue  in  the  opposition.  For  myself,  I  have  not  been  left  to 
doubt  for  a  moment  what  course  duty  dictates.  Could  I  stop  to  calculate 
chances,  I  have  seen  too  many  instances  in  which  political  success  has  fallen  to 
those  who,  to  say  nothing  of  talent  or  worth,  had  least  of  worldly  wisdom,  and 
too  many  instances  in  which  the  most  acute  have  been  disappointed  in  all  their 
plans.  I  shall  go  on  as  always,  adopting  what  my  judgment  and  conscience 
approve.  If  my  political  career  ends  where  it  now  is,  I  shall  have  enjoyed,  if 
not  all  I  deserved,  as  much  of  success  as  is  my  reasonable  share.  If  success 
comes,  as  it  heretofore  has  done,  when  I  am  laboring  in  what  seems  to  me  the 
right  cause,  it  will  be  doubly  gratifying,  because  it  will  bring  no  remorse  of 
conscience. 

Sunday  I  went  to  church  at  St.  Peter's.  You  may  have  understood  that  Mr. 
Horatio  Potter,  a  brother  of  Alonzo,  has  been  settled  in  that  church. 

I  have  secured  rooms  for  the  winter  at  Bement's.  The  house  is  kept  so 
clean  and  warm,  and  withal  will  be  so  quiet,  that  we  shall  live  very  pleasantly 
if  we  remain  well,  which  I  will  hope,  against  past  experience. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  has  the  ladies'  parlor,  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs.  He  has  his 
card  upon  the  door,  and  a  constant  succession  of  visitors  are  seen  repairing 
thither.  He  came  into  the  Senate-chamber  on  Tuesday,  bowed  to  me,  and  con 
descended  to  inquire  of  one  of  the  Senators  how  old  I  was.  I  intend  before  I 
leave  here  to  make  the  necessary  attentions  to  him  and  to  the  other  good 
people. 

January,  keen  and  frosty,  found  the  little  family  circle  this  year 
gathered  round  the  fire  in  the  parlor  at  Bement's.  The  legislative 
session  opened,  and  Seward  wrote  to  Judge  Miller : 

January  7,  1834. 

You  will  have  the  Governor's  message  in  the  Journal  of  to-day.  It  is  a  war 
upon  banks,  which  will  probably  be  unsuccessful.  The  lobby  is  already  here  in 
almost  as  great  force  as  both  the  Houses,  and  almost  every  member  of  the  As 
sembly  is  committed  for  a  bank.  From  Washington  Fillmore  writes  that  there 
is  a  decided  majority  of  about  twenty  against  the  United  States  Bank. 

Not  only  all  political  but  all  commercial  circles  were  agitated  and 
disturbed  this  winter.  The  engrossing  theme  was  General  Jackson's 
removal  of  the  deposits  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  The 
subject  came  up  in  the  Legislature  soon  after  its  meeting,  when  joint 
resolutions  were  introduced  approving  the  President's  course,  and 
denouncing  the  bank.  Seward  took  the  floor  in  the  Senate  on  the  10th 


1833-'34.]  PAPER  CURRENCY.  233 

of  January.  He  began  by  remarking  that  it  required  "  no  soothsayer's 
aid  to  foresee  that  these  resolutions  will  pass,"  but  prayed  the  Senate 
to  "  remember  that  neither  boldness  of  assumption  nor  superiority  of 
numbers  is  always  the  test  of  truth."  After  recounting  the  history  of 
the  controversy,  he  adverted  to  the  financial  laws  of  paper  currency : 

Sir,  it  is  settled,  whether  wisely  or  unwisely,  that  the  circulating  medium  of 
the  country  must  be  a  paper  currency.  The  condition  of  that  currency  concerns 
every  man's  weal  in  the  land.  When  it  is  unsound,  it  produces  those  "  hard 
times  "  which  we  have  often  only  imagined,  but  are  now  experiencing.  When 
it  is  sound,  it  produces  those  good  times,  the  enjoyment  of  which  makes  us  for 
getful  of  the  cause  that  produced  them.  It  adds  to  the  value  not  only  of  the 
annual  products  of  your  farms,  but  of  the  farms  themselves.  Upon  its  condition 
may  depend  whether  your  merchandise  shall  be  profitable  or  unprofitable ; 
whether  your  manufacturing  or  mechanical  operations  shall  yield  a  reward  for 
your  industry ;  whether  you  be  able  to  collect  your  credits,  or  pay  your  debts. 
That  currency  has,  until  recently,  been  a  long  time  sound  and  uniform,  and  the 
world  bas  never  witnessed  a  scene  of  greater  prosperity  than  has  been  exhibited 
in  this  country.  That  currency  bas,  at  one  period  of  our  history,  been  diseased, 
and  then  it  brought  on  a  train  of  evils  for  which  legislative  wisdom  in  vain 
tried  the  efficacy  of  relief  laws.  So,  sir,  it  will  be  now.  .  .  .  That  currency 
obeys  no  administration ;  the  laws  of  its  action  are  absolute  and  certain.  It  has 
none  of  the  subserviency  of  secretaries,  of  political  congresses,  or  of  partisan 
Legislatures. 

Then,  pointing  to  the  results  of  the  removal  of  the  deposits,  he 
continued  : 

The  reproof  of  your  error  now  reaches  you  from  every  commercial  city  in 
the  land.  You  know  it  will  come,  louder  and  bolder,  and,  ere  you  have  closed 
your  duties  here,  it  will  visit  the  homes  of  your  constituents.  Yes,  you  will  re 
turn  to  them  to  witness  the  depreciation  of  farms  and  merchandise,  and  the 
general  gloom  which  mutual  distrust  and  individual  apprehension  can  so  effect 
ually  produce.  Your  banks  will  close  their  vaults,  and  the  applications  for  re 
newals  and  additional  loans  will  be  answered  by  the  visits  of  the  sheriff  to  the 
houses  of  the  debtors.  The  usurer  will  be  abroad  in  the  country  as  he  is  now 
in  your  cities.  You  have  disturbed  and  deranged  that  subtile  currency,  and  its 
vibrations  will  shake  and  unsettle  all  business  transactions. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  some  of  his  opponents  charged  him 
with  having  acquired  his  doctrines  from  "  aristocratical  associations  in 
Europe  "  during  his  recent  visit.  He  remarked,  in  reply,  that  if  he 
had  learned  anything  by  foreign  travel,  it  had  been  a  different  lesson  ; 
that  he  had  learned,  "  from  the  boldness,  intelligence,  and  patriotism  of 
the  republicans  of  Switzerland,  the  value  of  that  democracy  which 
spends  itself,  not  in  lauding  the  servants  of  the  people,  but  in  watch 
ing  their  conduct ;  "  and  that  he  had  learned  from  his  intercourse  with 
Lafayette,  in  the  shades  of  La  Grange,  "  the  value  of  a  consistent  and 


LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1833-'34. 

enduring  devotion  to  the  principles  of  republicanism,  not  only  when 
the  people  hail  the  champion  of  those  principles  as  their  deliverer,  but 
even  when  they  desert  him  in  his  solitude.  Although  there  I  have 
been  exposed  to  the  seductive  influences  of  foreign  manners,  my  hon 
orable  friend  may  rest  assured  that  I  have  returned  to  love  my  country 
better,  and  to  understand  better  the  value  of  her  institutions." 

In  his  letters  to  Judge  Miller,  a  few  days  later,  he  adverted  to  the 
signs  of  the  coming  period  of  financial  trouble  : 

February  16th. 

I  think  the  session  will  be  shorter  than  usual.  Every  member  is  interested 
in  the  existing  pressure.  Our  accounts  of  the  state  of  things  at  New  York 
are  of  the  gloomiest  character,  and  no  better  condition  is  anticipated.  The 
Aliens  have  resumed,  but  so  crippled  in  power  as  to  be  unable  greatly  to  relieve 
the  merchants.  Knower  has  gone  to  New  York  to  raise  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  and  has  expectations  of  an  additional  one  hundred  thousand  dollars 
from  the  four  banks  of  this  city.  There  is  no  hope  of  a  change  in  Congress. 

March  $th 

The  United  States  Bank  will  go  on  curtailing  its  discounts.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  banks  here  fear  a  general  loss  of  confidence  and  suspension  of  specie 
payments. 

The  operations  of  currency  are  so  subtile  that  it  is  not  impossible  such  a 
result  may  come,  although  it  will  not  come  immediately,  unless  by  means  of  the 
direct  agency  of  the  United  States  Bank. 

March  IftA. 

There  is  a  state  of  excitement  here  such  as  I  have  never  seen.    Several  cruel 

failures  have  taken  place ;  among  them  is  that  of  our  friends,  B &  R , 

who  failed  for  twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  having  a  full  and  clear  balance  of 
one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  dollars.  Other  failures  are  anticipated,  business 
is  stagnant,  and  public  feeling  very  much  excited. 

The  Jackson  meeting  was  called  by  about  eleven  hundred  men,  the  greater 
part  of  whose  names  are  unknown  in  the  city.  On  the  list  were  five  merchants, 
and,  it  is  said,  only  seven  or  eight  mechanics.  I  looked  in  upon  the  meeting, 
which,  of  course,  was  attended  largely  by  members  of  the  Legislature,  of  the 
lobby,  and  holders  of  public  offices.  The  opposition  meeting  is  called  by 
twenty-six  hundred  names,  embracing  almost  every  merchant  and  mechanic  in 
the  city.  It  will  be  held  in  the  City  Hall,  by  daylight  to-morrow.  For  that 
purpose  the  merchants  and  mechanics  will  close  their  doors.  John  Townsend 
will  be  chairman.  How  great  the  change  here  is,  you  may  infer  from  the  num 
ber  who  call  the  meeting.  The  aggregate  vote  of  all  parties,  at  a  contested 
election,  is  four  thousand. 

Tuesday,  April  1,  1834. 

It  was  my  intention  to  set  out  for  home  to-day,  and  we  are  all  ready  to  go  ; 
but  the  general  and  intense  solicitude  felt  by  all  our  friends  here  and  in  New 
York,  in  relation  to  the  public  business  yet  to  be  transacted  in  the  Legislature, 
has  determined  me  to  remain  here. 

The  six  million  dollar  loan  bill  will  pass  the  Assembly  to-morrow,  and,  it  is 
said,  will  be  acted  upon  in  the  Senate  this  week. 


1833-'34.]  CANDIDATE   FOR   GOVERNOR.  235 

The  history  of  the  "  six-million  loan  "  project,  and  of  the  debate  in 
regard  to  it,  has  already  been  narrated  in  the  autobiography.  In  his 
speech  of  the  10th  of  April,  Seward  remarked  that  the  relief  proposed 
by  the  bill  was  merely  local.  "  It  is  temporary,  and  cannot  be  ade 
quate."  So  it  proved.  The  bill  passed  into  a  law,  but  the  law  never 
was  put  in  operation. 

The  next  summer  was  a  season  of  commercial  distress.  Writing  in 
June,  in  the  midst  of  labors  for  his  clients,  he  said  : 

God  be  praised,  I  am  no  merchant!  The  incessant  labor  in  estimates  of 
debt  and  credit,  the  devising  of  ways  and  means  to  pay  debts,  to  save  what  was 
in  danger  of  being  lost,  and  to  convert  unproductive  into  productive  property, 
in  which  I  have  been  employed  for  the  last  month  for  others,  wrought  my  mind 
to  a  point  of  excitement  yesterday  scarcely  short  of  that  at  which  delirium 
commences.  I  continued  the  detestable  employment  till  tea-time  last  evening, 
but  I  went  to  bed  at  eleven,  had  a  refreshing  sleep,  and  arose  this  morning  with 
a  mind  becalmed. 

Again  in  Albany,  in  August,  on  his  way  to  attend  the  Court  of 
Errors  in  New  York,  he  wrote  : 

ALBANY,  August  20tA. 

I  have  just  disposed  of  a  cup  of  black  tea  and  toast  at  Crittenden's  table, 
and  hasten  to  advise  you  of  my  safe  arrival  here.  The  moon  (and  it  was  one  of 
the  finest  that  ever  looked  down  upon  this  wicked  world)  was  shining  upon  de 
serted  streets  when  we  arrived,  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock.  The  appearance 
of  the  cholera  does  make  people  more  careful  in  their  habits.  The  disease, 
however,  has  not  become  epidemic  here.  Almost  all  the  cases  which  have 
occurred  here  were  among  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  what  is  called  "the 
Pasture,"  in  the  lower  part  of  the  town.  It  seems  that  in  New  York  the  num 
ber  of  cases  continues  to  average  about  the  same,  twenty-three  or  twenty-four 
daily.  Still  there  is  no  panic  there.  The  disease  there,  as  here,  is  confined  to 
special  localities. 

At  Utica  I  met  young  Freeman,  the  painter,  and  engaged  him  to  go  to 
Auburn  to  take  Augustus's  picture. 

Then,  from  New  York,  he  added  : 

NEW  YORK,  August  22d. 

There  was  a  difficulty  at  Albany  that  I  was  willing  enough  to  escape  from. 
In  the  uncertainty  which  hangs  over  the  great  political  question  of  the  Whigs, 
they  all  look  to  me  as  being  able  in  some  way  to  bring  order  out  of  confusion. 
This  has  been  impracticable,  and  in  the  result  speculations  concerning  myself 
have  been  pressed  upon  me,  in  such  a  manner  that  I  could  not  encourage,  nor 
yet,  regarding  the  sources  of  them,  resist.  In  this  state  of  things  I  vras  ex 
pected  to  prove  either  that  your  particular  friend  would  or  would  not  be  the 
right  candidate,  and  this  was  forced  upon  me  by  the  conversation  of  Judge 
Woodworth,  Judge  Spencer,  John  Townsend,  and  such  men.  But  the  difficulty 
is  about  the  same  here.  The  idea  is  in  the  minds  of  many.  Those  who  like  to 
cherish  it,  naturally  obtrude  it;  those  who  do  not,  because  they  have  wiser 
judgments  or  other  partialities,  will  doubtless  hold  me  responsible  for  it. 


236  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1834. 

In  September  the  Whig  State  Convention  was  held,  which  re 
sulted  in  his  nomination  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  Governor.  In  a 
note  to  Mrs.  Seward  he  said: 

September  \Wh. 

To-night  a  meeting  is  held  at  the  Exchange  to  respond.  It  is  said  to  be  a 
large  one,  and  to  embrace  all  who  have  been  dissatisfied.  Weed  has  sent  me  an 
other  long  letter  written  in  good  spirits,  in  which  he  says  that  Root  writes  to 
him  that  "the  nomination  of  one  of  the  finest  fellows  in  the  State  will  revive 
Antimasonry  and  ruin  everything." 

Hallet  and  Myron  Holley  warmly  praise  the  nomination.  A  large  meeting 
was  to  be  held  last  evening  at  Masonic  Hall,  New  York  ;  Gillian  C.  Verplanck 
was  to  preside.  The  New  York  American  has  a  generous  and  handsome  article. 
The  Argus  is  yet  silent.  The  New  York  Times  says,  "  Our  candidate  is  twenty- 
six,  has  red  hair,  and  a  long  nose."  "  Our  candidate  "  has  received  notice  that 
a  formal  invitation  will  be  presented  to  him  inviting  him  to  go  to  Syracuse  and 
be  introduced  to  the  Young  Men's  Whig  Convention,  and  of  course  make  a 
speech.  He  has  decided  that  it  will  not  be  wise  to  attend,  and  of  course,  if  his 
views  are  consulted,  the  invitation  will  not  be  given. 

This  letter  brings  the  story  of  his  life  to  the  period  when  his  auto 
biography  closes.  The  two  pictures  thus  given  of  his  legislative  ex 
perience  in  Albany  are  not  without  their  value,  for  the  opportunity 
they  offer  of  comparing  his  opinions  at  the  outset  of  his  political  career 
with  those  of  the  closing  hours  of  his  life.  That  the  one  should  have 
a  tone  of  youthful  buoyancy,  and  the  other  of  graver  thought,  is  nat 
ural.  That  there  should  be  no  contradiction  in  regard  to  facts,  theories, 
or  principles,  is  the  more  remarkable  when  it  is  remembered  that  the 
letters  and  the  autobiography  were  never  compared  by  him. 


CHAPTER  XL 

1834. 

Campaign  of  1834.— Seward  and  Stilwell.— "  Young  Man  with  Bed  Hair."— The  Whig 
party. — Election. — "  Mourners." — Journey  with  Gary. — New  York  Hospitalities.— 
Charles  King. — Chancellor  Kent. — New  England  Dinner. — End  of  Legislative  Life. 

ON  the  afternoon  of  the  26th  of  September,  the  people  who  lived 
on  the  old  turnpike-road,  between  Syracuse  and  Auburn,  were  sur 
prised  by  a  novel  sight.  Carriages,  coaches,  and  wagons,  with  music 
and  flags,  men  on  horseback  with  badges  and  streamers,  filled  the  road, 
rattling  and  galloping  by  to  the  westward.  There  were  several  hun 
dred  in  the  cavalcade.  These  were  the  members  of  the  Young  Men's 
Whig  State  Convention  at  Syracuse,  who  at  the  close  of  their  proceed- 


1834.]  ORIGIN  OF  THE   WHIG   PARTY.  237 

ings  had  formally  resolved  to  go  en  masse  at  one  o'clock  to  visit  their 
candidate  for  Governor,  twenty -six  miles  distant.  After  a  four  hours' 
ride,  they  were  received  and  welcomed  at  the  outskirts  of  Auburn  by 
a  similar  cavalcade,  which  had  gone  out  to  meet  them.  Then,  greeted 
by  a  salute  of  fifty  guns,  the  combined  body  entered  the  streets  in 
triumphant  procession.  Of  course,  the  little  village  was  alive  with  en 
thusiasm,  as  they  passed  on  to  the  residence  of  the  young  candidate  to 
severally  take  him  by  the  hand,  and  assure  him  of  their  support.  A 
brief  interval  for  rest  was  followed  by  a  "  rousing  meeting "  at  the 
Presbyterian  Church,  in  whose  proceedings  prominent  part  was  taken 
by  Willis  Hall,  David  Graham,  Jr.,  Parliament  Bronson,  William  C. 
Noyes,  Mortimer  M.  Jackson,  and  W.  H.  L.  Bogart. 

And  now  the  campaign  went  on  wifh  vigor.  The  despondent  and 
defeated  little  band  of  Antimasons  of  the  preceding  winter  had  plucked 
up  new  heart,  when  they  began  to  carry  town-meetings  in  the  spring. 
They  had  combined  with  other  elements  of  opposition  under  various 
appellations  in  different  localities,  calling  themselves  in  one  place 
41  Anti  -  Jackson,"  in  another  "  Ant  i-  Mortgage,"  in  a  third  "Anti- 
Regency,"  but  consolidating  at  last  in  State  Convention  under  the  name 
of  "  Whig,"  which  they  had  derived  from  New  England  and  the  city  of 
New  York.  The  new  party  exulted  in  its  name.  The  followers  of 
every  creed,  religious  and  political,  love  to  trace  their  doctrines  back  to 
those  of  the  real  or  supposed  founders  of  their  faith.  The  Whigs  of 
1834  announced  themselves  as  the  true  successors  of  the  "Whigs  of 
1776,"  and  found  analogies  between  their  cause  and  that  of  the  rebel 
colonists.  They  called  their  movement  a  "  revolution,"  directed  against 
"  King  Andrew,"  as  its  prototype  was  against  King  George.  They 
charged  "  King  Andrew "  with  "  tyranny  "  and  "  usurpation,"  and 
"  denial  of  popular  rights."  They  accused  him  and  his  followers  of 
affecting  regal  state,  of  reveling  in  "  marble  palaces,"  with  "  wine- 
vaults  "  and  "  British  gold."  They  pointed  out  how  hospitably  Van 
Buren  had  been  "  entertained  at  Windsor  Castle  "  by  the  "  king  and 
queen."  They  raised  "  liberty-poles  "  again  in  the  streets  of  Boston 
and  New  York.  They  chose,  as  emblems  peculiarly  appropriate,  the 
national  flag,  live  eagles,  and  portraits  of  Washington.  They  declared 
that  the  New  York  charter  election  was  the  "  Lexington  "  where  the 
first  struggle  of  the  new  revolution  took  place.  They  stigmatized 
their  opponents  as  "  Tories."  Mr.  Webster  added  to  their  enthu 
siastic  zeal  by  avowing  himself  in  a  letter  to  be  "  the  son  of  a  father 
who  acted  an  humble  part  in  establishing  the  independence  of  the 
country,"  and  saying,  "  I  have  been  educated  from  my  cradle  in  the 
principles  of  the  Whigs  of  '76  !  " 

The  Democrats,  who  rightly  felt  that  they  had,  in  their  own  name, 
a  tower  of  strength,  replied  by  pointing  to  their  chief,  "  the  hero  of 


238  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1834. 

New  Orleans,"  the  "stern  opponent  of  nullification,"  the  successful 
"champion  of  the  people"  against  the  "monster  bank." 

Strong  in  the  prestige  of  past  success  and  present  power,  they 
sneered  at  the  "  upstart  party "  with  its  high-sounding  pretensions, 
recommended  Stilwell  to  "  stick  to  his  boots  and  shoes,"  and  pointed 
to  the  contrast  between  a  mature  and  experienced  statesman  like  Marcy, 
and  his  competitor,  a  "  red-haired  young  man,"  without  a  record  and 
unknown  to  fame. 

Of  course  the  Whigs  did  not  lose  the  opportunity  thus  offered  to 
call  upon  all  mechanics  to  observe  the  indignity  shown  to  Stilwell  be 
cause  he  was  one.  Meetings  were  organized  in  which  not  only  all  shoe 
makers,  but  all  tinsmiths,  hatters,  printers,  tailors,  and  men  of  every 
other  handicraft,  were  exhortetl  to  "rally  around  him,"  as  the  repre 
sentative  of  "working-men"  against  the  "Jackson  aristocrats." 

As  for  the  Whig  gubernatorial  candidate,  elaborate  biographies 
(one  from  the  pen  of  William  Kent)  soon  showed  that,  instead  of  being 
unknown,  he  had  rendered  "  good  service  to  the  State  ; "  and  William 
L.  Stone,  with  felicitous  humor,  disposed  of  the  other  accusations  in 
the  Commercial  Advertiser*  He  set  forth,  in  an  elaborate  "  Chapter 
on  Young  Men,"  how  many  of  the  greatest  names  in  history  were 
achieved  in  youth;  how  Charlemagne,  Charles  XII.,  Lafayette,  Napo 
leon,  Pitt,  Burke,  Warren,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Rush,  Jay,  Byron,  Mil 
ton,  Mozart,  Pope,  Newton,  Harvey,  nay,  even  Henry  Clay,  De  Witt 
Clinton,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  and  John  C.  Calhoun,  were  "  young  men  " 
when  their  deeds  first  made  them  famous.  Then,  in  an  equally  exhaus 
tive  argument,  two  columns  long,  headed  "The  Last  Objection  an 
swered,"  he  pointed  out  how  Esau,  and  Cato,  Clovis,  William  Rufus, 
Rob  Roy,  and  Brian  Boroihme,  not  only  "  each  had  red  hair,"  but  were 
celebrated  for  having  it  ;  how  Ossian  sung  a  "  lofty  race  of  red-haired 
heroes,"  how  Venus  herself  was  golden-haired,  as  well  as  Patroclus  and 
Achilles,  and  closing  with  this  peroration  : 

Thus  does  it  appear  that  in  all  ages,  and  in  all  countries,  from  Paradise  to 
Dragon  Eiver,  has  red  or  golden  hair  been  held  in  the  highest  estimation.  But 
for  his  red  hair,  the  country  of  Esau  would  not  have  been  called  "Edom."  But 
for  his  hair,  which  was  doubtless  red,  Samson  would  not  have  carried  away  the 
gates  of  Gaza.  But  for  his  red  hair,  Jason  would  not  have  navigated  the  Euxine 
and  discovered  the  Golden  Horn.  But  for  the  red  hair  of  his  mistress,  Leander 
would  not  have  swum  the  Hellespont.  But  for  his  red  hair,  Narcissus  would  not 
have  fallen  in  love  with  himself,  and  thereby  become  immortal  in  song.  But  for 
his  red  hair,  we  should  find  nothing  in  Mr.  Van  Buren  to  praise.  But  for  red 
hair,  we  should  not  have  written  this  article.  And,  but  for  his  red  hair,  William 
H.  Seward  might  not  have  become  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York !  Stand 
aside,  then,  ye  Tories,  and  "Let  go  of  his  hair!  " 

The  rural  press  were  divided  about  equally  between  the  two  parties. 


1834.]  CAMPAIGN   POETRY.  239 

In  the  cities  the  Evening  Journal,  at  Albany,  the  Commercial  Adver 
tiser,  the  American,  and  the  Courier  and  Enquirer,  in  New  York, 
waged  hot  battle  with  the  Argus,  the  New  York  Times,  and  the  Even 
ing  Post,  who  supported  the  Administration. 

The  mottoes  and  songs  of  a  popular  contest,  while  they  reflect  all 
its  absurd  exaggerations  and  personalities,  also  illustrate  the  principles 
involved  in  it.  Such  were  the  cries  at  this  election  in  1834  :  "  Seward 
with  Free  Soil,  or  Marcy  with  Mortgage,"  "  the  Monster  Bank  Party," 
and  the  party  of  "  Little  Monsters,"  "  Bank  Influence  and  Bank  Cor 
ruptions,"  "  Regency  Spoils,"  "  Perish  Commerce,  Perish  Credit," 
"  Marcy's  Pantaloons,"  "  Union  and  Liberty,"  "  No  Nullification,"  etc., 
etc.,  etc. 

Copper  coins  or  medals  were  struck  bearing  the  heads  of  the  can 
didates,  and  one  or  another  of  these  inscriptions.  Campaign  songs  had 
not  then  acquired  the  popularity  which  they  achieved  at  subsequent 
elections,  but  a  verse  or  two  will  illustrate  the  character  of  some  of 
those  on  the  "  Whig "  side.  One  alluded  to  the  neglected  flats  and 
overslaugh  in  the  Hudson  River,  nicknamed  "  Marcy's  Farm  :  " 

"  Those  who  have  land  like  Marcy's  farm, 

Where  naught  but  sloops  take  root, 
May  pawn  it  and  sustain  no  harm — 
But  free  soil  brings  forth  fruit." 

Another,  a  parody  on  "  Duncan  Gray,"  referred  to  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
recent  visit  to  Western  New  York  : 

"  Van  came  here  to  woo  the  folks, 

Ha,  ha,  the  wooing  o't ; 
The  '  infected  district '  would  not  veer, 
So  back  again  Mat  had  to  steer, 

Ha,  ha,  the  wooing  o't." 

Irishmen  were  appealed  to  by  an  imitation  of  "  Erin  go  Bragh," 
thus  : 

"  Against  freedom's  foe  we  unitedly  go, 
On  Seward  and  on  Stilwell  our  votes  we'll  bestow, 
And  Columbia's  eagle  in  pride  shall  be  seen 
On  our  own  Erin's  flag,  with  the  shamrock  so  green." 

Again,  the  sneers  at  the  Whig  "  boy  "  candidate  were  adverted  to  : 

"  At  Lafayette  Cornwallis  railed — 

'  That  boy,'  quoth  he,  '  is  mine  ; ' 
But  soon  to  that  same  '  boy  '  he  quailed, 
In  '  auld  lang-syne.'  " 

Nominations  for  Congress  and  the  Legislature  this  year  embraced 
some  names  since  well  known  in  the  political  history  of  the  State. 


24:0  LIFE    AND    LETTERS.  [1834. 

Among  the  former  were  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  Ogden  Hoffman,  James 
G.  King,  Dudley  Selden,  Adoniram  Chandler,  Samuel  Beardsley,  C.  C. 
Cambreleng,  John  Cramer,  Philo  C.  Fuller,  Francis  Granger,  Gideon 
Hard,  Gerrit  Y.  Lansing,  Gideon  Lee,  Thomas  C.  Love,  Levi  Beardsley, 
Abijah  Mann,  Jr.,  Rutger  B.  Miller,  John  McKeon,  Joshua  A.  Spencer,- 
and  Peter  Sken  Smith. 

Among  the  legislative  nominations  were  Luther  Bradish,  Austin 
Baldwin,  Hamilton  Fish,  Joseph  Blunt,  George  W.  Patterson,  Prosper 
M.  Wetmore,  James  J.  Roosevelt,  Mark  H.  Sibley,  Robert  Denniston, 
and  Preston  King. 

Reports  from  elections  in  the  other  States  now  began  to  come  in, 
inspiring  the  Whigs  with  fresh  hopes.  Though  Pennsylvania  had  con 
tinued  Democratic,  Ohio  had  given  a  Whig  majority  of  ten  thousand. 
Baltimore  had  been  carried  by  the  Whigs.  Elections  in  Delaware,  Vir 
ginia,  Louisiana,  North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Vermont,  all  showed  gratifying  gains.  Two  elections  of 
ominous  significance  for  the  future  passed  then  almost  unheeded  ;  those 
in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  where  the  battle  was  between  "  Union  " 
and  "  State  Rights,"  the  Union  men  in  Georgia  sending  to  Congress 
James  M.  Wayne,  afterward  the  just  and  loyal  Supreme  Court  Judge, 
and  the  "  State  Rights  "  men  in  South  Carolina  electing  F.  W.  Pickens, 
who  was  afterward  chosen  Governor  of  that  State  under  the  "  Con 
federacy." 

The  "  three  days  "  of  the  election  came,  and  the  contest  began. 

The  Evening  Journal,  on  the  night  of  the  first  day,  said  :  "  The 
Whigs  made  a  noble  rally."  The  second  night  it  expressed  an  appre 
hension  that  "  the  majority  will  be  greatly  reduced  by  the  inattention 
of  many  of  our  friends."  On  the  evening  of  the  third  day  it  briefly 
announced  :  "  The  Regency  have  carried  the  State,  and  probably  by  a 
majority  equal  to  that  of  1832." 

So  Seward  and  Stilwell  were  defeated  ;  the  new  party  had  failed  ; 
and  the  Democrats  still  remained  masters  of  the  field. 

The  results  of  a  State  election  at  that  period,  when  the  horseback 
express  was  the  speediest  method  of  transmitting  returns,  were  often 
in  doubt  for  weeks.  But  in  this  case  the  triumph  of  the  Democrats 
was  too  complete  to  allow  the  Whigs  to  entertain  any  false  hopes. 
Marcy  was  elected  Governor,  and  Tracy  Lieutenant-Governor,  by  a 
majority  of  over  eleven  thousand.  Every  senatorial  district  had  gone 
Democratic,  except  the  eighth,  and  the  Whigs  had  but  a  feeble  minority 
of  the  Assemblymen.  A  few  Whig  Congressmen  were  elected — among 
them  Granger,  Fuller,  Lay,  Hard,  and  Love.  But  most  of  the  Whig 
majorities  were  in  the  old  "  infected  district "  of  Antimasonry  in  West 
ern  New  York. 

In  the  strongholds  of  the  Democracy,  its  sway  remained  unbroken. 


1834. J  THE   WHIGS   DEFEATED.  241 

Its   followers    celebrated   their  victory  with   speeches  and  festivities, 
among  them  a  collation  of  beer  and  cold  meat  in  the  hall  of  the  Capitol. 
Two  days  after  the  election  Seward  wrote  to  Weed  : 

Evil  tidings  fly  fast  enough.  I  shall  not  trouble  myself  to  give  them  speed. 
You  will  hear  all  from  those  to  whom  they  bring  joy.  So  far  as  I  have  heard 
I  give  you  the  reported  majorities  in  this  county.  Do  not  take  any  grief  for 
this  result  on  account  of  my  feelings.  Be  assured  that  it  has  not  found  me  un 
prepared.  I  shall  not  suffer  any  unhappiness  in  returning  to  private  life,  except 
that  which  I  shall  feel  with  all  our  political  friends.  Believe  me,  there  is  no 
affectation  in  my  saying  that  I  would  not  now  exchange  the  feelings  and  asso 
ciations  of  the  vanquished  William  H.  Seward  for  the  victory  and  "  spoils"  of 
William  L.  Marcy.  If  I  live,  and  such  principles  and  opinions  as  I  enter 
tain  ever  find  favor  with  the  people,  I  shall  not  be  without  their  respect.  If 
they  do  not,  I  shall  be  content  with  enjoyments  that  politicians  cannot  take 
from  me. 

Remember  me  with  expressions  of  gratitude  to  all  our  friends  who  may  take 
so  much  personal  interest  in  me  as  to  inquire  how  the  defeat  of  our  just  cause  is 
borne  by  him  who  they  were  willing  should  enjoy  the  best  fruits  of  its  success. 

A  week  later  he  wrote : 

I  have  cleared  away  the  ground  since  the  action ;  after  a  brief  visit  to  Albany 
I  shall  be  ready  to  engage  with  a  good  heart  in  the  labors  of  my  profession  and 
devote  myself  to  them,  and  to  the  cultivation  of  what  taste  I  have  for  study. 
Let  me  have  your  assurance  that  you  have  acquired  the  same  philosophy.  .  .  . 
Granger  spent  a  day  with  me.  He  has  had  a  fortunate  escape  from  his  dilemma, 
and  I  am  rejoiced  at  it.  He  is  a  noble  fellow ;  and  I  am  glad  that,  if  we  could 
not  make  him  what  we  wished,  we  have  been  able  to  put  him  into  a  career  of 
honor  and  usefulness. 

The  Whigs  drew  some  encouragement  even  from  their  defeat. 
Though  they  had  not  carried  the  State,  yet  the  result  of  the  election 
showed  that  they  were  stronger,  on  the  whole,  than  the  scattered  oppo 
sition  elements  out  of  which  they  sprung  had  been  in  the  preceding 
year.  They  were  now  a  national  instead  of  a  local  organization,  and 
their  successes  in  other  States  assured  them  that,  with  time,  success 
was  not  impossible  in  New  York.  In  Massachusetts  their  victory  was 
as  great  as  their  defeat  had  been  at  home.  The  Whigs  had  carried 
that  State,  and  elected  nearly  all  its  members  of  Congress,  among 
them  Abbott  Lawrence,  Caleb  Gushing,  Levi  Lincoln,  and  John  Quincy 
Adams. 

The  political  career  of  Seward  had  now  drawn  to  its  close.  His 
legislative  duties  had  ceased  in  the  spring  ;  the  governorship  had  been 
refused  him  in  the  fall ;  it  only  remained  for  him  to  attend  the  remain 
ing  brief  session  of  the  Court  of  Errors,  and  then  to  sit  down  in  his 
law-office  at  Auburn  and  resume  his  cases  in  court.  His  letters  described 
16 


242  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1834. 

Hs  experiences  on  going  to  perform  his  final  public  duties  in  Albany 
and  New  York  : 

UTIOA,  November  20,  1834. 

The  end  of  this  day's  journey  will  be  TJtica,  where  this  letter  is  dated,  al 
though  written  on  board  the  canal-boat  twenty  miles  west  of  that  place.  Al 
though  looked  at  by  all  the  boys  as  a  "  dead  lion,"  I  find  the  majority  of  the 
traveling  public  are  Whigs,  and  the  "  Tories,"  inasmuch  as  "  he  "  is  on  board, 
abstain,  from  motives  of  commendable  forbearance,  from  all  kinds  of  glorying  in 
their  triumph. 

ALBANY,  November  2&d. 

This  journalizing  mode  of  correspondence  is,  for  many  reasons,  the  best,  but 
principally  because  it  is  most  acceptable  to  you. 

On  my  journey  hither  I  met  Raynor,  Brewster,  and  others  of  the  earnest  and 
patriotic  politicians,  and  the  interviews  were  painful  to  me.  They  were  yet 
smarting  under  the  sore  discomfiture  of  our  good  cause,  and  it  was  evident  that 
the  only  cure  for  their  dejection  must  be  derived  from  the  healing  hand  of 
Time.  The  excitement  of  traveling  had  roused  the  Whigs  on  board  the  boat 
from  the  despondency  they  felt  while  they  remained  at  home,  and  as  I  needed  no 
introduction  to  persons,  all  of  whom  had  so  recently  deposited  their  votes  for 
me,  we  were  soon  very  well  acquainted,  and  had  a  pleasant  voyage.  I  arrived 
here  yesterday  morning,  and  determined  to  take  lodgings  in  our  old  quarters  at 
Bement's.  I  found  Caleb  dejected,  as  were  the  whole  household,  but  they  were 
evidently  gratified  that  I  had  adhered  to  them  with  the  same  tenacity  they  had 
to  me. 

After  having  paid  my  respects  to  my  old  friend  John  the  barber,  whom  I 
found  willing  to  cut  the  throats  of  all  the  "  Tories  "  for  preventing  my  election, 
I  went  down  to  Weed's.  I  found  him  dejected  beyond  measure.  Then  I  went 
up  to  the  Capitol,  where  the  Court  of  Errors  were  in  session.  Although  I  had: 
been  the  subject  of  much  political  action  since  I  had  last  been  among  the  mem 
bers,  there  was  nothing  peculiar  in  our  meeting.  They  gave  me  a  greeting 
neither  unwelcome  nor  embarrassed.  At  dinner  I  found  Mr.  Caldwell;  Dr. 
Beck  was  with  him,  and  I  congratulated  both  upon  the  tenacity  with  which 
they  cling  to  the  habit  of  dining  together  on  Saturday.  Gary  went  on  with. 
his  friend  to  New  York.  He  is  not  yet  returned.  Poor  Uncle  Gary !  it  must  be 
very  hard  for  him,  at  this  time,  to  stay  anywhere.  He  needs,  as  he  deserves,  to 
find  his  friends  happy,  in  order  that  he  may  be  happy  himself.  He  finds  nobody 
happy  now  but  those  whose  happiness  arises  from  the  same  cause  which  works 
all  his  woe.  I  found  all  the  young  men  here  who.  were,  as  you  recollect,  so 
ardent  and  sanguine  last  spring,  now  dejected  and  desponding.  My  buoyancy 
of  spirits  had  returned  as  soon  as  I  left  Weed,  and  I  succeeded  in  bringing  back 
their  hopes  and  confidence.  After  dinner,  Charles  Kirkland,  of  Utica,  and  Cush- 
man,  of  Troy,  came  in,  both  in  bad  enough  spirits.  I  found  Weed  and  Tracy 
in  my  room ;  both  staid  till  eight  o'clock ;  both  unhappy.  Mr.  Benedict  and 
Mr.  Hart  came  in  and  staid  till  their  equanimity,  just  recovered,  was  put  to. 
flight. 

Went  this  morning  to  church.  The  new  Baptist  church  is  finished.  I  dined 
with  Eathbone  at  the  Eagle.  I  found  at  table  three  or  four  of  my  fast  political 
friends ;  they  could  not  have  been  more  melancholy  if  they  had  been  attending 


1834.]  SHERIDAN   KNOWLES.  243 

my  funeral.  Henry  Webb  was  with  them,  and  was  a  sincere  mourner.  They 
were  all  astonished  to  find  that  I  was  not.  In  the  afternoon  went  to  Mr. 
Campbell's  church,  and  heard  a  good  sermon.  I  sat  in  Mr.  Caldwell's  pew, 
where  I  met  the  Misses  Westerlo,  whose  acquaintance  I  made  without  intro 
duction,  but  presuming  that  I  was  their  candidate  at  the  last  election.  Alas, 
even  these  young  ladies  had  bright  hopes  founded  on  the  success  of  the  Whig 
ticket !  I  found  none  but  Whigs,  of  both  sexes,  at  this  church. 

November  24th. 

On  my  way  to  the  Capitol,  this  morning,  I  met  Judge  Spencer  coming  down 
to  see  me.  He  shares  in  the  disappointment  of  our  political  labors.  Judge 
Conkling  fell  in  with  us  at  the  same  time,  having  just  come  from  my  room. 
He,  too,  was  a  mourner,  and  I  thought  it  best  to  pass  on  and  not  gather  any 
more  desponding  Whigs  in  front  of  the  "  Regency  "  offices. 

November  26th. 

The  aspect  of  society  is  changing  so  that,  in  a  short  time,  many  of  your 
acquaintances  will  not  be  found  here.  John  T.  Norton  is  desirous  of  selling  his 
beautiful  house,  and  goes  in  the  spring  to  reside  on  a  farm  in  Connecticut.  Mr. 
Delavan  has  grown  enthusiastic  in  the  temperance  cause.  They  tell  me  here 
that,  one  or  two  weeks  ago,  he  and  Mrs.  Delavan  brought  forth  from  their  cellar 
seven  hundred  bottles  of  wine  and  poured  the  liquid  treasure  on  the  earth. 
Now  they  are  selling  their  house,  so  that  they  may  not  be  hindered  in  the  great 
work  of  proselyting  to  temperance. 

Saturday,  November  29th. 

I  had  with  me  at  dinner  to-day  Mr.  Willis  Hall,  the  President  of  the  late 
Young  Men's  Convention.  He  is  a  very  intelligent  and  patriotic  man,  burning 
with  zeal  for  a  new  contest,  and,  I  confess,  embarrassed  me  not  a  little  by  requir 
ing  me  to  show  him  the  way  to  renew  the  war  with  some  hopes  of  success.  To 
me  there  is  nothing  cheering  in  the  signs.  The  success  of  the  Democrats  in  this 
State  was  all  that  was  wanted  to  rally  a  corps  of  adventurers  round  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  sufficient  in  number  to  fight  his  way  through  all  opposition  to  the  throne. 
Be  it  so,  I  have  done  my  duty  ;  it  is  the  part  neither  of  philosophy  nor  patriotism 
to  suffer  this  calamity  to  oppress  my  spirits  or  dishearten  me  in  the  performance 
of  duties  as  a  citizen. 

Last  night  Cary  and  I  went  to  the  theatre.  It  has  been  considerably  im 
proved.  The  old  drop-curtain  has  been  substituted  by  a  new  one,  pretty  enough, 
and  adorned  among  other  devices  with  the  coat  of  arms  of  this  ancient  city. 

Mr.  James  Sheridan  Knowles  played  the  part  of  Master  Walter  in  his  own 
piece  of  "  The  Hunchback."  Although  he  is  by  no  means  a  great  actor,  he  plays 
with  judgment  and  good  taste ;  and  Mrs.  Greene,  although  inferior  in  talent  to 
Miss  Fanny  Kemble,  was  very  effective  in  some  of  the  most  interesting  parts  of 
the  piece. 

I  have  just  finished  the  perusal  of  Bulwer's  new  novel,  "  The  Last  Days  of 
Pompeii.''  I  wait  only  for  an  opportunity  to  send  it  to  you.  There  is  some 
affectation  of  classical  literature  in  it,  but  there  is  much  of  that  rich  philosophic 
vein  which  is  especially  pleasing  in  his  other  works.  There  are  barbarous  scenes, 
based  doubtless  on  historic  fact,  but  enough  of  talent,  morals,  religion,  and  phi 
losophy,  to  redeem  all  the  defects  of  the  work. 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1834. 

Tuesday,  December  2d. 

Again  to  the  theatre  last  evening,  this  time  to  witness  the  performance  of 
"The  Wife,"  one  of  the  dramas  written  by  Mr.  Knowles.  The  two  principal 
parts  were  taken  by  himself  and  Miss  Wheatley.  The  former  fell  far  behind  the 
merit  evinced  by  him  in  "  The  Hunchback."  The  latter  is  a  wonder.  She  is 
the  daughter  of  an  actress,  and  may  almost  be  said  to  have  been  brought  up  on 
the  stage.  She  is  only  thirteen  years  old ;  yet  her  stature  and  person  are  so 
much  developed  that  she  seems  to  be  held  responsible  to  play  her  part,  not  as  a 
child,  but  as  a  woman. 

This  morning  I  saw  Mr.  Knowles  at  the  American.  His  manner  is  some 
what  theatrical,  and  declamatory  withal,  yet  I  was  not  repelled  thereby,  for 
who  can  fail  to  admire  a  great  mind  and  a  generous  heart  ?  I  will  give  you  a 
puzzle  in  phrenology.  His  head  and  face  are  almost  a  copy  of  our  worthy 
neighbor  Mr.  Garrow's. 

Fred  Whittlesey  came  along  to-day,  on  his  way  to  Congress ;  he  dined  with 
me,  and  was  every  way  interesting  to  me.  He  was  bound  by  a  new  tie,  which 
had  been  woven  by  generous  and  manly  support  of  my  personal  interest  in  the 
election.  Mr.  Miner,  of  the  New  York  American,  was  with  us  also.  We  made 
a  pleasant  party.  Afterward,  meeting  James  Homer  in  the  street,  I  went  to 
take  tea  at  his  house.  The  copper-coin  bearing  my  image  and  superscription 
was  carefully  preserved,  and  I  traveled  over  again,  to  an  audience  who  appeared 
to  be  willing  listeners,  my  journey  to  Chamouni  and  the  glaciers. 

Thursday,  December  4th. 

I  am  performing  the  last  act  of  the  election  drama.  I  have,  as  you  know, 
many  calls,  and  it  would  be  churlish  in  me  to  withhold  such  attentions  as  it  is  in 
my  power  to  bestow  upon  the  generous  and  ardent  partisans  who  have  sustained 
me.  I  have  some  friends  every  day  at  dinner,  and  visitors  every  evening,  if  I 
do  not  go  out  myself.  I  know  and  feel  that  this  is  dissipation,  of  a  fruitless 
kind ;  but  I  console  myself  on  that  score  by  reflecting  that  I  shall  soon  bring  it 
all  to  an  end. 

Mr.  Rutherford,  who  carries  this  letter,  goes  to  Auburn  for  the  purpose  of 
studying  law  in  my  office.  His  grandfather,  Mr.  John  Rutherford,  is  a  venera 
ble  and  excellent  citizen  of  New  Jersey,  and  has  been  one  of  its  most  distin 
guished  men. 

December  §th. 

Rathbone  sent  up  to  me  this  morning  Hannah  More's  "  Letters  and  Life." 
I  have  commenced  reading  them.  Although  these  letters  are  imbued  with  all 
that  religious  feeling  which  has  deterred  many  from  the  perusal  of  the  works  of 
Hannah  More,  as  from  that  of  Young's  "  Night  Thoughts,"  I  have  found  it  one 
of  the  most  fascinating  books  I  have  opened  for  many  years.  The  letters  are 
full  of  bright,  flashing,  and  interesting  anecdote,  and  correct  conceptions  of  the 
characters  of  many  of  the  most  illustrious  men  and  women  of  England  during 
the  period  when  Johnson,  Sheridan,  Burke,  Garrick,  Montagu,  and  Barbauld, 
were  living.  The  universal  and  perpetual  reading  of  Boswell's  "Life  of  John 
son  "  proves  it  one  of  the  most  interesting  books  ever  written.  You  will  be 
pleased  with  a  similar  work,  in  which  Hannah  More  is  the  observer  and  scribe 
of  the  sayings  and  doings  of  so  many  brilliant  personages.  I  shall  send  it  to 
you  by  the  first  conveyance  which  offers. 


1834.]  TRUMBULL   CARY.  245 

The  Court  of  Errors  have  to-day  decided  that  they  will  take  a  recess  from 
Thursday  next  for  eight  or  ten  days.  Gary  and  I  will  go  down  the  river,  and 
probably  to  Orange  County. 

Trumbull  Gary,  stout  and  hearty,  with  mirthful  face  and  benevo 
lent  expression,  was  a  universal  favorite.  In  later  life  his  fine  head 
was  said  to  resemble  that  of  Washington.  His  term  as  Senator  from 
the  Eighth  District  began  and  ended  at  the  same  time  with  that  of 
Seward  as  Senator  from  the  Seventh. 

President  Jackson's  message  at  the  opening  of  Congress  had  now 
been  received.  A  large  part  of  it  was  devoted  to  the  claims  against 
France  ;  but  the  portions  which  had  especial  political  significance,  and 
were  accepted  as  defining  the  position  and  future  course  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  were  those  relating  to  the  National  Bank  and  to  internal 
improvements. 

As  to  the  National  Bank,  the  Whigs  were  not  inclined  to  pursue 
the  contest,  but  rather  to  accept  the  result  of  the  election  as  having 
settled  that  question.  As  to  internal  improvements,  while  not  disposed 
to  insist  on  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Government  in  that  regard,  they 
continued  their  advocacy  of  canals  and  railroads,  and  of  assistance  to 
them  by  the  State,  to  whose  development  and  prosperity  they  had  now 
grown  so  necessary. 

NEWBUBO,  December  I6t7i. 

Mr.  Gary  and  I  came  down  the  river  to  this  place  on  Thursday  evening  last. 
We  had  many  passengers ;  among  others,  Mr.  B.  F.  Butler,  with  his  entire  fam 
ily,  on  their  way  to  Washington  to  spend  the  winter ;  it  appears  they  have  never 
removed  to  the  capital.  Possibly  the  experience  that  other  chosen  cabinet  coun 
selors  have  had  of  General  Jackson's  arbitrary  conduct  has  rendered  the  At 
torney-General  prudent ;  but  I  think  his  prospects  are  now  fair  for  holding  his 
post  much  longer  than  his  recent  predecessors.  On  board  we  had  a  party  of 
defeated  Whigs.  The  severity  of  our  disappointment  has  greatly  mitigated,  and 
we  had  as  pleasant  a  season  as  a  December  trip  on  board  a  steamboat  usually 
affords.  After  spending  a  night  at  this  place,  Mr.  Gary  and  I  proceeded  by 
stage  and  private  conveyance  to  Florida.  We  found  the  household  tranquil 
and  in  order.  The  politicians,  Van  Duser  chief  among  them,  spent  an  hour 
with  us  at  the  hotel.  We  called  at  General  Wickham's,  Horace  Elliott's,  and 
Dr.  Daniel  Seward's,  and  declined  invitations  to  dinner,  tea,  etc.,  for  the  entire 
period  of  our  stay  in  Orange  County.  Thence  we  came  to  this  place  in  a  small 
stage  with  nine  other  passengers ;  two  of  them  were  Mr.  Wisner  and  S.  J. 
Wilkin. 

It  was  our  intention  to  go  to  New  York  last  night,  but  the  weather  has  been 
so  severe  that  the  river  is  closed  as  far  down  as  Red  Hook.  The  boats  now  run 
irregularly;  there  has  been  none  here  since  we  arrived.  We  expect  one  at 
about  twelve  o'clock,  and  so  Uncle  Gary  and  I  have  withdrawn  to  our  room, 
where  we  have  a  comfortable  Liverpool-coal  fire.  He  is  reading  "  Peter  Sim 
ple,"  and  I  am  recording  for  you  the  journal  of  our  wanderings. 


246  LIFE   AND   LETTERS. 

NEW  YOBK,  December  19^. 

We  arrived  and  took  lodgings  at  Bunker's  on  Tuesday  evening.  When  three 
or  three  and  a  half  arrives,  I  go  to  dine,  and  of  course  sit  to  a  late  hour.  On 
Wednesday  I  dined  with  Patterson,  Kent,  and  Hoffman,  and  spent  the  evening 
at  a  party  at  Colonel  Stone's. 

One  can  eat  only  one  dinner  a  day,  and,  being  previously  engaged  at  Van 
Schaick's,  I  disappointed  two  dinner-parties  intended  to  include  me  :  one  at 
James  G.  King's,  the  other  at  this  house.  To-morrow  we  have  a  dinner  here, 
and  I  am  to  visit  Chancellor  Kent  in  the  evening.  Monday  is  the  New  England 
dinner,  at  which  they  wish  me  to  attend  as  a  guest.  I  have  been  pressed  to  ac 
cept  the  compliment  of  a  public  dinner  for  Tuesday,  the  last  day  of  our  stay  in 
town.  I  have  half  consented,  provided  it  shall  be  converted  into  a  private  din 
ner,  and  everything  in  relation  to  it  excluded  from  the  newspapers. 


December 

Last  Friday,  Cary  and  I  dined  with  Senator  Van  Schaick  on  Broadway. 
Kufus  H.  King,  of  Albany,  was  of  the  party,  and  my  old  master,  John  Anthon, 
was  to  be,  but  was  detained  in  court.  Mrs.  Van  Schaick  is  a  daughter  of  John 
Hone.  In  the  evening  I  went  to  a  party  at  William  Kent's  in  Bond  Street.  He 
is  a  gentleman  delicate  in  taste,  and  of  high  honor,  and  I  value  him  highly.  I 
found  Mrs.  Kent  an  intelligent  and  charming  woman,  and  we  arranged  that  we 
are  all  to  become  acquainted  next  August,  when  they  go  to  the  westward. 
Chancellor  and  Mrs.  Kent  have,  like  yourself,  and  my  father  and  mother,  been 
so  foolish  as  to  believe  all  their  son  said  of  me  in  the  flattering  biography  which 
he  wrote,  and  the  former  caressed  me  with  almost  parental  affection. 

Several  of  the  gentlemen  at  Bunker's  were  desirous  to  have  a  small  party  on 
Saturday.  It  consisted  of  Charles  King,  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  Ogden  Hoffman, 
James  G.  King,  William  L.  Stone,  William  Kent,  Nicholas  Devereux,  Patterson, 
and  others.  We  had  as  spirited  a  convivial  and  intellectual  meeting  as  I  ever 
enjoyed.  Charles  King  is  rich  in  literary  conversation,  Kent  animated,  Patter 
son  fastidious,  Verplanck  humorous,  Hoffman  eloquent  and  free,  J.  G.  King 
agreeable,  and  Stone  entertaining. 

Cary  and  I  had  an  opportunity  to  vindicate  Weed  from  the  absurd  slander 
of  depriving  Timothy  Monroe's  corpse  of  whiskers,  to  make  it  resemble  Morgan 
—  a  slander  that  had  half  preserved  its  credit  until  this  time  among  some 
of  the  guests.  Kent  nobly  espoused  Weed's  cause,  and  we  placed  him  beyond 
reach  of  attack  from  that  source. 

It  was  half  -past  ten  when  we  rose  from  the  table,  and  I  had  yet  two  engage 
ments  at  tea  —  the  one  at  Captain  Keid's,  the  other  -at  Chancellor  Kent's.  I  took 
a  coach  and  drove  to  Laight  Street,  where  I  found  the  Eeids,  made  my  apology, 
drank  coffee,  and  at  half  -past  eleven  took  my  leave.  My  driver,  pursuing  my 
direction,  erroneously  copied  from  the  directory,  was  unable  to  find  Chancellor 
Kent's  house.  After  having  been  driven  half  over  the  island,  I  gave  it  up  and 
went  home. 

Sunday  morning  I  had  only  time,  after  a  late  breakfast,  to  reach  Jennings's 
house  before  the  hour  for  morning  church,  where  I  went  with  him  and  his  fami 
ly,  and  saw  him  with  four  others  ordained,  with  all  formality,  elders  of  the 
congregation.  I  could  not  look  upon  the  service  (badly  as  I  thought  it  per 
formed)  without  feeling. 


1834.]  THE   SONS   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  24T 

In  the  afternoon  I  went  to  church  to  hear  Dr.  Hawks.  In  the  porch  I  met 
David  Graham  with  his  intended  wife,  Miss  Hyslop.  They  gave  me  a  seat  with 
them,  but  Dr.  Hawks  had  a  substitute  in  the  pulpit. 

Monday  morning  my  table  was  covered  with  cards  and  billets  to  be  disposed 
of,  first  to  decline  invitations  to  tea,  next  to  accept  an  invitation  to  dine  with 
the  young  men,  then  to  answer  the  committee  of  arrangements  of  the  New 
England  Society,  etc.,  etc. 

I  wrote  a  letter  to  Chancellor  Kent,  telling  my  adventures  in  search  of  his 
house  on  Saturday  night.  I  went  to  leave  it  at  his  office,  in  the  event  of  his 
absence,  but  found  him  there,  and  made  the  explanation.  He  insisted  upon 
having  the  letter  to  show  his  wife  and  daughter. 

December  28th. 

Mr.  Gary  and  I,  having  accepted  an  invitation  to  dine  with  about  twenty 
young  men  on  Monday,  at  the  City  Hotel,  came  there  at  six,  and  met  a  very 
intelligent  and  agreeable  party,  of  which  Willis  Hall  was  the  chairman. 

After  the  cloth  was  removed,  Mr.  Hall  made  me  a  speech,  and  gave  a  toast 
in  my  honor,  which  was  drunk  by  the  company.  I  made  a  speech,  brief  and 
unstudied,  in  return,  and  gave  for  my  sentiment,  "  The  young  men  of  the  city 
of  New  York :  they  have  committed  but  one  error  in  political  action,  that  of 
mistaking  the  justice  of  their  cause  for  an  indication  of  its  immediate  success. 
Their  only  reproach  is,  that  they  could  not  command  the  success  they  deserved." 

The  vice-president  toasted  the  Eighth  District,  and  Mr.  Gary  responded. 
About  ten  o'clock  a  committee  from  the  New  England  Society  appeared,  and 
invited  Mr.  Gary  and  myself  into  the  salon  where  the  descendants  of  the  Pil 
grims  were  celebrating  their  anniversary.  We  were  received  by  the  president, 
and  took  our  seats  upon  his  right.  The  spirit  of  the  celebration  was  then  at 
its  height.  I  was  called  upon,  and  gave  the  sentiment  which  you  have  seen 
much  garbled  in  the  newspapers. 

It  was  received  with  marks  of  approbation,  and  soon  afterward  a  toast  was 
announced  from  the  chair,  and  drunk  with  three  times  three,  "William  H. 
Seward,  the  independent  politician,  who  received  at  the  late  election  the  largest 
New  England  vote  ever  given  to  any  candidate  in  the  State  of  New  York." 

The  toast  was  drunk  with  great  cordiality.  The  party,  of  course,  expected 
a  speech,  and  I  made  one ;  but  I  cannot  recall  more  than  the  substance  of  it 
now.  I  told  them  I  had  no  speech  ready  for  the  occasion,  as  I  never  anticipated 
such  a  compliment  from  the  sons  of  the  Pilgrims.  It  was  the  more  gratifying 
to  me  inasmuch  as  the  vote  alluded  to  was  given  me  over  a  son  of  New  Eng 
land  ;  while  I  was  not  one  of  that  honored  race,  and  had  not  a  drop  of  Yankee 
blood  in  my  veins.  (  "  You  have !  you  have !  You  are  an  adopted  Yankee, 
anyhow,"  said  they).  I  added  that  I  had  in  public  life  given  the  evidence  of 
my  veneration  for  New  England,  by  acting  in  accordance  with  the  principles 
she  had  inculcated.  I  would  only  add  that  if  any  citizen  of  any  other  State 
was  inclined  to  listen  to  aspersions  on  the  character  of  the  citizens  of  New 
England,  or  to  think  their  principles  unworthy  or  inferior  to  those  of  his  own 
State,  let  him  recollect  who  were  the  school-masters  of  the  American  people. 

Gary's  toast  in  honor  of  Maynard  was  drunk  with  respect  and  veneration  for 
the  memory  of  that  great  patriot,  exceedingly  gratifying  to  us,  who  were  his 
associates. 

We  now  returned  to  the  party  below,  where  I  met  for  the  first  time  in  tha 


24:8  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835, 

city  our  Lieutenant-Governor  (that  was  to  be)  Stilwell.  The  party  broke  up  at 
midnight. 

Your  letter  received  this  morning  asks  how  the  Courier  came  to  announce 
me  as  having  taken  lodgings  at  the  "Masonic  Hall."  I  answer  your  question 
now,  lest  I  may  forget  it.  Webb  wrote  his  article  with  the  words  "  Mansion 
House  "  (meaning  Bunker's  on  Broadway).  The  compositor  who  set  it  up  made 
it  read  "Masonic  Hall."  The  other  papers  soon  set  the  matter  right,  but  the 
most  ludicrous  part  of  the  matter  was,  that  it  could  not  be  corrected  without 
giving  the  Regency  papers  a  good  opportunity  for  a  hearty  laugh  at  us. 

Tuesday  morning  was  devoted  to  receiving  visits,  answering  billets,  and 
returning  cards.  At  four  o'clock  we  went  to  Webb's  to  dine.  There  was  a  large 
party,  a  luxurious  display,  and  a  most  fastidious  taste ;  the  dinners  at  Pompeii 
were  not  more  classical. 

From  Webb's  we  came  down-town  and  stopped  at  the  Opera-House.  It  was 
the  last  night.  The  Italian  Opera  in  New  York  has  failed,  for  want  of  patron 
age  ;  the  ton  of  the  city  were  there  to  enjoy  it  for  the  last  time,  and  we  were 
there  to  see  the  ton. 

I  had  an  invitation  for  Tuesday  evening  to  a  large  party  given  by  Mrs.  D.  S. 
Jones,  the  daughter  of  De  Witt  Clinton;  a  similar  invitation  on  Monday  to 
Mrs.  Hicks,  on  Bond  Street.  Charles  King  had  invited  a  supper-party  to  meet 
us  on  Wednesday  night.  James  G.  King  had  made  a  dinner  for  us  the  day  we 
dined  with  Van  Schaick.  We  declined,  and  tore  ourselves  away  from  the  hos 
pitalities  which  pressed  us  on  every  side.  At  five  o'clock  we  went  on  board  the 
steamboat,  and  arrived  about  midnight  at  Poughkeepsie.  It  was  cold  and  tem 
pestuous,  and  we  retired  to  sleep.  On  Christmas-morning,  at  six  o'clock,  we 
took  the  stage  and  traveled  comfortably  enough,  although  the  weather  was  very 
cold.  We  arrived  at  Greenbush  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  and,  after  much 
ado,  procured  porters  to  carry  our  baggage  across  the  river,  and  reached  Bement's 
at  midnight. 

I  cannot  yet  say  when  I  shall  be  able  to  leave.  Albany,  but  I  am  making  my 
parting  arrangements.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  I  have  become  more  than  ever 
attached  to  Uncle  Gary,  and  that  here  we  are  inseparable.  Mrs.  Cary,  with  her 
genuine  kindness,  has  proposed  to  meet  him  at  Auburn.  They  have  it  so- 
arranged  that  Wednesday  of  week  after  next,  if  there  is  sleighing,  she  will  be 
with  you.  Mr.  Cary  will  positively  be  there,  and  so  will  I.  And  so  the  part  I 
have  assumed  among  politicians  has  its  inception,  denoument,  and  finale  ! 


CHAPTER  XII. 

1835. 

Eetum  to  Private  Life. — Law  and  Chancery  Practice. — Judge  Miller. — Seward  and  Beards- 
ley. — Political  Speculations. — French  Claims. — Personalities  in  Debate. — Attempt  to 
assassinate  Jackson. — Advice  about  going  West. — Editorial  Life. — "Optimism." — 
Henry  Bulwer. 

RETURNING  to  Auburn  early  in  January,  1835,  accompanied  by  Mr. 
"Weed's  daughter  Harriet,  he  announced  their  arrival  in  a  letter  to  her 
father  : 


1835.]  GOVERNOR   MARCY.  249 

I  am  once  more,  thank  God,  and  I  hope  for  a  long  time,  at  home ;  really,  I 
was  so  weary  of  the  unprofitable  life  I  was  leading  at  Albany,  that  I  was  unable 
to  regret,  as  I  otherwise  must  have  done,  that  the  time  had  come  when  a  ter 
mination  must  be  set  to  our  long,  confidential,  and  intimate  association.  Keep 
me  informed  upon  political  matters,  and  take  care  that  I  do  not  so  far  get  ab 
sorbed  in  professional  occupation,  that  you  will  cease  to  care  for  me  as  a  poli 
tician. 

Resuming  his  place  among  the  law-books  and  papers  in  the  old 
white  office  on  South  Street,  he  resumed  with  it  his  industrious  habits 
there,  and  worked  early  in  the  morning  and  late  at  night  at  the  cases 
of  his  clients.  His  practice  began  to  steadily  increase  and  enlarge, 
though  it  was  still  confined  to  Cayuga  and  the  adjoining  counties  in 
the  western  part  of  the  State.  He  wrote  : 

January  18, 1835. 

It  goes  with  me,  thus  far,  very  much  as  I  supposed  it  would.  An  entire 
week  has  passed,  and  I  have  found  no  leisure.  All  this  would  be  comfortable 
enough  if  I  were  pleased  with  my  employment.  But  I  do  not  find  that  certainty 
in  the  results  of  long  and  painful  investigation  which  compensates  one  for  the 
trouble.  "  Eureka!  "  said  the  Grecian  philosopher,  when  the  key  to  his  perplex 
ing  problem  presented  itself  to  his  mind.  But  in  law  there  is  no  "Eureka." 
You  search  forever,  and,  instead  of  finding  out  the  truth  of  the  matter,  you 
find  out,  at  the  end  of  a  long  and  troublesome  litigation,  that  you  are  all  wrong, 
or  that  the  court  and  jury  are ;  and  the  consequences  to  you  and  your  client  are 
the  same  in  both  cases. 

But  I  am  not  indulging  any  morbid  feelings.  I  would  rather  pursue  my  pro 
fession  than  any  other,  and  when  I  once  get  accustomed  to  it  I  shall  find  it  go 
smoothly  enough. 

Your  hurried  letter,  written  upon  the  blank  page  of  Fillmore's,  was  rather 
melancholy.  I  am  so  selfish  as  not  to  be  sorry  that  you  were  sad  when  Gary 
and  I  left  you.  I  would  not  have  you  perform  a  shorter  mourning  than  a 
widow's  prescribed  quarantine.  It  is  a  graceless  world,  my  dear  Weed,  and  we 
will  soon  enough  forget  each  other. 

Meanwhile  political  affairs  of  some  gravity  were  engrossing  atten 
tion  at  Albany  and  Washington.  But  as  this  book  aims  to  present, 
not  the  history  of  the  times,  but  the  story  of  an  individual  life,  it  will 
be  sufficient  to  allude  to  a  few  events  then  transpiring,  as  news  of 
them  reached  the  quiet  village  home,  through  the  newspapers  or  the 
letters  of  friends. 

From  Albany  came  the  annual  message  of  Governor  Marcy,  able 
and  clear,  as  all  his  state  papers  were.  In  it  he  reiterated  the  argu 
ments  against  the  United  States  Bank,  now  become  cardinal  doctrines 
of  the  Jackson  party. 

He  felicitated  the  Legislature  and  the  people  that  the  commercial 
panic  had  passed,  and  confidence  had  been  restored,  so  that  it  had  not 
been  necessary  to  make  or  use  the  six-million-dollar  loan  authorized  at 


250  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

the  previous  session,  the  United  States  Bank  having  ceased  its  curtail 
ment  of  discounts.  Its  renewed  expansion  of  loans  was  claimed  to 
prove  that  its  previous  contraction  had  been  made,  not  under  the  press 
ure  of  necessity,  but  for  political  effect.  The  Governor  recommended 
the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Canal,  in  accordance  with  an  almost 
universal  public  sentiment.  He  further  recommended  the  suppression 
of  all  bank  bills  under  five  dollars,  and  warned  the  Legislature  against 
granting  State  bank  charters  too  lavishly.  His  party,  in  the  Senate  and 
Assembly,  followed  him  in  denunciation  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  voted  to  use  a  part  of  the  canal-tolls  to  enlarge  the  Erie 
Canal,  but  took  little  heed  of  his  warnings  against  new  bank  charters, 
which  continued  at  this  session  to  be  dispensed  among  the  eager  lobby 
that  awaited  them,  and,  naturally  enough,  perhaps,  applicants  who 
were  supporters  of  the  State  and  national  Administrations  were 
especially  fortunate  in  obtaining  them. 

The  Whig  minority,  hardly  numbering  more  than  one-third  of  the 
Legislature,  had  no  disposition  to  continue  the  war  in  behalf  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  after  their  signal  defeat  at  the  fall  election. 
To  the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Canal  they  gave  a  hearty  support,  and 
directed  their  artillery  chiefly  against  the  distribution  of  the  bank 
charters,  proposing  investigations  of  the  manner  in  which  it  was  done. 
These,  however,  were  usually  tabled  by  a  decisive  vote. 

Seward's  letters,  during  this  period,  to  Weed,  sketch  his  domestic 
and  business  life  at  Auburn,  with  occasional  comments  upon  political 
events  : 

January  Vlih. 

Charles  King,  when  I  saw  him,  was  wanting  Clay  to  decline  in  favor  of 
somebody,  and  the  only  difficulty  was,  to  select  the  man.  None  of  those  who 
protest  against  White  and  McLean  seem  to  understand  that  Clay  must  decline 
in  order  to  bring  out  anybody.  The  truth  is,  that  we  Whigs  of  1834  are  a  very 
impracticable  set  of  fellows.  We  are  too  independent  to  become  good  politi 
cians.  We  all  agree  that  the  Tories  are  ruining  the  country,  and  that  it  is  our 
duty  to  avert  the  calamity.  But  each  man  must  have  his  own  way  of  averting  it. 

January  SQtk. 

Mr.  Savage  has  brought  my  miniature.  It  is  universally  admired,  except  by 
the  very  fastidious  personage  for  whom  it  was  painted.  She,  forsooth,  calls  it 
hard  names,  says  it  is  pert,  self-complacent,  etc.,  etc.,  just  as  if  that  was  not 
the  true  expression  of  the  original. 

There  is  a  Mr.  Goodwin  here,  who  has  spent  two  years  in  the  village,  paint 
ing  everybody.  The  day  before  the  miniature  came,  he  called  upon  me.  He 
had  been  diligently  pursuing  his  art,  as  all  artists  must  do  in  the  country,  until 
he  was  prepared  to  advance  toward  the  city.  He  wished  in  the  spring  to  make 
a  stand  in  Albany,  and  was  desirous  to  have  a  likeness  of  me,  by  way  of  intro 
ducing  himself.  Now,  this  painter  had  been  a  good  and  ardent  Whig  when  it 
would  have  been  better  for  him  to  have  been  a  Tory.  I  assented,  of  course, 


1835.]  TROUBLE   WITH   FRANCE.  251 

and  that  without  having  seen  one  of  his  pictures;  and  have  been  to  give  him 
my  first  sitting. 

I  never  was  more  gratified  by  any  political  movement  than  I  have  been  in 
the  extraordinary  tact  and  talent  exhibited  by  our  minority  in  the  Legislature 
since  the  commencement  of  the  session.  Sibley  has  made  a  fine  debut.  Young's 
resolution  was  rightly  disposed  of  by  our  friends  in  both  Houses. 

February  8th. 

Your  long  silence  has  produced  much  anxiety  in  our  house.  Harriet  is 
apprehensive  that  you  or  her  mother  are  ill.  I  do  not  so  infer.  But  young 
ladies  do  not  so  well  understand  the  difficulties  which  old  fellows  like  us  have  in 
being  punctual  in  our  correspondence. 

I  have  not  yet  found  time  to  read  the  Bank  Commissioner's  report,  or  the 
State-prison  report.  I  take,  perforce,  your  account  of  all  these  matters  for 
truth.  You  will  see  how  imperative  your  obligation  is  not  to  commit  any  of 
that  offense  which  your  sweet  cousin  of  the  Argus  so  often  reminds  you  of  in 
his  amiable  kind  of  way.  But  there  are  some  things  which  I  do  read :  Primo, 
all  Mark  Sibley's  bold,  talented  speeches;  secondo,  your  editorials;  and  tertio, 
all  my  dull  letters  from  Paris.  ...  I  think  you  are  sustaining  yourself  with 
great  success.  You  are  yet,  my  good  fellow,  only  at  the  threshold  of  your  edi 
torial  career.  You  will  be  at  the  head  of  the  profession  in  a  few  years.  As  for 
my  letters,  I  am  glad  the  manuscript  you  have  of  them  is  nearly  out.  The  last 
letter  was  written  so  carelessly  that  I  am  ashamed  of  it.  The  one  in  Thursday's 
paper  was  both  carelessly  written  and  printed,  but  the  fault  is  more  mine  than 
the  printer's.  I  am  made  to  speak  of  "  elegant  prison-walls,"  instead  of  "  elo 
quent  "  ones ! 

A  great  rage  for  speculation  in  real  estate  has  arisen  here.  Property  has 
advanced  twenty-five  per  cent.,  and  sells  readily.  This  gives  me  reputation  of 
an  increase  of  property.  Whether  I  realize  it  or  not  will  depend  upon  whether 
I  sell  while  the  fever  is  upon  us.  I  have  real  estate  which  I  would  be  glad 
enough  to  sell,  but  the  speculators  pass  me  by  to  find  those  whose  necessities 
they  deem  greater. 

Now  came  intelligence  of  the  debates  going  on  in  Congress  in  re 
gard  to  the  French  claims  ;  and  then  that  the  French  Government, 
taking  umbrage  at  President  Jackson's  recommendation  of  reprisals  on 
French  commerce,  had  recalled  M.  Serrurier,  their  minister,  and  sent  to 
Mr.  Livingston,  the  American  minister  at  Paris,  his  passports.  Con 
gress,  the  press,  and  the  public,  evinced  alarm  at  the  prospect  of  war 
with  France.  But  the  next  arrival  from  Europe  tended  somewhat  to 
allay  it,  by  the  news  that  the  French  Government,  after  "  vindicating 
the  national  honor  from  insult,"  as  they  said,  by  suspending  diplomatic 
intercourse,  immediately  passed  a  law  to  pay  the  United  States  what 
was  claimed.  With  this  law,  however,  they  coupled  a  proviso  that 
they  should  have  an  apology  from  President  Jackson.  This  condition 
neither  he  nor  the  American  people  were  likely  to  comply  with  ;  but 
the  whole  dispute,  after  a  few  months,  was  amicably  arranged  by  the 
mediation  of  the  British  Government.  Congress,  with  that  curious 


252  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

inconsistency  which  sometimes  characterizes  legislative  action,  after 
being  apparently  unanimous  in  favor  of  appropriating  means  for 
national  defense  in  the  coming  contest,  differed  about  the  amount  to 
be  inserted  in  the  "  Fortification  Bill  ;  "  and,  as  the  two  Houses  were 
unable  to  reach  an  agreement  on  the  night  of  the  3d  of  March,  before 
the  adjournment,  the  bill  failed  entirely.  So  the  country  was  left  with 
out  any  appropriation  at  all  to  meet  the  war  if  one  had  come. 

Two  other  affairs  occurred,  tending  to  strengthen  General  Jackson's 
hold  on  popular  favor,  by  identifying  him  as  personally  bearing  the 
brunt  of  all  assaults  upon  the  Government.  One  was  an  attempt  by 
a  lunatic  to  fire  a  pistol  at  him,  as  he  was  attending  the  funeral  of  a 
member  of  Congress  at  the  Capitol.  The  other  was  the  defeat  of 
Colonel  Benton's  resolution  to  "  expunge "  from  the  Senate  Journal 
its  censure  of  the  President  in  1833  ;  which  defeat  was  followed  by  the 
prompt  announcement  of  Colonel  Benton  that  he  would  renew  his 
resolution  for  such  "  expunctiori  "  at  the  opening  of  the  next  session. 

Strong  as  the  President  unquestionably  was,  he  had  been  elected 
twice,  and  so  could  not  be  a  third  time  a  candidate.  The  Whigs  in 
various  States  began  to  organize  for  the  presidential  canvass  against 
his  probable  successor,  Martin  Van  Buren.  Judge  McLean  was  nomi 
nated  by  a  gathering  at  Columbus,  in  which  the  Whig  members  of  the 
Ohio  Legislature  took  prominent  part,  and  Daniel  Webster  was  simi 
larly  nominated  by  a  convention  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Massachusetts.  On  these  topics  Seward  said  : 

Clay  quits  the  field,  and  I  have  no  ability  to  believe  that  White  can  get  votes 
enough  at  the  South  to  make  a  diversion  from  Van  Buren.  To  run  Webster  as 
a  candidate  now  is  useless.  I  have  seen  no  suggestion  which  pleased  me  so 
much  as  that  which  presents  General  Harrison ;  certain  it  is,  there  is  none  so 
safe.  We  can  give  him  all  the  votes  we  can  to  anybody.  If  we  fail  with  him, 
we  are  a  patriotic  party  and  a  great  one.  I  agree  with  you  that  the  charm  of 
McLean's  name  is  gone,  unless  he  should  resign  his  judgeship,  and  that,  I  think, 
he  will  not  do  ;  and  he  would  be  very  unwise  if  he  should.  I  am  serious  in  this 
Harrison  business,  and  hope  that,  if  you  agree,  you  will  exert  yourself  to  give 
it  a  popular  aspect.  Let  me  know  your  best  opinion,  before  I  commit  any 
overt  act  in  regard  to  it. 

March  13,  1835. 

My  conscience  reproaches  me  for  concurring  with  you  in  the  disapproval  of 
Webster's  nomination.  I  cannot  support  it,  and  why  ?  Because  he  is  too  great, 
too  wise  ?  But  I  cannot  doubt  that  it  is  our  duty  to  defeat  Van  Buren.  To  vote 
for  Webster  is,  indirectly,  to  elect  Van  Buren.  You  are  right  about  Harrison, 
but  do  not  go  too  fast,  too  soon. 

The  bold  attempt  to  assassinate  the  President  is  an  incident  so  unique  and 
so  full  of  horror  that  it  made  a  deep  impression  upon  a  large  class  of  voters. 
They  anticipated  the  party  papers  in  saying  it  was  a  "  Whig  conspiracy."  They 
would  shut  their  ears  to  evidence  which  should  exculpate  any  member  of  the 


1835.]  THE   LAW-OFFICE.  253 

Senate,  and  abhor  to  be  undeceived.  While  Harriet  and  I  were  waiting  in  the 
wagon,  at  the  door  of  an  hotel  in  Springport,  we  overheard  a  conversation  be 
tween  two  old  farmers,  in  which  one  said  that  he  had  always  adhered  to  Jackson, 
and  should,  as  long  as  Jackson  lived.  "  Well,"  said  the  other,  "you  had  like  to 
have  been  discharged  last  month  ;  he  came  near  being  killed."  "  They  can't  kill 
him,"  said  the  first ;  u  they've  tried  it  more  than  once,  and  would  again,  but  his 
time  hasn't  come.  Thank  God,"  said  he,  "they've  at  last  shown  what  they 
would  do  to  get  rid  of  the  old  hero !  " 

Now,  I  am  very  much  inclined  to  believe,  with  this  old  man,  that  there  is  a 
destiny  in  relation  to  General  Jackson.  .  .  .  The  maniac  who  leveled  his  pistol 
at  the  President  accomplished  one  step  toward  converting  this  Government  into 
a  monarchy.  I  shudder  when  I  reflect  upon  recent  indications,  that  mankind  in 
Europe  choose  to  be  governed  by  kings.  Even  the  people  of  this  country  set  a 
higher  value  upon  the  life  of  their  ruler  than  they  do  upon  the  safeguards  of 
their  own  liberty.  .  .  .  My  word  for  it,  we  shall  yet  see  that  the  effect  of  the 
attempt  has  been  greateAhan  you,  now  believe. 


In  regard  to  his  business  affairs  he  wrote : 

AUBURN,  March  Zd. 

It  is  a  matter  of  astonishment  to  me,  in  view  of  my  long  neglect  of  my  office, 
that  its  income  should  be  so  much  as  it  is.  I  had  bought  a  few  despised  village 
lots,  several  years  ago,  and  had  built  dwellings  upon  them  to  rent.  These  are 
productive,  and  my  unoccupied  lots  have  risen  in  value.  I  am  now  doing  a  very 
fair  business,  dividing  to  my  partner,  as  before,  one-third.  If  I  could  continue 
to  attend  to  it,  as  I  have  done  since  my  return  from  Albany,  it  would  be  worth 
more  than  three  thousand  dollars  per  annum  to  me.  I  am  endeavoring  to  accu 
mulate  a  reasonable  surplus  out  of  this,  so  as  to  be  able  to  cast  my  books  behind 
me,  and  take  into  my  hands  others  that  I  like  better.  If  our  side  keeps  under, 
I  shall  make  some  money ;  if  it  gets  upward,  my  "spoils"  may  again  be  endan 
gered.  (This  consummation,  however  devoutly  it  may  be  wished,  does  not  give 
me  any  alarm.) 

AUBURN,  March  llth. 

You  are  right  on  the  French  question,  and  have,  in  my  poor  judgment,  been 
right  from  the  beginning.  It  is  neither  patriotic  nor  wise  to  oppose  the  Ad 
ministration,  when  the  question  involves  an  issue  between  us  and  any  European 
government. 

He  was  now  steadily  and  diligently  building  up  his  law  practice. 
At  first  he  had  encountered  some  jealous  opposition  on  the  part  of  older 
practitioners,  who  feared  his  rise  in  the  profession  might  draw  off 
business  from  their  own  offices.  But  this  was  now  all  past.  He  had 
pursued  in  court  the  same  rule  as  in  the  Legislative  Chamber.  He  dis 
regarded  and  ignored  all  personalities  ;  and  with  resolute  self-possession 
addressed  his  arguments  to  the  points  at  issue — it  is  needless  to  say, 
with  additional  advantage  from  that  self-control.  His  position  was 
becoming  an  assured  one  ;  and  the  engrossing  of  the  prolix  chancery 
papers,  from  his  drafts  or  dictation,  soon  afforded  labor  for  several 
clerks.  Mr.  Nelson  Beardsley,  who  entered  his  office  as  a  student  in 


254:  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

1828,  was  his  chief  assistant.  He  was  taken  into  partnership,  and  left 
in  charge  of  the  business  on  Mr.  Seward's  departure  to  Albany,  to  enter 
upon  his  duties  in  the  Senate.  This  relation  continued  during  his 
senatorial  term,  and  until  1836. 

The  business  of  a  country  lawyer  in  those  days,  while  equally  labori 
ous,  was  much  less  methodical  than  that  of  a  city  attorney.  All  hours 
alike  were  considered  by  visitors  for  business  or  pleasure  as  open  to 
them  ;  and  legal  advice,  while  freely  solicited,  was  not  expected  to  be 
paid  for,  unless  under  previous  and  definite  contract.  The  old  office  on 
South  Street  continued  to  be  Seward  &  Beardsley's  place  of  business 
until,  in  1835,  the  Exchange  Block  was  erected  on  Genesee  Street. 
Then  the  office  was  transferred  there. 

It  was  a  favorite  habit  of  his  then,  as  in  later  life,  to  concentrate  all 
his  attention  upon  the  work  in  hand,  and  not  allow  himself  to  be  di 
verted  from  it  until  it  was  finished.  The  custom  of  carrying  forward 
several  different  sorts  of  work  at  one  time  (though  often  an  indispen 
sable  one,  especially  in  official  life)  he  always  regarded  as  occupying 
more  time,  and  as  less  productive  of  satisfactory  results.  This  persever 
ing  concentration  enabled  him  to  accomplish  tasks  with  marvelous 
rapidity.  Mr.  Beardsley  relates  some  incidents  of  their  practice.  One 
day,  just  as  they  were  closing  its  labors,  a  client  came  in  with  a  case 
in  which  success  was  hopeless  unless  an  injunction  could  be  obtained 
before  eleven  o'clock  the  next  morning  from  Judge  Mosely,  at  Onon- 
daga  Hill ;  and  to  obtain  it  would  require  a  review  of  the  entire  case, 
and  an  analysis  of  the  papers,  which  his  lawyer  had  told  him  would 
occupy  at  least  a  week. 

Seeing  the  situation  of  the  affair  at  once,  Seward  said,  "  Beardsley, 
did  you  sleep  well  last  night  ?  " 

"  Tolerably  well,"  was  the  answer  ;  "  why  do  you  ask  ?  " 

"  Because  I  think  you  will  have  to  sit  up  all  night  to-night." 

Lighting  the  candles,  and  closing  the  doors,  the  two  partners  set 
vigorously  to  work,  Seward  drafting,  and  Beardsley  engrossing,  until 
daybreak  found  them  completing  the  last  pages.  A  hasty  breakfast 
and  cup  of  coffee  followed  ;  and  then,  taking  a  horse  and  buggy,  Sew 
ard  drove  twenty-five  miles  to  Onondaga  Hill,  obtained  the  injunction, 
and  saved  his  client's  case. 

On  another  occasion,  half  a  dozen  rural  friends  came  into  the  office 
with  disturbed  and  anxious  looks,  and,  taking  Seward  aside,  said  to  him  : 

"  Here  is  the  Whig  County  Convention  in  session  at  the  court 
house,  and  we  have  only  just  discovered  that  no  resolutions  or  ad 
dress  have  been  prepared  ;  and  there  is  not  a  man  in  it  who  can  under 
take  the  work.  Besides,  there  is  no  time.  If  we  adjourn  without  any 
we  shall  be  laughed  at,  and  the  whole  thing  will  be  a  failure.  Can't 
you  help  us  ?  " 


1835.]  JUDGE   MILLER.  255 

Seward  considered  a  moment,  and  said  :  "  The  convention  will  want 
its  dinner,  I  suppose  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  they  answered,  "  of  course." 

"  Very  well.  Go  back  ;  appoint  a  committee  on  resolutions,  who 
ever  you  like,  and  then  adjourn  the  convention  for  dinner.  After 
dinner  send  the  committee  to  me." 

"  Now,  Beardsley,"  turning  to  his  partner,  "  Loco-f oco  as  you  are, 
you  will  have  to  copy  some  good  Whig  resolutions,  and  an  address." 

Going  into  the  back-room,  and  locking  the  door,  he  commenced 
drafting  as  fast  as  pen  could  travel  over  paper — Beardsley  engrossing 
each  sheet  as  it  was  completed. 

The  convention  reassembled  in  the  afternoon,  and  were  as  much 
astonished  and  gratified  with  the  address  and  resolutions  laid  before 
them  by  their  committee  as  the  committee  themselves  were  at  having 
done  it. 

Judge  Miller  had  gradually  withdrawn  from  actual  business  in  the 
office,  though  continuing  to  give  his  counsel  in  many  cases,  where  his 
judgment  and  experience  rendered  it  valuable.  His  tenacious  and 
accurate  memory  of  historical  facts  made  him  an  authority  on  all  ques 
tions  of  land-titles.  A  story  is  told  of  a  case  in  court,  involving  title 
to  lands,  which  had  formed  a  part  of  "  military  lots,"  originally  belong 
ing  to  old  soldiers  of  the  Revolution.  It  happened  that  a  defective 
point  in  the  evidence  was  the  date  of  a  battle  where  one  of  the  pen 
sioners  received  a  wound,  which  entitled  him  to  a  land-warrant.  The 
old  pensioners  themselves  were  called  as  witnesses  ;  but  their  recollec 
tions  were  confused  and  conflicting.  There  were  no  books  or  docu 
ments  at  hand  for  reference.  Just  then  the  court-room  door  opened, 
and  Judge  Miller  entered.  He  was,  of  course,  ignorant  of  what  was 
going  on  ;  and  was  somewhat  startled  on  hearing  the  presiding  judge 
say,  "  Crier,  call  Judge  Miller  to  the  stand." 

The  crier  made  proclamation  accordingly. 

Judge  Miller  demurred :  "  What  do  you  want  of  me  ?  I  don't  know 
anything  about  the  case.  I  don't  even  know  what  the  case  is." 

"No  matter,"  was  the  reply  from  the  bench  ;  "take  the  stand." 

He  took  the  stand,  and  was  sworn. 

"  In  what  year,"  asked  the  presiding  judge,  "  did  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth  take  place  ?  " 

"On  the  28th  of  June,  1778,"  replied  Judge  Miller,  without  hesita 
tion. 

"  That  is  all,  judge.  The  court  called  you  because  it  knew  that  it 
could  rely  on  your  memory,  and  is  much  obliged  to  you." 

The  almost  interminable  prolixity  of  bills  in  chancery,  which  were 
paid  for  "  by  the  folio  "  (one  hundred  words),  was  a  source  of  profit  to 
lawyers,  though  a  delay  of  justice  to  their  clients.  Yet  the  usages  and 


256  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

requirements  of  the  courts  rendered  it  difficult  to  omit  any  of  the  pro 
fessional  tautology,  without  risking  dissatisfaction  of  the  client,  or  loss 
of  the  cause.  It  is  related  of  Judge  Miller,  who  abhorred  indirection, 
that,  coming  into  the  office  one  day,  he  took  a  mortgage  foreclosure 
just  completed,  and,  counting  the  words,  found  that  there  were  forty- 
five  hundred.  Taking  his  pen,  he  drew  up  one  containing  but  four 
hundred  and  fifty  words,  which  comprised  everything  required  of  law 
or  facts  that  had  been  set  forth  in  the  one  ten  times  as  long. 

March  I5th. 

Last  evening  I  received  an  unusually  interesting  letter  from  you,  and  this 
evening  I  am  quickened  to  answer  it  by  the  further  obligation  for  the  docu 
ments,  reviews,  and  magazines,  you  send  me.  I  regret  continually  that  I  have 
not  time  to  write  deliberately.  I  might,  in  that  event,  make  our  correspondence 
a  poor  substitute  for  the  long  tete-d-tete  of  by-gone  days.  But,  in  truth,  I  go 
floundering  on,  from  Monday's  sunrise  until  Saturday's  expiring  hour,  hurried 
with  occupation. 

You  talk  about  building  more  political  "  cob-houses  "  with  me.  Pardon  me, 
I  have  exhausted  the  entire  interest  of  the  game.  No  inducement  would  now 
prevail  upon  me  to  be  reinstated  in  the  Senate.  I  am  happy  in  being  out,  with 
the  consciousness  that  I  got  honorably  out. 

AUBUKN,  March  29£A. 

Don't  start,  my  dear  Weed,  at  this  long  sheet  of  foolscap.  I  have  not  alto 
gether  relapsed  into  barbarism.  Harriet,  like  a  dutiful  child,  has  used  the  last 
sheet  of  letter-paper  in  writing  to  her  mother.  To-morrow  will  be  a  secular 
day,  and  then  I  can  replenish  my  stock. 

I  have  "matter  in  excuse,  though  not  of  justification,"  as  the  lawyers  say,  of 
my  long  silence.  When  I  have  written  to  the  foot  of  this  page,  I  shall  have 
completed  the  one  hundred  and  fifty-second  part  of  the  amount  of  labor  which 
I  have  bestowed,  during  the  last  ten  days,  upon  a  single  "  answer  in  chancery." 
Now,  if  you  wish  to  understand  how  incompatible  it  has  been  for  me  to  write  a 
letter  to  you  or  anybody  else  while  that  pleasant  occupation  was  in  hand,  I 
entreat  you  to  take  thirty-eight  sheets  of  paper  of  this  size,  ruled  as  this  is, 
write  closely,  as  I  do  (and  not  scrawlingly,  as  you  do  your  editorials),  until  you 
have  a  complete  conviction  that  I  could  not  by  any  possibility  write  to  you 
before  this  day  of  sacred  rest,  and  rest  from  folios  in  chancery.  If  you  choose, 
the  manuscript  you  produce  shall  be  an  epistle  to  me.  I  will  preserve  it  as 
faithfully  as  the  saints  did  those  of  the  apostles. 

Granger  and  Whittlesey  came  here  last  Tuesday  evening  with  William  B. 
Kochester,  Jewett,  and  Jared  Wilson.  They  spent  the  night  here.  Granger, 
Whittlesey,  and  I,  had  a  session  (which  commenced  with  a  cup  of  tea  at  seven 
and  closed  at  twelve),  on  the  subject  of  the  presidential  nomination.  You  may 
show  up  the  grounds  of  belief  that  we  can  succeed. 

"  It  never  yet  did  hurt 
To  lay  down  likelihoods  and  forms  of  hope." 

There  are  many  difficulties ;  I  know  not  but  insuperable  ones. 

A  propos,  the  improvement  of  the  Journal  is  very  fine.     It  is  altogether  the 


1886.J  FOREBODINGS.  25T 

handsomest  paper  in  the  State.     I  have  an  affection  for  it  for  your  sake,  and 
because  quorum  pars  fui. 

AUBURN,  April  nth. 

Who  reports  your  debates  in  the  Senate  ?  I  have  been  pleased  with  the  skill 
manifested  in  the  report  of  the  altercation  between  Young  and  Hubbard.  What 
an  immense  deal  of  learning  the  former  has,  and  how  little  practical  wisdom  on 
this  occasion !  No  man  ever  appears  to  advantage  in  a  legislative  debate  when 
he  volunteers  an  issue  relating  to  himself  personally.  Legislators,  statesmen, 
and  politicians,  only  appear  great  when  identified  with  great  popular  interests, 
measures,  or  excitements.  How  admirably  the  French  understand  this !  Louis 
XVIII.  understood  it  when  he  returned  (on  the  downfall  of  Bonaparte),  after 
a  long  exile,  and,  supported  by  foreign  bayonets,  he  said,  "  Je  la  revois — cette 
France,  et  rien  n'est  change  excepte  qu'il  y  a  un  Francais  de  plus." 

Seward  always  looked  upon  personalities  in  debate,  or  "  rising  to  a 
privileged  question,"  to  repel  newspaper  attacks,  as  worse  than  use 
less.  Members  of  the  Legislature,  he  said,  ought  to  understand  that 
they  can  never  safely  bring  their  private  grievances  into  the  debates 
of  the  House.  The  confidence  of  their  political  friends  is  never  shaken 
by  newspaper  calumnies  ;  and  the  dignity  of  legislation  is  compro- 
mitted  by  their  efforts  to  retaliate. 

AUBURN,  April  12th. 

The  advance  of  spring  in  the  country  was  always  interesting  to  me ;  and  this 
is  the  first  time  I  have  enjoyed  it  in  four  years.  I  watch  the  development  of 
vegetation  with  a  lover's  interest.  I  have  my  hot-bed  in  delightful  success. 
My  cucumbers  are  commencing  their  ramblings.  The  radishes  begin  to  gather 
roughness  upon  the  leaf.  The  sap  starts  from  my  grapes,  and  the  polyanthus  is 
in  full  bloom.  To  add  to  these  pleasures,  I  have  mastered  the  oppressive  labor 
of  my  office,  and  left  it  last  night  with  the  proud  satisfaction  that  its  business 
was  now  behind  me. 

We  are  yet  undecided  concerning  our  summer's  journey.  My  mind  inclines, 
if  Mrs.  Seward  can  endure  the  voyage,  to  a  trip  up  the  Mediterranean  and  to 
the  Levant.  Her  sister  protests,  and  we  are  without  medical  advice.  It  would, 
in  my  judgment,  be  the  surest  means  of  recovering  her  health,  provided  she 
should  spend  the  next  winter  in  Italy.  But  to  make  a  voyage  to  Europe  re 
quires  the  assent  of  all  one's  friends.  I  may  as  well,  in  this  place,  inform  you 
that  the  professor  of  phrenology  here  has  favored  me  with  a  chart  of  the  geog 
raphy  of  my  skull ;  and  that  it  is  distinguished  by  two  great  mountains.  Can 
you  guess  them?  "Conscientiousness"  and  "Fondness  for  Foreign  Travel 
ing! 

I  have  during  the  past  week  been  speculating  upon  politics,  and  I  will  tell 
you  my  conclusions.  It  is  utterly  impossible,  I  am  convinced,  to  defeat  Van 
Buren.  The  people  are  for  him.  Not  so  much  for  him  as  for  the  principle  they 
suppose  he  represents.  That  principle  is  Democracy ;  and  the  best  result  of  all 
our  labors  in  the  Whig  cause  has  only  been  to  excite  them,  while  they  have  been 
more  and  more  confirmed  in  their  apprehension  of  the  loss  of  their  liberties  by 
an  imaginary  instead  of  a  real  aristocracy.  It  is  with  them,  the  poor  against 
the  rich ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that,  since  the  last  election,  the  array  of. 
17  " 


258  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1835, 

parties  has  very  strongly  taken  that  character.  Those  who  felt  themselves  or 
helieved  themselves  poor,  have  fallen  off  very  naturally  from  us,  and  into  the 
majority,  whose  success  proved  them  to  be  the  friends  of  the  poor ;  while  the 
rich  we  "  have  always  with  us."  Our  papers,  without  being  conscious  of  it,  have 
been  gradually  assuming  their  cause  ;  not  from  choice,  but  by  way  of  retaliation 
upon  the  victors. 

It  is  unavailing  to  discuss  candidates.  "We  can  support  "White  or  Harrison  or 
anybody.  We  can  give  them  all  our  votes.  But  we  can  give  no  one  any  more ; 
and,  what  is  the  worst  feature  of  all  is,  that  this  party  of  ours  in  its  elements 
IB  such  that  it  cannot  succeed  until  there  is  a  time  of  popular  convulsion,  when- 
suffering  shall  make  men  feel,  and  because  they  feel,  think !  Without  by  any 
means  admitting  that  in  the  present  instance  the  popular  will  is  wx  Dei,  I  be 
lieve  and  know  it  to  be  absolute.  I  make  these  observations  because  I  am  where 
you  never  are,  in  the  country,  among  the  people. 

You  will  ask  me,  "  To  what  end  are  these  speculations  ? "  I  answer,  they  are 
for  your  use,  the  deliberate  and  mature  judgment  of  a  friend  who  has  examined 
the  ground.  They  are  intended  to  guard  you  against  the  indulgence  of  dreams 
of  political  reform  and  retribution  which  will  not  come  to  pass.  They  mean  no 
further.  For  myself,  they  lay  the  basis  of  this  resolution — 

AUBURN,  April  19th. 

The  church-bell  last  Sunday  morning  called  me  off  from  a  rambling  letter  I 
had  been  writing  to  you.  In  the  evening  I  thought,  without  reading  it,  that  it 
was  calculated  unnecessarily  to  make  you  unhappyby  the  gloomy  view  it  took 
of  the  political  field.  As  I  could  not  doubt  that  you  enjoy  more  satisfaction  in 
your  vocation,  while  you  indulge  hopes  of  success,  I  thought  it  unwise  to  ob 
trude  forebodings  which  would  be  of  no  avail.  On  Friday  Mrs.  Seward,  who 
had  read  the  letter,  asked  me  why  I  did  not  send  it.  When  I  gave  her  the  rea 
sons,  she  pronounced  them  insufficient.  She  insisted  upon  it  that  I  should  then 
add  the  "  resolution,"  which,  it  appeared,  was  to  be  the  conclusion  of  the  letter. 
This  was  impossible,  for  the  sufficient  reason  that  the  resolution  was  not  formed.. 
So,  in  a  merry  mood,  we  concluded  to  send  you  the  letter  and  leave  you  to 
draft  a  resolution  to  suit  yourself ! 

I  have  now  no  resolution  about  the  matter  except  this ;  that  for  myself,  my 
own  interest,  reputation,  or  advancement,  I  will  not  send  out  a  single  exploring 
wish  over  the  political  deluge.  The  safety  of  my  friends,  and  their  success  and 
happiness,  will  afford  motives  enough  to  excite  hopes  and  exertions  if  such 
hopes  and  exertions  shall  be  expected  from  me. 

This  letter,  and  others  like  it,  hardly  show  him  to  be  the  "  optimist >r 
that  many  thought  him.  Its  predictions  of  adverse  political  fortune, 
in  the  next  two  years,  were  all  verified  as  time  rolled  on.  That  he  was 
seldom  an  over-sanguine  counselor  his  private  letters  attest.  That  in 
public  utterances  he  sought  to  animate  and  encourage  his  party,  is  not 
strange.  No  leader  can  expect  success  who  begins  by  disheartening 
his  followers.  Nor  were  his  cheerfulness  and  confidence  assumed. 
They  grew  naturally  out  of  his  life-long  belief  that  he  was  advocating 
principles  destined  to  ultimate  and  permanent  triumph.  Yet  he  had 


1836.J  "GOING   WEST."  259 

always  the  presentiment  that  the  struggle  would  be  a  fearful  if  not  a 
sanguinary  one.  That  presentiment  appears  in  his  first  parliamentary 
argument,  when  he  warned  the  State  Senate  to  prepare  their  militia 
for  "  the  dark  and  perilous  ways  of  national  calamity  yet  unknown  to 
us."  It  reappears  throughout  his  writings  and  speeches  down  to  the 
day  when  he  finally  announced  to  the  nation  that  its  "irrepressible 
conflict "  was  at  hand. 

May  3d. 

....  By-the-way,  have  you  ever  read  Bulwer's  "  France  "  (Henry  Bulwer)  ? 
I  think  you  have  not.  Imagine  how  much  I  was  struck  with  the  paragraph  I 
am  going  to  quote,  which  I  happened  to  read  just  after  perusing  your  letter : 
"  No  fault  is  so  absurd,  in  a  public  man,  as  that  of  confusing  the  nature  of  hi§ 
position.  As  long  as  he  is  the  decided  enemy  of  one  party,  the  decided  friend 
of  another,  he  never  has  any  occasion  to  halt  or  to  hesitate.  He  knows  those 
from  whom  he  may  expect  enmity,  and  those  to  whom  he  may  naturally  look 
for  assistance.  But  the  instant  he  complicates  his  relations,  every  action  and 
consideration  become  uncertain.  He  has  something  to  hope,  something  to  fear, 
in  either  course  he  may  adopt,  and  doubts  as  to  the  manner  in  which  he  may  be 
most  certain  to  succeed,  prevent  that  concentration  of  purpose  which  is  so  es 
sential  to  success." 

The  remark  is  in  relation  to  Bonaparte  seeking  alliance  with  the  legitimists 
of  Europe  after  having  acquired  all  his  power  by  humbling  them  to  the  earth. 

The  two  friends  were  accustomed  to  counsel  each  other  in  regard  to 
private  affairs,  as  well  as  public  policy.  Advising  Weed  on  the  subject 
of  going  West,  he  said  : 

May  1WA. 

I  have  read  with  more  concern  than  my  answers  have  indicated,  the  allu 
sions  in  your  letters  to  a  desire  to  leave  Albany  to  emigrate  to  Michigan ;  and 
they  have  brought  on  cogitations  whether  a  change  would  be  desirable.  I  have 
(I  use  a  friend's  freedom)  been  confirmed  in  the  conclusion  that  you  ought  to 
indulge  no  thought  of  change.  The  Journal  has  now  established  so  strong  a 
hold  upon  the  favor  of  the  people,  that  it  ig  sure  to  support  you,  and  yield  you 
a  surplus  as  long  as  you  have  health  to  continue.  Make  up  your  mind  under 
no  circumstances  ever  to  be  the  editor  of  any  other  paper.  The  editorship  of  a 
city  newspaper  is  a  great  capital,  and  that  capital  is  like  the  usurer's,  continu 
ally  increasing  with  the  lapse  of  time,  if  the  investment  is  continued  without 
change.  You  are  now  realizing  a  little  surplus,  and  have  dreamy  notions  about 
laying  it  out  in  Michigan  lands.  It  is  all  wrong.  You  have  astute  friends 
among  the  merchants ;  they  will  easily  convert  it  into  good  stocks.  You  are 
not  the  man  to  buy  lands.  Only  two  classes  of  men  ought  to  buy  them  :  those 
who  will  go  upon  them  and  cultivate  them,  and  those  who  have  ample  surplus 
funds  besides  their  land  investments.  Neither  class  is  likely  to  reckon  you 
among  its  number.  Do  not  neglect  to  invest  because  the  sums  you  can 
command  seem  trifling.  It  will  be  either  investment  or  waste. 

As  I  have  been  very  free  and  plain  in  my  advice  to  you,  I  will  excuse  the 
boldness  by  telling  you  my  own  calculations.  First,  I  am,  as  rapidly  as  I  can, 
converting  my  little  means  into  an  investment  in  some  stores  which  I  know  will 


260  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

rent  pretty  well,  and  will  be  a  property  that  will  increase  in  value,  as  this  town 
must  increase.  My  impression  is  that  this  arrangement  is  safe  ;  and  I  shall  thus 
be  freed  from  the  commercial  operations  which  my  soul  abhors,  of  lending 
money,  taking  notes,  buying  and  selling,  etc. 

With  just  enough  experience  of  success  and  disappointment  to  chasten  my 
spirit,  I  begin  to  love  Philosophy  as  a  companion  and  friend ;  and  I  begin  to  be 
restive  under  the  restraints  which  deprive  me  of  her  association.  It  is  this  re 
straint  which  makes  me  dislike  my  profession. 

Your  view  of  matters  presented  in  your  letter  is  correct  and  true.  But  I 
entreat  you,  "  no  more  of  Michigan,  an  thou  lovest  me."  It  is  too  late  in  your 
life  to  enter  a  new  country,  and  live  au  sauvage.  It  is  too  late  to  abandon  your 
profession.  You  cannot  succeed  in  it  so  well,  in  any  other  sphere,  as  that  in 
which  you  now  are.  You  cannot  be  on  the  successful  side  in  politics,  under 
present  circumstances,  in  Michigan,  more  than  here.  The  delusion  is,  or  soon 
will  be,  wide  as  the  Union.  If  popular  principles  change,  and  ours  come  into 
vogue,  it  is  likely  to  happen  here  as  soon  as  there ;  and,  if  they  never  change, 
you  are  the  core  in  the  heart  of  a  generous,  disinterested,  great  party;  and 
you  (as  well  as  all  of  us)  are  far  better  situated,  so  far  as  your  own  happiness 
is  concerned,  in  being  in  a  minority,  without  responsibility,  and  safe  from  envy 
and  malevolence.  I  preach  the  doctrine  I  practise  in  this  respect. 

I  have  been  during  the  whole  of  last  week  employed  in  preparing  causes 
for  the  Circuit.  Next  week,  the  Circuit  Court  will  be  held.  Next  after  that, 
our  Court  of  Chancery ;  and  then  I  am  off,  with  Frances  and  little  Fred,  in  pur 
suit  of  health  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna  and  in  the  shades  of  the  Blue 
Kidge. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

1835. 

A  Summer  Tour. — The  Pennsylvania  Mountains. — The  Susquehanna  Valley. — Harrisburg. 
—Harper's  Ferry.— The  Valley  of  Virginia.— Weyer's  Cave.— Natural  Bridge.— Slaves 
and  their  Masters. 

TOWAED  the  close  of  May  the  weather  had  grown  propitious  for  the 
contemplated  summer  trip.  A  light,  strong  carriage,  having  two  seats 
and  an  extension-top,  was  provided  with  a  pair,  of  gray  horses,  "  Lion  " 
and  "  the  Doctor."  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Seward  occupied  the  back-seat.  Only 
the  younger  of  their  two  little  boys  could  be  taken,  and  he  shared 
the  front-seat  with  the  colored  driver,  William  Johnson.  What  little 
luggage  was  necessary  was  carefully  stored  in  the  boxes  under  the 
seats.  A  stout  fishing-rod,  and  a  few  ropes  and  straps  in  case  of  acci 
dent,  packed  in  front,  and  a  tin  cup  and  a  pail  hanging  behind,  for 
use  at  the  roadside  streams,  completed  the  equipage  for  the  journey, 
which  was  commenced  on  the  23d  of  May. 

The  letters  written  at  various  points  on  the  way  described  the  inci- 


-       V- 


OF 

IALIF 


1835.]  TOILING  UP  A   MOUNTAIN.  261 

dents  and  impressions  of  this  tour.     They  give  a  picture  of  American 
rural  life,  at  that  day,  in  those  secluded  regions. 

Our  first  day's  ride  was  to  Seneca  Falls,  twelve  miles.  We  spent  the  even 
ing  with  our  old  friend  Colonel  Mynderse,  to  whom  our  visit  was  a  duty  ren 
dered  melancholy  by  the  apprehension  that  it  was  probably  the  last  one  that  we 
might  make  to  him.  The  second  day's  journey  was  to  Mrs.  Seward's  sister,  at 
Aurora,  where  we  spent  the  night. 

ATHENS,  TIOOA  POINT,  May  28tk. 

I  begin  at  half -past  four  this  morning  to  write  you  a  long  letter.  We  had  a 
delightful  ride  the  morning  we  left  Aurora,  and  enjoyed  very  much  the  lake- 
scenery.  When  we  arrived  at  the  bridge  below  the  Long  Point  (I  think  you 
call  it),  we  found  a  pen,  made  of  the  bay  which  the  road  crosses  on  a  bridge ; 
and  my  old  friend  and  client,  Captain  Avery,  with  a  dozen  men  and  boys,  hav 
ing  the  bridge  fenced  in  at  both  ends,  were  employed  in  performing  the  service 
of  annual  ablution  of  his  thousand  sheep,  preparatory  to  taking  off  their  fleeces. 
The  captain  was  very  kind  to  us,  and  inquired  whether  our  horses  would  be 
afraid  to  go  through  the  water  below  the  bridge,  in  a  tone  so  strongly  marked 
by  decided  desire  that  I  was  induced  to  consent.  But  an  athletic  fellow,  with  a 
powerful  and  docile  horse,  was  just  behind  us,  in  a  one-horse  wagon.  Think 
ing  his  risk  of  much  less  importance  than  that  of  my  freight,  I  indirectly  sug 
gested  that,  as  he  was  probably  acquainted  with  the  fording-place,  we  would 
give  him  precedence.  But  the  gentleman  bolted,  and,  finding  that  I  was  unwill 
ing  to  lead  him,  raised  a  clamor  of  remonstrance,  which  caused  the  captain  speed 
ily  to  remove  the  obstructions  he  had  thrown  across  the  highway. 

We  came  on  very  comfortably  to  Calvin  Burr's,  and  there  we  had  A  very 
agreeable  visit.  Mrs.  Miller  and  Miss  Julia  were  happy  to  see  us ;  their  room 
was  airy,  their  shrubbery  beautiful,  and  the  veal-cutlets  and  tea  set  before  us 
such  as  we  may  not  hope  to  find  again  in  many  a  day.  Mr.  Burr  broke  a  bot 
tle  of  champagne.  Emily  was  sent  for  from  school,  and  was  presented  to  us. 
At  five  o'clock  we  took  leave  of  our  friends  at  Ludlowville,  and  had  a  safe  and 
comfortable  ride  along  the  lake-shore  "  in  the  gloaming."  Spencer's  house  at 
Ithaca  was  airy  and  comfortable,  beyond  all  our  reasonable  wishes.  The 
next  morning  (Tuesday)  we  started  at  nine  o'clock,  and  rode  two  hours,  so 
much  enjoying  the  views  of  lake,  hill,  and  valley,  that  we  took  no  note  of 
our  road  until  we  found  ourselves  closing  the  rear  of  a  grand  "moving" 
cavalcade,  ascending  a  prodigious  hill  by  a  rough  path.  The  movers  were  a 
very  comfortable  family  of  colored  folks,  who  seemed  to  have  been  able  to 
charter  Caucasian  men  and  horses.  Our  little  barouche  and  horses  fell  so  natu 
rally  into  this  train  that  the  lumbermen  stared  at  the  great  grandeur  of  our 
establishment,  mistaking  the  real  owners  of  the  caravan  for  our  serving  men 
and  women.  Great  were  our  amusement  and  mirth  over  the  mistakes  into 
which  the  passers-by  were  drawn.  And  thus  we  pursued  our  rough  ascent 
until  we  reached  the  last  rise  of  the  mountain,  where  we  stopped  to  give  our 
horses  breath,  and  inquired  how  far  it  was  to  Spencer,  our  destination  for  that 
day.  "Spencer,"  said  the  interrogated;  "I  should  guess  you  are  a  good  deal 
out  of  your  way  if  it's  Spencer  you  want  to  go  to." 

And  so  it  most  assuredly  was ;  and  I  had  the  mortification  of  finding  that  I 
had  followed  this  sable  procession  two  miles  and  a  half  up  a  mountain,  only  to 


262  LIFE  AN&   LETTERS.  [1835. 

return  again,  unhonored,  unnoticed,  and  alone.  This  accident  made  our  morn 
ing's  ride  a  long  one.  We  stopped  at  noon  at  a  secluded  tavern  ten  miles  from 
Ithaca,  where,  having  brought  with  us  some  lemons,  we  were  refreshed  with 
lemonade.  The  landlady,  an  exceedingly  smart  and  agreeable  person,  was  a 
Swedenborgian.  We  discussed  with  her  for  an  hour  the  mysterious  and  strange 
doctrines  of  that  faith,  and  obtained  a  much  better  knowledge  of  it  than  I  ever 
had  before  possessed.  She  had  a  little  locker  stored  with  ponderous  tomes  of 
the  founder  of  the  sect.  So  desirous  was  she  to  proselyte  us  that  she  proposed 
to  lend  us  her  books  to  read  on  our  journey.  I  bought  one,  which  she  very 
much  recommended,  and  it  has  already  afforded  us  much  instruction  concerning 
the  principles  of  the  sect  and  the  secret  of  its  success.  Swedenborg  has  a 
dreamy  German  romance  of  benevolent  thought  and  action.  He  addressed  the 
passion  for  the  marvelous  by  what  he  claimed  to  be  revelations,  which,  though 
deemed  to  be  impious  and  false  by  other  sects,  would  as  allegories  be  considered 
to  have  much  beauty. 

We  reached  Spencer  at  five  o'clock,  and  found  a  good  house  and  pleasant 
family.  William  fitted  up  my  fishing  apparatus,  and,  as  soon  as  we  had  taken 
our  dinner,  Fred  and  I  repaired  to  the  brook,  where  I  drew  out  a  dozen  little 
fishes,  weighing  from  two  ounces  to  half  a  pound.  We  wrote  letters  home  in 
the  evening,  and  in  the  morning  resumed  our  journey,  which  was  through  the 
valley  of  the  Cayuta  Creek,  a  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  Eiver.  The  road,  for 
the  distance  of  fourteen  miles,  is  on  the  immediate  bank  of  the  creek,  which 
flows  through  a  dense  forest.  Some  enterprising  people,  years  ago,  made  this  a 
turnpike-road,  in  the  hope  that  it  would  become  a  thoroughfare  for  the  travel 
ing  between  Tioga  Point,  in  Pennsylvania,  and  Ithaca,  Auburn,  and  Geneva,  in 
our  State.  But  the  road  was  made  so  very  narrow,  and  hangs  so  much  over 
the  creek,  that  it  is  a  dangerous  one.  The  travel  has  left  it,  and  is  now  divided 
between  the  roads  leading  from  Elmira  and  Owego  to  Tioga  Point.  The  Oayuta 
has  a  continued  succession  of  falls,  and  at  distances  of  about  every  mile  a  saw 
mill.  We  met  great  numbers  of  wagons,  loaded  with  lumber,  which  seems  to 
be  the  only  trade  that  the  country  affords.  The  only  tillable  land  lies  along  the 
valley  of  the  creek,  and  is  very  narrow. 

After  riding  ten  miles,  we  came  to  a  house  which  had  once  been  a  tavern ; 
and,  as  we  were  much  wearied,  we  petitioned  the  old  lady  for  shelter  from  the 
noonday  heat.  She  bade  us  welcome.  We  brought  out  our  store  of  oranges 
and  lemons,  but  there  was  not  an  ounce  of  sugar  in  the  house.  Clear  spring- 
water  from  the  hillside  was  very  good  with  lemon-juice;  and,  after  having 
taken  our  rest,  we  resumed  our  ride.  We  gathered  bouquets  of  wild-flowers, 
of  every  hue  and  form,  and  arrived,  wearied  with  enjoyment  and  exercise,  at 
this  place  yesterday,  at  3  p.  M.  It  is  one  of  the'  brightest,  greenest,  and 
loveliest  spots  the  sun  shines  upon.  Athens  is  a  very  old  village,  situate  at  the 
junction  of  the  Chemung  and  Susquehanna  Rivers.  Its  inhabitants  suffered 
much  from  the  depredations  of  the  Indians  in  the  Revolution,  and  had  the  satis 
faction  of  ample  retaliation  when  Sullivan  arrived  there  with  his  brave  little 
army.  There  are  still  shown  the  spots  which  were  cultivated  by  the  white 
men,  when  the  Indians  desolated  the  frontier. 

TOWANDA  CBEEK,  BRADFORD  COUNTY,  PA.,  May  29th. 

It  is  six  o'clock  in  the  morning.  While  my  companions  are  dressing  for  the 
day's  journey,  and  the  landlady  is  preparing  our  ham  and  eggs,  and  William  U 


1835.]  THE  SUSQUEHANNA   AND   LYCOMING.  263 

rubbing  down  the  horses,  I  have  half  an  hour  to  tell  you  where  we  are. 
We  secured  a  whole  house  of  friends  in  our  stay  at  Athens,  and  they  all 
bade  us  a  kind  farewell  at  eight  o'clock  yesterday  morning ;  when  we  took  our 
departure,  following  the  road  down  the  west  bank  of  the  Susquehanna.  It  was 
a  beautiful  ride.  The  road  is  excavated  along  the  steep  bank  of  the  river,  and 
aeems  like  a  shelf  hanging  over  the  broad  bosom  of  the  clear  water.  Some 
times  we  were  twenty  feet,  sometimes  one  hundred  feet,  above  the  river,  while 
above  us  the  mountain  rose  almost  perpendicularly  to  the  height  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  feet,  covered  with  a  dense  pine-forest  with  laurel  underbrush.  The 
roadway  was  so  narrow  that  in  many  places  the  variation  of  one  or  two  feet 
would  have  precipitated  horses,  carriage,  and  cargo,  into  the  river.  The  beauti 
ful  wild-flowers  were  more  abundant  than  ever  on  the  banks  of  the  Oayuta 
Creek,  and  we  decorated  our  wagon  with  the  richest.  Among  them  was  a 
shrub  honeysuckle,  fragrant  and  redundant  in  flowers.  We  dined  in  one  of 
the  neatest  of  houses  at  Towanda,  which  is  the  county-town  of  this  (Bradford) 
-{Jounty,  and  is  on  the  bank  of  the  Susquehanna.  The  town  is  laid  down  on  the 
map  by  the  name  of  Meansville.  Having  rested  two  hours  there,  we  resumed 
our  journey.  We  left  the  Susquehanna  a  few  miles  below  Towanda,  and  fol 
lowed  to  this  place  the  valley  of  the  Towanda  Creek. 

Writing  next  to  his  law-partner,  Mr.  Beardsley,  he  said  : 

Monday,  June  1st. 

It  is  not  very  easy  to  "  affix  a  venue  "  more  particular  than  the  name  of  a 
county  for  the  date  of  this  letter ;  but,  if  you  will  turn  to  any  map  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  you  will  find,  in  Lycoming  County,  a  village  of  Pennsbrough,  situated  at 
the  bend  of  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  Six  miles  below  that  village, 
on  the  main  road  to  Northumberland,  is  Shannon's  tavern,  with  the  sign  of  the 
"  green  tree  ;  "  and  in  that  tavern  are  my  little  family  located  at  the  date  of  this 
present  writing. 

Our  seventh  day's  journey  brought  us  to  the  wildest  and  most  romantic  dell 
I  ever  saw.  It  was  situated  in  the  valley  of  the  Lycoming,  a  distance  of  twenty- 
three  miles  from  the  place  where  we  staid  the  preceding  night.  The  eighth 
day's  journey  was  twenty-eight  miles,  and  brought  us  to  Williamsport. 

Switzerland  possesses  no  more  romantic  valley  than  those  of  the  Towanda 
and  Lycoming.  These  streams  are,  strangely  enough,  sent  forth  from  the  same 
fountain,  situate  on  high  ground  in  Lycoming  County,  and  known  formerly  as 
.the  place  of  "  Seaver's  Dam."  The  Towanda  runs  northwest,  and  discharges 
its  waters  into  the  north  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  The  Lycoming  takes  a 
southerly  direction,  and  swells  the  west  branch.  Our  route  was  through  the 
valleys  of  both  creeks,  ascending  the  Towanda  from  its  mouth  to  its  source,  and 
following  the  Lycoming  from  its  source  to  its  mouth.  The  scenery  of  these 
two  creeks  is  as  diverse  as  their  course.  That  of  the  Towanda  is  marked  by 
rugged  and  rocky  banks,  of  no  very  great  height,  and  bounded  by  a  cultivated 
region.  The  Lycoming  passes  through  a  narrow  valley  like  some  parts  of  the 
valley  of  the  Rhine,  always  between  steep,  frowning  mountains,  which  rise 
gradually  to  a  height  of  one  thousand  or  twelve  hundred  feet.  The  simple, 
half -formed  road  is  forced  to  cross,  alternately,  from  one  side  of  the  stream  to 
the  other.  In  a  distance  of  about  thirty  miles  we  forded  the  Lycoming  nine- 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1835. 

teen  times,  and  crossed  it  on  five  bridges.  My  fishing-line  was  sure  to  bring  out 
the  dainty  little  trout  from  the  clear,  cold  stream  whenever  I  applied  it ;  but  I 
was  not  required  often  to  do  so,  as  the  table  has  been  set,  at  every  meal,  for  the 
last  three  or  four  days,  with  this  luxury,  which  is  the  cheapest  provision  of  our 
hosts.  The  mountains  are  filled  with  coal  and  iron-ore ;  the  state  of  society  is 
simple  and  poor ;  the  wolves  were  heard  in  the  mountains,  and  our  last  meal 
in  the  Ly coming  Valley  was  graced  by  vension,  shot  down  in  the  road  by  the 
tavern-door.  At  Williamsport  we  were  misdirected  as  to  lodgings,  and  were 
placed  in  a  room  over  the  bar-room,  at  a  very  noisy  hotel.  Some  drunken 
fellows  were  reveling  over  their  cups  at  midnight ;  and  as  the  ceiling  was  of 
boards,  and  there  was  an  aperture  for  a  stove-pipe  through  the  floor,  we  were 
disturbed  by  the  noise  so  much  that  I  rose,  in  the  chilly  part  of  the  night,  and 
effected  a  change  of  apartments. 

I  have  been  concerned  for  you,  in  regard  to  the  labor  which  must  fall  upon 
you,  and  would  show  my  sympathy  for  you,  if  I  knew  what  particular  trouble  is 
heaviest  on  your  hands  at  this  time.     But  it  would  be  idle  to  conjecture,  and  I 
have  learned  this  much  philosophy,  that  both  duty  and  interest  dictate  the  un 
divided  application  of  our  powers  to  the  immediate  occupation.     Mine  is  to  save 
f  the  health  of  one  without  whose  society  and  affection  the  most  successful  re- 
'.  suits  of  all  my  most  diligent  exertions  would  be  valueless ;  you  must  attend  to 
the  more  profitable  duties. 

Mrs.  Seward,  continuing  the  journal  of  the  tour,  wrote  to  her  sister  : 

HABBISBUBG,  June  5th. 

Our  road  has  been  through  charming  valleys  and  along  mountain-sides, 
through  scenery  everywhere  attractive,  though  Fred  and  I  thought  it  a  little  too 
solitary  when  we  heard  the  wolves  howling  in  pursuit  of  deer,  and  were  many 
miles  from  any  human  habitation.  William  had  heard  many  fearful  stories  of 
attacks  by  wolves,  robbers,  and  rattlesnakes,  but  we  came  through  the  danger 
ous  passes  unharmed,  and  dined  at  Trout  Run,  where,  of  course,  the  trout  were 
the  principal  attraction. 

Three  miles  from  Williamsport  we  stopped  at  the  door  of  Colonel  Burroughs. 
He  lives  on  a  farm  of  five  hundred  acres,  in  a  high  state  of  cultivation.  The 
house  is  a  little  low  cottage,  just  large  enough  to  accommodate  an  old  couple 
and  their  friends  when  they  come  to  visit  them.  They  are  both  upward  of 
seventy-five  years  old.  He  is  very  dignified  and  gentlemanly  in  his  manners, 
and  was  one  of  Washington's  commanders.  He  is  a  Whig,  an  Antimason,  and 
warm  in  his  regard.  She  is  the  personification  of  good  health  and  good-nature, 
and  really  seemed  to  take  the  pleasure  she  said  she  had,  in  making  us  comfort 
able.  They  urged  us  to  remain  two  or  three  days,  but  we  could  only  stay  to 
dinner. 

The  next  morning  our  ride  to  Milton  was  delightful.  I  cannot  describe  the 
picturesque  scenery  along  the  Susquehanna,  the  glassy  appearance  of  the  river, 
the  blue  mountains  in  the  distance  reflected  by  its  smooth  surface,  and  the  beau 
tiful  little  villages  on  its  banks.  The  fine,  smooth  roads  and  handsome  bridges 
added  to  the  interest  of  the  scene.  I  thought  we  could  not  have  chosen  a  more 
pleasant  route.  There  is  an  air  of  quiet  repose  about  these  villages  which,  with 
the  primitive  appearance  of  the  buildings,  gives  them  an  especial  charm.  The 


1836.]  A   CITY   OF   REFUGE.  265 

log-houses  in  this  country  are  altogether  superior  to  ours,  and  may  be  called  cot 
tages  with  propriety.  They  are  built  of  hewn  logs,  filled  in  with  wood,  and 
then  plastered  between  the  logs.  The  plaster  is  whitewashed  BO  as  to  make  a 
white  stripe  between  each  two  logs.  They  are  generally  kept  very  neat.  Rose 
bushes  are  trained  against  the  sides  of  the  house  and  over  the  whitewashed 
fences.  I  never  could  have  imagined  a  log-house  so  attractive  as  many  I  have 
seen  here.  We  passed  through  Milton,  dined  at  another  small  village  called 
Lewisburg,  and  staid  that  night  at  Cumberland,  where  we  found  a  comfortable 
tavern.  Here  the  two  branches  of  the  Susquehanna  meet  and  mingle  their 
waters.  A  pretty  canal  runs  along  the  bank  of  one  of  them. 

We  continued  to  drive  by  the  side  of  these  united  streams,  passed  through 
two  or  three  small  towns,  and  lodged  the  next  night  at  Liverpool.  Having  be 
come  impatient  to  get  letters  from  home  that  we  knew  must  be  waiting  us  at 
Harrisburg,  we  rose  at  half-past  four  and  commenced  our  journey.  We  dined 
yesterday  at  a  place  on  a  small  island — the  Susquehanna  is  full  of  islands. 
The  house  kept  by  Mrs.  Duncan,  a  widow,  is  large,  handsomely  finished  and 
furnished,  well  conducted,  and  surrounded  by  beautiful  grounds.  There  we  met 
ladies  and  gentlemen  from  Philadelphia,  and  others  from  Sunbury.  The  dinner 
was  a  little  too  stiff,  but  everything  comme  ilfaut.  Sixteen  miles  more  brought 
us  to  Harrisburg.  We  arrived  here  weary,  at  six  o'clock,  and  found  no  letters. 
The  mail  came  again  last  evening,  but  no  letters!  I  will  keep  this  open  till 
to-morrow  morning  and  hope  in  the  mean  time  to  be  more  fortunate.  Harris 
burg,  you  know,  is  the  State  capital.  It  is  larger  than  Auburn.  The  house  we 
are  in  reminds  me  somewhat  of  Bement's ;  the  servants  are  all  colored,  and 
neat  in  their  personal  appearance.  It  is  midsummer  here,  the  honeysuckles, 
pinks,  eto.,  are  in  full  bloom,  and  there  are  ripe  strawberries  on  the  table. 

Seward,  resuming  the  journal,  wrote  : 

June  12th. 

Our  friends  at  Harrisburg  are  earnest  for  the  nomination  of  General  Har 
rison  for  the  presidency,  and  have  done  much  to  prepare  the  people's  mind 
for  that  course. 

WINCHESTER,  VIRGINIA,  June  \±ih. 

Monday  morning,  rested  and  refreshed,  with  spirits  restored  by  receiving 
letters  from  home,  we  rode  to  Carlisle.  The  country  there  is  highly  cultivated, 
and  exhibits  the  appearance  of  much  wealth  and  ease.  Carlisle  contains  about 
four  thousand  inhabitants,  and  is  principally  distinguished  as  the  seat  of  Dick 
inson  College.  The  aspect  of  the  town  is  somewhat  more  staid  and  ancient 
than  that  of  villages  of  equal  population  in  our  State.  As  far  north  as  Carlisle 
the  places  begin  to  assume  the  peculiar  appearance  which  belongs  to  southern 
towns  all  over  the  world.  The  public  square,  carefully  preserved  shade-trees, 
balconies,  and  verandas,  indicate  to  the  traveler  that  he  is  arrived  in  a  more 
genial  clime. 

The  southern  part  of  Pennsylvania  discovers  also  a  great  augmentation  of 
the  negro  population,  with  all  its  different  shades  of  color.  It  is  the  emigra 
tion  ground,  or  rather  the  city  of  refuge,  of  fugitive  slaves,  each  of  whom,  once 
securely  settled  after  the  danger  of  pursuit  is  over,  furnishes  in  his  cabin  a 
harboring-place  for  others  who  seek  the  same  mode  of  emancipation  in  prefer- 


LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1885. 

ence  to  waiting  their  deliverance  at  the  hands  of  either  the  Colonization  or  the 
Abolition  Society. 

We  remained  at  Carlisle  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  then  proceeded  ten 
miles  on  what  is  called  the  "  Walnut  Bottom  road  "  to  a  country  inn,  where  we 
lodged  that  night.  At  this  place  we  saw  a  small  vineyard,  planted  and  cultivated 
after  the  European  manner.  I  was  curious  to  learn  what  was  its  productive 
ness,  as  I  have  long  believed  it  feasible  and  desirable  to  introduce  the  cultivation 
of  the  grape.  I  sought  the  owner,  and  soon  learned  from  him  that  he  is  very 
tired  of  the  experiment.  He  finds,  in  the  first  place,  no  person  competent  to 
manufacture  the  wine ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  the  wine  being  of  that  kind 
which,  in  Europe,  is  used  as  freely  as  we  use  cider  at  dinner,  and  in  lieu  of 
coffee  or  tea  at  breakfast,  there  is  no  sale  for  it  in  this  country.  The  owner 
called  his  overseer  to  converse  with  me,  but  he  could  not  speak  one  word  of 
English,  and  I  was  quite  as  ignorant  of  the  German.  I  tasted  the  wine,  and 
found  it  was  a  good  Burgundy,  worth  seventy-five  cents  or  a  dollar  in  Paris,  but 
almost  valueless  here. 

Our  ride  on  Tuesday  was  to  Chambersburg,  a  border  town  in  Pennsylvania, 
twenty  miles  from  the  inn  whence  we  act  out.  It  is  decidedly  handsome.  It 
contains  four  thousand  inhabitants,  and  has  extensive  manufactures,  on  a  very 
small  stream.  The  description  I  have  given  of  the  aspect  of  Carlisle  is  appli 
cable  also  to  Chambersburg,  except  that  there  is  much  more  taste  and  beauty  in 
the  latter  town. 

We  left  Chambersburg  at  half -past  seven  on  Wednesday  morning,  and  about 
two  in  the  afternoon,  after  traveling  a  very  rough  road  through  a  limestone 
region,  arrived  at  Hagerstown,  in  the  State  of  Maryland.  We  were  now  in  a 
climate  which  yielded  us  the  early  fruits  and  vegetables  freely.  The  young 
chickens  also  are  served  up  to  us  at  every  meal,  and  peas,  strawberries,  and 
cherries,  are  no  longer  new.  Hagerstown  has  reached  what  seems  the  maxi 
mum  of  population  for  towns  in  that  region,  four  thousand,  and  is  stationary. 
It  has  the  aspect  of  much  wealth  and  some  ostentation,  as  well  as  dissipation ; 
but,  as  regards  the  taste  exhibited  in  its  dwellings,  is  inferior  to  Chambers 
burg  and  Carlisle. 

At  Chambersburg  we  came  to  the  Baltimore  turnpike,  a  continuation  or 
branch  of  the  great  "  National  Road."  It  ii  the  finest  road  in  America,  and 
may  very  well  be  compared  to  the  great  roads  in  England.  A  delightful  ride 
through  a  luxuriant  wheat-country,  upon  this  road,  brought  us  in  the  evening 
to  Boonesborough,  ten  miles  distant  from  Hagerstown.  Here  we  had  clean, 
pleasant  rooms,  and  enjoyed  a  repose  which  renewed  our  strength. 

Boonesborough  is  a  small,  obscure  village.  We  set  out  again  on  Thursday, 
at  7  A.  M.,  and  at  ten,  after  a  pleasant  ride  on  a  turnpike-road,  arrived  at  the 
north  branch  of  the  Potomac.  One  glance  at  the  scene  before  us  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  assure  us,  had  we  been  ignorant  of  it,  that  we  were  on  the 
border  of  the  "  Old  Dominion."  On  the  Maryland  shore  was  a  large  stone 
tavern,  with  piazzas,  which,  however  pleasant  it  might  otherwise  have  been, 
was  repulsive  to  us,  the  court-yard  being  occupied  by  swine  and  the  piazza  by 
lounging  topers.  There  was  an  intense  sunshine  pouring  down  on  us,  a  nar 
row,  muddy  river  before  us,  on  the  opposite  shore  of  which  stood  the  village 
of  Shepherdstown.  It  was  obvious,  at  the  first  view,  that  a  bridge  might, 
with  the  greatest  ease,  and  at  a  very  small  expense,  be  erected  there ;  but  this 


1835.]  HARPER'S   FERRY.  267 

would  be  too  great  an  enterprise.  A  small  ferry-boat,  or  rather  a  scow,  was 
fastened  on  the  other  side,  and  the  sable  boatmen  were  enjoying  the  shade 
of  the  mill.  After  we  had  made  ineffectual  attempt  to  quicken  their  action,  by 
sounding  a  horn,  we  sought  a  refuge  for  ourselves  from  the  sun's  rays,  and 
waited  there  the  due  time  of  the  negroes.  At  length  we  were  "put  across," 
the  scow  being  propelled  by  poles  which  reached  the  bottom  in  every  part  of 
the  river.  Shepherdstown  is  an  ancient,  dull-looking  place.  We  waited  two 
hours  there,  when,  the  sky  having  become  overcast,  we  again  started.  And 
now  we  discovered  evidences  on  every  side  that  we  had  entered  Virginia.  We 
no  longer  passed  frequent  farm-houses,  taverns,  and  shops,  but  our  rough  road 
conducted  us  through  large  plantations,  in  which  the  owner  suffered  the  wood 
to  stand  by  the  roadside.  The  road  had  been  very  little  labored,  and  was  as 
obscure  as  those  in  the  newer  parts  of  our  own  State.  The  farm-houses  had 
as  appurtenances  low  log-huts,  the  habitations  of  slaves,  and  the  farms,  now 
covered  by  wheat  and  rye,  were  of  greater  dimensions  than  we  usually  see  in 
New  York.  We  met  many  travelers  on  horseback,  but  few  carriages.  Almost 
every  white  man  was  dressed  with  some  pretension,  like  that  of  those  who 
are,  or  affect  to  be,  of  the  higher  class  in  our  villages,  and  this  circumstance, 
among  many  others,  indicated  that  we  were  in  a  land  where  color  determines 
caste. 

After  winding  our  way  through  circuitous  passes  for  eight  miles,  we  came 
again  to  the  Potomac.  We  climbed  its  bank  until  we  were  three  hundred 
feet  above  the  water.  Here  was  a  waste,  broken  tract  of  land,  with  here  and 
there  an  old,  decaying  habitation.  Then  we  plunged  into  a  ravine,  over  lime 
stone-rocks  that  rendered  our  road  dangerous  and  difficult.  Finally,  climbing 
the  opposite  side,  we  reached  Jefferson's  Rock,  the  position  taken  by  him  in 
describing  Harper's  Ferry ;  and  there  was  that  scene,  just  as  he  has  described  it, 
the  site  of  which  he  pronounces  worth  a  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  to  see.  The 
Shenandoah  was  on  our  right,  the  Potomac  on  our  left ;  the  rivers  united  almost 
beneath  our  feet,  and  flowed  on  through  what  is  supposed  to  be  a  passage  effect 
ed  by  their  pent-up  floods  to  the  ocean.  But,  after  all,  the  Potomac  was  a 
shallow,  muddy  stream ;  the  Shenandoah  figures  larger  in  description  than  in 
reality,  and  the  violent  abruption  of  the  mountain  seems  too  great  a  work  to 
have  been  effected  by  their  united  power. 

Harper's  Ferry  is  a  village,  as  we  had  been  told,  of  twenty-five  hundred 
inhabitants ;  and  the  directions  given  us  assured  us  that,  if  on  the  right  road,  we 
must  now  be  within  half  a  mile  of  that  place.  But  no  towers,  steeples,  or  other 
objects  appeared,  to  relieve  our  painful  doubts  whether  we  had  not  lost  the  way, 
nntil  we  had  descended,  by  a  winding  road,  a  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  when  we 
found  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  a  train  of  carts  employed  in  carrying  earth  from 
the  hill  to  form  an  embankment  of  the  new  railroad  across  the  valley.  The 
weather  was  dry,  and  the  dust  rose  in  a  cloud.  We  were  left  no  discretion  but 
to  continue  in  this  disagreeable  procession,  without  even  being  able  to  see  the 
cart  next  before  us,  and  trusting  that  we  were  right  because  we  were  in  the 
oloud.  We  thus  wound  our  way  down  the  declivity,  and  in  the  lowest  depth  of 
the  valley,  in  a  dell,  we  found  Harper's  Ferry.  Here  it  was  our  intention  to 
remain  until  Monday,  but  we  fell  into  disagreeable  lodgings.  The  next  day  we 
made  our  escape.  We  lodged  at  Charlestown  on  Friday  night,  and  yesterday 
Afternoon  reached  this  village,  Winchester,  at  an  early  hour,  much  gratified 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1885, 

with  the  promise  which  the  general  aspect  of  the  village,  as  well  as  fche  hotel, 
afforded  of  a  quiet,  easy  resting-place  for  the  Sahbath. 

Winchester  lays  claim  to  antiquity  as  venerable  as  any  settlement  west  of 
the  Blue  Ridge.  It  was  "  Fort  Loudon  "  in  the  old  Indian  War,  and  is  the 
spot  to  which  Washington  retreated  after  Braddock's  defeat.  It  bears  un 
equivocal  marks  of  this  antiquity.  The  style  of  architecture,  not  only  here, 
but  in  all  this  region,  is  fifty  years  behind  that  in  vogue  in  our  State.  It  is 
substantially  built  of  bricks  and  logs,  and  wears  the  appearance  of  consider 
able  business,  but  not  of  enterprise.  The  house  in  which  we  stop  is  celebrated 
far  and  near  in  the  "  Valley  of  Virginia."  Life  in  this  part  of  Virginia  seems 
marked  by  profusion  of  luxury  at  the  table,  and  in  dress,  poverty,  meanness,, 
and  much  uncleanness,  in  the  style  and  ordering  of  the  household. 

Winchester  is  destined,  however,  soon  to  experience  a  renovation  of  its  for 
tunes.  A  railroad  will  speedily  be  completed  to  Harper's  Ferry.  This  will  give 
Winchester  the  advantage  to  be  derived  from  the  transfer  of  goods  and  produce 
from  the  railroad-cars  to  the  great  wagons.  In  our  ride  up  the  Valley  we  have 
met  hundreds  of  these  six  horse-wagons,  employed  in  the  transportation  be 
tween  Baltimore  and  Eastern  Tennessee.  The  road  we  traveled  is  a  thorough 
fare  that  seems  not  unlike  the  Great  Western  Turnpike  in  our  State  before 
the  construction  of  the  Erie  Canal. 

You  will  understand,  not  only  our  past  progress,  but  our  future  wanderings, 
by  taking  the  map  of  Virginia,  and  following  the  main  road  from  this  place, 
through  the  valley  between,  the  Blue  Eidge  and  the  Alleghany  Mountains.  We 
seem  to  be  continually  in  an  amphitheatre.  Whenever  on  a  lofty  eminence 
both  these  ridges  are  in  sight,  and  to  the  eye  appear  to  converge  and  meet,  form 
ing  a  circle  and  blending  with  the  horizon.  We  are  npon  the  site  of  headquar 
ters  occupied  by  Washington  in  the  Indian  War,  and  traveling  in  a  region  sur 
veyed  by  him. 

WOODSTOCK,  SHENANDOAH  COUNTY,  VIRGINIA,  June  I5tk. 

We  are  thus  far  arrived  in  our  journey  to  the  Natural  Bridge  with  as  much 
of  comfort  as  we  could  reasonably  anticipate.  I  selected  the  Natural  Bridge  as 
our  destination,  because  it  is  necessary  in  every  journey,  although  it  be  taken 
for  pleasure  and  health  alone,  to  have  some  point  before  us,  so  that  traveling 
may  assume  something  of  the  character  of  employment,  and  for  the  further  rea 
son  that  curiosity  to  see  that  wonderful  work  of  Nature  serves  partially  to 
keep  down  that  feeling  of  sadness  which  Frances  and  all  persons  like  her  must 
have  in  traveling  through  a  slave  State.  On  our  way  we  intend  to  visit  Wey- 
er's  Cave.  Both  these  singular  instances  of  the  caprice  of  Nature  are  well  de 
scribed  in  Jefferson's  "  Notes  on  Virginia,"  as  you  doubtless  recollect. 

It  was  necessary  that  I  should  travel  in  Virginia  to  have  any  idea  of  a  slave 
State.  We  have  now  penetrated  about  seventy  miles  into  the  interior,  and  our 
travels  have  been  confined  to  the  valley  between  the  Blue  Ridge  and  the  North 
Ridge,  or  Alleghany  Mountains,  a  valley  celebrated  as  the  most  flourishing  in 
the  State.  An  exhausted  soil,  old  and  decaying  towns,  wretchedly-neglected 
roads,  and,  in  every  respect,  an  absence  of  enterprise  and  improvement,  distin 
guish  the  region  through  which  we  have  come,  in  contrast  to  that  in  which  we 
live.  Such  has  been  the  effect  of  slavery.  And  yet  the  people  are  unconscious, 
not  merely  of  the  cause  of  the  evil,  but  are  in  a  great  degree  ignorant  that 
other  portions  of  the  country  enjoy  greater  prosperity. 


1835.]  THE   "VALLEY   OF   VIRGINIA."  269 

Shepherdstown,  on  the  Potomac,  is  an  old  dull  town  of  fifteen  hundred  peo 
ple,  apparently  destitute  of  trade.  Harper's  Ferry  is  becoming  a  considerable 
town  by  reason  of  its  commanding  position ;  but  nobody  there  seems  to  real 
ize  its  advantages.  It  contains  about  two  thousand  persons,  crowded  together 
upon  a  shelving,  rocky  point,  at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers,  and  it  seems  as  if 
Nature  herself  had  set  barriers  to  any  further  extension  of  the  village.  You 
are  aware  that  it  is  the  place  of  manufacturing  fire-arms,  under  the  authority  of 
the  General  Government.  I  visited  the  armory  and  the  manufactories.  There 
are  in  the  former  about  eighty  thousand  muskets  and  rifles.  The  manufactories 
form  a  vast  establishment,  turning  out  one  thousand  stand  of  arms  monthly. 
Charlestown,  the  county-seat  of  Jefferson  County,  is  a  very  dull-looking  place, 
about  as  large  as  Ovid,  but  far  behind  it  in  its  general  aspect.  To-day  we  have 
reached  Woodstock,  the  shire  town  of  Shenandoah  County.  I  should  do  injus 
tice  to  neglected  and  abandoned  East  Cayuga  if  I  were  to  bring  it  into  compari 
son  with  this  place,  the  only  one  of  importance  in  the  county. 

Henceforth  you  may  place  no  reliance  upon  newspaper  assertions  of  the 
political  change  here.  Virginia  is  a  Van  Buren  State,  by  a  majority  of  five 
thousand  or  more;  and  the  "caucus  system,"  now  barely  received  by  her  poli 
ticians,  will,  in  the  end,  abolish  her  glorious  system  of  self-nominations — the 
true  secret,  heretofore,  of  Virginian  political  independence  and  power. 

To  his  law-partner  he  next  wrote  : 

NATURAL  BRIDGE,  VIRGINIA,  Jitne  21,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  BEAKDSLET  :  If  I  cannot  help  you  examine  witnesses  in  chancery 
suits,  or  fight  special  motions,  or  build  houses,  I  can  at  least  prove  that  I  am  not 
forgetting  you.  Our  route  through  the  "  Valley  of  Virginia  "  has  passed  a  suc 
cession  of  wretched-looking  and  dilapidated  towns,  built  half  of  bricks  and  half 
of  logs,  whose  retrograde  aspect  is  in  melancholy  keeping  with  the  sterile  coun 
try.  The  road,  for  a  great  part  of  the  distance,  lies  upon  naked  limestone-rock, 
and  is  rough  enough. 

The  average  value  of  land  is  sixteen  to  twenty  dollars  per  acre.  I  had 
thought  that  this  part  of  Virginia,  by  reason  of  its  being  less  oppressed  under 
the  curse  of  slavery,  was  exempted,  in  a  great  degree,  from  the  evils  suffered 
in  that  part  of  the  State  lying  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  But  the  "  Valley,"  as 
this  region  is  proudly  called,  has  participated  too  deeply  in  the  infatuation,  not 
to  say  the  guilt,  of  purchasing  slaves,  and  lies  "  under  the  same  condemnation." 
The  great,  chivalrous,  proud  Virginia — the  mother  of  Washington,  of  Jefferson, 
and  Patrick  Henry — is  reduced  to  the  humiliating  condition  of  a  breeder  of  slaves 
for  the  Southern  and  Western  markets,  and  the  staple  of  her  commerce  is  young 
slaves  of  both  sexes.  It  adds  to  my  commiseration  for  her  that  I  find  too  much 
evidence  that  her  political  virtue  has  fallen  with  her  pride  and  power. 

Bnt  there  are  monuments  in  Virginia  which  are  unchanged  and  unchangeable. 
They  are  the  works  of  the  great  God,  who  has  stamped  upon  them  something  of 
his  own  sublimity.  On  Thursday  last  we  visited  Weyer's  Cave,  in  Augusta 
County. 

It  is  one  of  the  greatest  curiosities  of  Nature.  Situated  in  a  mountain  lying 
midway  between  the  Blue  Ridge  and  the  North  Ridge,  the  entrance  to  it  is  in 
the  steep  declivity  of  the  mountain-side,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  above 


270  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

the  plain.  Over  the  roof  of  the  cave,  the  earth  and  limestone-rock  are  two 
hundred  feet  thick.  The  spacious  subterranean  region  is  divided  into  about 
thirty  different  chambers,  varying  in  form  and  dimensions,  some  very  regular, 
and  some  constructed  as  if  to  show  by  their  height  and  graceful  proportions,  and 
their  variety  of  decoration,  the  vanity  of  human  efforts  in  the  production  of  the 
sublime.  The  roof  is  adorned  with  rich  and  varied  magnificence  of  stalactites, 
and  the  chambers  seem  as  if  constructed  to  please  the  fancy  of  some  Oriental 
monarch.  The  stalagmites  rise  from  the  floor  in  every  diversity  of  shape,  re 
sembling  monuments  and  devices  of  architecture.  The  grand  scene  is  that  called 
"  Washington's  Chamber,"  which  is  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  feet  long,  and 
has  a  glittering  roof  ninety  feet  high.  The  floor  is  a  uniform  level.  As  you  ad 
vance,  you  see  rising,  in  the  light  of  your  glimmering  candle,  a  solemn,  colossal 
statue  in  solitary  grandeur  in  the  very  centre,  whose  size  and  drapery  cause  it 
to  be  regarded  as  the  monument  of  him  whose  name  the  chamber  bears. 

Figures  of  various  size  and  shape  are  ranged  along  the  sides  of  the  apartment, 
which  it  is  difficult  not  to  regard  as  having  been  placed  there  by  human  hands. 
Certain  it  is  that  human  gratitude  and  human  talent  could  not  devise  so  fitting 
a  sepulchral  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  worthiest  of  Virginia's  sons  as  this- 
subterranean  vault  found  in  her  mountains. 

NATURAL  BRIDGE,  June  21st. 

Leaving  the  cave  on  Thursday,  we  passed  through  Staunton  and  Lexington, 
two  very  handsome  towns.  The  country  began  to  assume  a  broken  and  moun 
tainous  appearance,  and  we  made  our  way  very  painfully  by  winding  between 
the  rocky  hills.  This  morning  we  have  visited  the  bridge,  and  are  deeply  im 
pressed  with  its  sublimity.  It  is  a  stupendous  arch,  which  appears  to  have  been 
hewed  out  of  one  great  living  rock. 

This  creek  is  about  one  hundred  feet  wide.  The  banks,  being  the  abutments, 
are  perpendicular,  and  rise  under  the  arch  to  about  the  height  of  one  hundred 
and  eighty  feet.  The  bridge  seems  to  have  been  formed  by  excavating  all  the 
rock  below  it.  There  is  no  perceptible  seam  or  fissure.  It  has  all  the  regularity 
of  work  done  with  the  chisel.  It  is  fifty  feet  thick,  and  about  forty  to  sixty 
feet  in  width.  "We  crossed  it  without  the  slightest  apprehension  in  our  carriage. 
We  descended  into  the  chasm  beneath,  and  spent  hours  in  the  luxury  of  looking 
at  the  gigantic  arch. 

The  letters  frequently  refer  to  the  scenes  that  greet  a  traveler 
through  a  slaveholding  and  slave-trading  region.  One  of  these  he 
afterward  described  : 

What  is  this  slave-trade  that  we  must  favor  and  protect  with  such  sacri 
fices?  I  have  seen  something  of  it.  Besting  one  morning  at  an  inn  in  Virginia 
I  saw  a  woman,  blind  and  decrepit  with  age,  turning  the  ponderous  wheel  of  a 
machine  on  the  lawn,  and  overheard  this  conversation  between  her  and  my 
wife: 

"  Is  not  that  very  hard  work  ? " 

"  Why  yes,  mistress ;  but  I  must  do  something,  and  this  is  all  I  can  do  now, 
I  am  so  old." 

"How  old  are  you?" 

"  I  don't  know  ;  past  sixty,  they  tell  me." 


1835.]  VIRGINIA   SLAVE-LIFE.  271 

"  Have  you  a  husband? " 

"  I  don't  know,  mistress." 

"  Have  you  ever  had  a  husband  ? " 

"  Yes;  I  was  married." 

"  Where  is  he  now  ?  " 

"  I  don't  know,  mistress ;  he  was  sold." 

"Have  you  children?" 

"  I  don't  know,  mistress ;  I  had  children,  but  they  were  sold." 

"  How  many  ? " 

"  Six." 

"  Have  you  never  heard  from  any  of  them  since  they  were  sold? " 

"  No,  mistress." 

"  Do  you  not  find  it  hard  to  bear  up  under  such  afflictions  as  these  ? " 

"  Why,  yes,  mistress ;  but  God  does  what  he  thinks  best  for  us." 

A  still  sadder  spectacle  was  that  at  a  country  tavern  on  the  way, 
where  the  carriage  had  arrived  just  at  sunset.  A  cloud  of  dust  was 
seen  slowly  coming  down  the  road,  from  which  proceeded  a  confused 
noise  of  moaning,  weeping,  and  shouting.  Presently  reaching  the  gate 
of  the  stable-yard,  it  disclosed  itself.  Ten  naked  little  boys,  between 
six  and  twelve  years  old,  tied  together,  two  and  two,  by  their  wrists, 
were  all  fastened  to  a  long  rope,  and  followed  by  a  tall,  gaunt  white 
man,  who,  with  his  long  lash,  whipped  up  the  sad  and  weary  little  pro 
cession,  drove  it  to  the  horse-trough  to  drink,  and  thence  to  a  shed, 
where  they  lay  down  on  the  ground  and  sobbed  and  moaned  themselves 
to  sleep.  These  were  children  gathered  up  at  different  plantations  by 
the  "  trader,"  and  were  to  be  driven  down  to  Richmond  to  be  sold  at 
auction,  and  taken  South. 

William  Johnson,  the  coachman,  came,  very  soon  after  arriving  in 
Virginia,  to  say  that  he  was  stopped  in  the  street  whenever  he  went 
out  after  sundown. 

"  But  you  are  a  free  man,  William." 

"  I  told  them  so  ;  but  they  say  it  don't  make  any  difference,  that  I 
have  got  to  have  a  pass." 

So,  on  inquiry,  it  proved.  There  seemed  to  be  no  special  police- 
regulation,  or  person  in  authority,  to  control  the  matter  ;  only  a  sort 
of  general  understanding  that  no  colored  man  was  allowed  to  be  out 
after  dark  without  a  written  permit  from  some  white  man,  presumedly 
his  employer,  and  that  anybody  who  chose  might  stop  him  and  demand 
to  see  it. 

At  several  of  the  places  where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  the  door- 
yard  and  barnyard,  near  the  house,  seemed  to  be  literally  swarming 
with  black  children,  naked  for  the  most  part,  engaged  in  antic  capers, 
and  chattering  like  so  many  monkeys.  It  was  a  merry  sight,  but  the 
precursor  of  dismal  consequences.  Virginia  was  then  "  raising  "  slaves 
for  the  Southern  market  ;  and  these,  as  soon  as  they  were  old  enough, 


272  LIFE   A**0   LETTERS.  [1835. 

and  "  likely  "  enough,  were  to  be  disposed  of  to  "  traders,"  who  went 
about  the  State,  very  much  as  drovers  do  who  gather  up  cattle  for 
market. 

Mrs.  Seward,  writing  to  her  sister,  remarked  : 

We  are  now  in  the  land  of  "corn-bread  and  bacon,"  where  people  "  reckon'7 
instead  of  "guessing,"  and  call  stones  "rocks."  We  are  told  that  we  see 
slavery  here  in  its  mildest  form.  The  plantations  are  cultivated  much  like  our 
farms,  and  the  slaves  are  principally  domestics.  But,  "  disguise  thyself  as  thou 
wilt,  still,  slavery,  thou  art  a  bitter  draught."  I  often  think  over  the  wrongs  of 
this  injured  race. 

The  feelings  I  have  in  regard  to  it  have  always  made  me  feel  a  strong  disin 
clination  to  travel  in  the  Southern  States,  but  I  have  so  often  been  told  that  I 
might  go  from  Maryland  to  Florida  without  meeting  anything  painful,  that  I 
began  to  believe  my  own  impressions  were  incorrect,  and  my  opinions  preju 
diced  by  education.  So  I  consented  to  try  the  experiment,  with  a  faint  hope 
that  my  fears  were  unfounded.  I  can  only  say  that  I  envy  not  the  apathy  of 
those  who  can  see  every  natural  tie  severed,  their  fellow-creatures  transferred 
from  one  owner  to  another  like  brutes,  without  the  least  regard  for  their  suffer 
ings,  and  yet  experience  no  painful  feelings ! 

Scenes  of  this  kind  continued  to  multiply  as  they  approached  Rich 
mond.  The  travelers,  therefore,  willingly  gave  up  their  intended  visit 
to  that  capital,  and  at  the  Natural  Bridge  turned  their  horses'  heads 
northward  and  homeward. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
1835. 

Virginia  Hospitality. — The  Blue  Ridge. — Monticello. — Jefferson. — Fredericksburg. — Mount 
Vemon.— The  Washington  Estate.— The  National  Capital  in  1835.— Visit  to  "Old 
Hickory."— Baltimore  and  Philadelphia.— The  Biddies.— Sully.— Dr.  Phy sick.— Joseph 
Bonaparte. — Long  Branch  Life. — Old  Memories  and  Traditions  of  Florida. — The 
"  Moon  Hoax."— Death  of  Mrs.  Miller.— The  "  Neutral  Ground." 

MUCH  of  the  region  they  were  now  passing  through  was  so  sparsely 
inhabited,  and  so  unfrequently  traveled,  that  there  were  no  taverns,  in 
the  ordinary  acceptation  of  the  term.  Travelers,  however,  fared  all 
the  better  for  this.  On  inquiry,  they  would  be  informed  that  there 
were  families  of  planters,  living  near  the  road,  who  "  entertained 
strangers."  This  meant  that  they  were  willing  to  give  passing  way 
farers  a  dinner,  or  a  night's  lodging.  Some  desired  no  recompense, 
others  would  receive  in  return  some  suitable  compensation  on  their 
guests'  departure.  Usually,  this  was  pleasant  for  both  parties.  The 
family  in  that  secluded  region,  while  not  seeking  to  make  money  out  of 


1835.]  TRAVELERS'   EXPERIENCES.  273 

their  guests,  were  quite  willing  to  see  such  rare  visitors,  and  to  hear 
from  them  the  latest  news  of  the  outer  world.  The  travelers  finding 
themselves  taken  into  the  family  circle,  seated  at  a  table  loaded  with 
rural  luxuries,  and  treated  with  hospitable  kindness  by  the  entire  house 
hold,  white  and  black,  congratulated  themselves  upon  having  such  com 
fortable  quarters,  instead  of  the  usual  rough  and  noisy  experiences  of  a 
country  inn.  These  houses  had  no  signs  or  advertisements  ;  but,  on 
leaving  one  of  them,  the  traveler  would  be  told  where  he  would  find 
the  next. 

For  mid-day  refreshment,  there  were  also  occasional  "  cake  and 
beer."  shops — the  cake  being  fresh  gingerbread,  and  the  beer  often  a 
home-brewed  mixture.  Provender  for  the  horses  could  be  obtained  at 
almost  any  house  ;  and  the  streams  through  which  the  road  ran  afforded 
opportunities  enough  for  watering. 

The  journal  was  continued  by  Mrs.  Seward  : 

"We  left  the  Natural  Bridge  on  Monday,  drove  fourteen  miles  to  Lexington, 
where  we  spent  the  night.  On  Tuesday  we  went  only  eighteen  miles  to  a  Mr. 
Steele's,  in  the  country,  a  nice  log-tavern,  where  we  were  very  comfortable. 
We  were  often  told  before  we  left  home  that  we  could  not  travel  in  Virginia  with 
any  pleasure,  because  the  taverns  were  so  poor  ;  but  we  have  found  it  quite  the 
reverse.  With  but  few  exceptions,  and  those  principally  in  large  towns,  we 
have  found  the  accommodations  better  than  in  our  own  State.  The  houses,  to 
be  sure,  are  not  large,  nor  splendidly  furnished ;  but  they  are  so  neat,  and  the 
people  so  hospitable,  that  we  do  not  feel  these  deficiencies.  The  little  taverns 
in  the  country  are  just  like  private  houses,  no  noise,  no  bustle,  no  dram-drinking. 
Few  of  them  keep  spirituous  liquors  to  sell,  and  of  course  they  are  not  annoyed 
with  the  crowd  of  loungers  who  frequent  a  tavern  in  New  York.  The  ladies 
are  always  ready  to  talk  with  you  when  you  are  inclined,  and  do  not  persecute 
you  in  that  way  when  it  is  not  agreeable. 

From  Mr.  Steele's  we  drove  on  Wednesday  about  thirty  miles,  passing  through 
Greenville  and  Waynesboro,  crossing  the  Blue  Ridge  at  the  Rock-Fish  Gap.  We 
intended  sleeping  that  night  on  the  mountain-top,  where  there  is  a  fine  house, 
but  we  arrived  there  so  early  that  we  concluded  to  descend.  There  is  a  charming 
prospect  from  the  top  of  the  ridge.  That  night  we  staid  at  Mr.  Brooks's,  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain.  Having  now  come  into  what  is  called  u  Old  Virginia," 
which  signifies  that  part  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  there  is  a  perceptible  increase  of 
the  colored  population,  and  a  waiter  at  the  back  of  almost  every  chair  at  table. 

The  next  morning  there  was  a  drizzling  rain ;  but  it  did  not  prevent  our 
starting  after  breakfast.  The  appearance  of  the  clouds  hanging  on  the  moun 
tain  declivities  was  very  beautiful.  Sometimes  the  entire  mountain-side  would 
be  enveloped  in  this  fleecy  covering,  with  nothing  but  the  base  and  top  visible. 

Thursday  we  arrived  at  Charlottesville.  Here  we  passed  the  remainder  of 
the  day,  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Monticello,  where  Jefferson  lived  and  died. 

From  here  Seward  wrote  : 

The  tavern  at  which  we  stopped  was  an  immense,  old-fashioned  edifice,  greatly 
out  of  repair.     On  my  remarking  this  to  our  landlord,  lie  gave  me  its  history, 
18 


274  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

saying  that  it  was  built  by  Robert  C.  Nicholas,  for  a  private  dwelling.  He  pro 
ceeded  to  tell  me  of  Nicholas's  death,  and  the  emigration  of  one  of  his  sons  with 
a  brother-in-law,  a  Mr.  Rose,  to  the  "  Genesee  country."  "  On  this  hint  I 
spoke,"  saying  that  I  knew  the  family  of  Mr.  Nicholas,  and  also  knew  Mr.  Robert 
S.  Rose.  This  brought  to  me  within  a  few  minutes  Mr.  Rose,  of  Charlottesville,  a 
brother  of  our  friend ;  and  after  a  few  moments'  conversation  it  seemed  as  though 
our  old  friend  Robert  S.  Rose  was  with  us. 

From  the  chamber  in  our  hotel  we  had  a  view  of  Monticello,  distant  three 
miles.  The  mount  rises  to  a  height  of  six  or  seven  hundred  feet,  and  is 
covered  with  a  native  forest.  The  western  angle  of  the  edifice  is  discernible  be 
tween  the  shade-trees,  and  they  show  us  very  plainly  the  oak  which  shades  the 
grave  of  the  man  whose  character  has  so  long  agitated  the  discussions  of  his 
countrymen,  and  whose  principles  have  exerted  a  greater  influence  upon  hi& 
country's  destinies,  for  weal  or  woe,  than  those  of  any  other  of  her  sons. 

We  drove  the  same  day  to  Monticello,  making  our  ascent  by  a  steep  road 
winding  up  the  mountain-side.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  prodigal  in  expenditures. 
His  cultivated  lands  were  in  the  valleys ;  the  mountain  was  retained  in  its  prim 
itive  condition.  The  estate,  after  passing  through  the  hands  of  an  intermediate 
owner,  came  to  be  the  property  of  Mr.  Levy,  of  New  York,  a  lieutenant  in  the 
Navy.  He  is  said  to  have  bought  for  twenty-seven  hundred  dollars  what  had 
cost  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his  ancestors  seventy  thousand  dollars.  On  arriving  at 
the  summit  of  the  hill  we  found  every  door  closed,  and  were  fain  to  be  content 
with  a  view  of  the  exterior.  But  we  had  before  us  one  of  the  most  glorious 
prospects  I  ever  looked  upon ;  the  view  terminated  on  the  west  by  the  long 
range  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  on  the  south  and  east  by  Carter's  Mountains.  In 
the  intervening  distance  lay  a  highly-cultivated  agricultural  country,  here  and 
there  interspersed  with  villages  and  country-seats. 

The  mansion  is  built  in  imitation  of  European  villas.  It  was  evident  that 
money  had  been  lavished  with  a  reckless  hand.  The  annual  expense  of  keeping 
the  edifice  and  its  appurtenances  in  repair  must  have  been  great.  So  with  the 
gardens  and  grounds.  We  walked  through  a  long  avenue  of  tasteful  shade-treesr 
and  noted  the  rich  profusion  of  shrubs  and  plants,  carefully  reared  and  culti 
vated  ;  but  desolation  is  now  coming  over  the  scene.  From  the  terraces  we 
descended  the  hill  to  the  burying-ground.  It  contains  the  ashes  of  the  philoso 
pher,  his  wife,  daughter,  and  some  few  relatives.  A  plain  granite  obelisk,  eight 
or  ten  feet  high,  surmounts  the  grave  of  Jefferson.  It  bears  no  inscription, 
except  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death.  The  wall  around  the  graveyard  is  in  a 
very  rough,  dilapidated  condition,  and  the  whole  scene  seems  to  imply  that, 
while  the  walks  are  daily  trampled  by  the  rude  feet  of  the  curious,  visits  of  love 
or  affection  rarely  greet  the  spot. 

Monticello,  as  its  name  imports,  is  a  small  eminence.  Although  neglected, 
it  is  still  a  magnificent  place.  The  summit  of  the  mount  is  leveled,  and  was  once 
ornamented  with  a  variety  of  choice  trees  and  shrubs.  Many  of  these  have 
been  cut  down ;  many  have  been  dug  up  and  carried  away  by  the  inhabitants 
of  the  neighboring  country.  I  could  not  look  upon  these  ravages  unmoved.  It 
must  occasion  much  pain  to  his  surviving  daughter,  Mrs.  Randolph.  There  was 
a  fine  terrace  in  front  and  on  two  sides,  which  is  now  in  a  ruinous  condition, 
and  a  beautiful  lawn  below  is  converted  into  a  cornfield.  Everything  bears 
marks  of  neglect,  and  no  one  can  visit  the  place  without  feeling  regret  that  hi& 


1835.]  MONTICELLO   AND   MOUNT   VERNON.  275 

loss  of  fortune  compelled  his  immediate  descendants  to  allow  it  to  pass  into  the 
hands  of  strangers. 

The  day  after  visiting  Monticello  we  visited  the  University  of  Charlottes- 
ville,  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  may  be  regarded  as  the  founder.  I  know  not  what 
the  obstacles  are  to  successful  collegiate  education  in  the  South ;  but  I.  am  bold 
to  say  that  the  plan  and  system  of  education  in  this  institution  are  superior  to 
those  adopted  in  any  other  American  college  with  which  I  am  acquainted.  The 
buildings  are  spacious.  They  are  constructed  upon  a  scale  which  does  honor  to 
the  State.  In  the  library  we  found  a  portion  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  collection  of 
books,  and  his  entire  museum  of  natural  and  artificial  curiosities. 

Continuing  the  journal,  Mrs.  Seward  wrote  : 

Yesterday  we  came  to  Orange  Court-House,  twenty-two  miles,  and  here  we 
stay  over  Sunday.  I  have  just  returned  from  "  meeting,"  where  we  heard  a 
very  absurd  discourse  from  a  young  divine,  who  attempted  to  explain  the  chem 
ical  process  of  the  transformation  of  Lot's  wife.  Sunday  morning  the  blacks 
are  allowed  some  hours  to  dispose  of  any  little  articles  of  produce  they  may 
have,  at  the  store,  in  exchange  for  goods.  The  streets  were  thronged  this 
morning  with  them,  although  this  is  a  very  small  town.  Most  of  them  were 
miserably  clad,  many  disabled  by  age,  accident,  or  infirmity.  Of  course  such 
scenes  do  not  attract  the  attention  of  the  people  here  who  are  accustomed  to 
them ;  but  to  me  they  were  the  source  of  many  unpleasant  reflections. 

July  U. 

We  left  Orange  Court-House  in  the  evening,  rode  ten  miles,  and  staid  over 
night  at  a  small  country- tavern.  The  next  day,  a  ride  of  twenty-six  miles  over 
a  wretched  road  (a  turnpike,  by-the-way)  brought  us  to  Fredericksburg.  This 
is  one  of  the  largest  towns  in  Virginia.  It  is  well  built,  a  city  resembling, 
though  not  so  large  as,  Auburn.  Fredericksburg  is  sixty  miles  from  Washing 
ton.  The  road  lies  through  a  barren,  uninteresting  part  of  the  country.  The 
traveling  between  the  two  places  is  chiefly  by  steamboats ;  consequently  the 
road  was  bad,  and  the  accommodations  were  poor ;  I  may  say  there  were  none 
at  all,  and  we  were  obliged  to  stop  at  a  house  which  had  once  been  a  tavern, 
but  was  discontinued  for  want  of  custom.  We  were  treated  with  much  kind 
ness  and  hospitality,  and  made  as  comfortable  as  circumstances  would  permit. 

Wednesday  morning  we  started  early,  having  a  long  ride  in  prospect,  as  we 
were  obliged  to  go  some  miles  out  of  our  way  in  order  to  visit  Mount  Vernon, 
and  there  was  no  tavern  nearer  than  Alexandria.  We  found  a  place  to  feed  the 
horses,  and  ate  our  own  dinner  in  the  carriage.  It  consisted  of  cold  ham,  chickens, 
and  biscuit,  put  up  for  us  by  the  kind  old  lady  with  whom  we  passed  the  night. 
William  gathered  some  fine,  large  blackberries  for  a  dessert,  and  Fred's  little 
tin  cup  supplied  us  with  water  from  the  spring.  About  four  miles  from  Mount 
Vernon  we  found  a  church,  which  Washington  used  to  attend.  Of  course  we 
stopped  to  examine  it.  It  must  have  been  a  very  expensive  building  at  the  time 
it  was  erected.  It  is  now  occupied  only  by  the  birds,  bats,  and  hornets.  It  is 
situated  in  a  beautiful  retired  spot,  and  the  fact  of  its  having  been  Washington's 
place  of  worship  invested  it  with  sufficient  interest.  The  road  which  we  took 
to  Mount  Vernon  apparently  had  not  been  passed  over  by  a  wagon  in  a  year. 


276  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1835. 

It  was  overgrown  by  grass  in  many  places,  and  the  dry  leaves  of  the  last  year 
remained  undisturbed.  We  thought  many  times  that  we  had  lost  our  way,  but 
were  finally  reassured  by  meeting  a  gentleman  in  a  carriage,  who  directed  us 
to  the  house,  which  was  then  about  three  miles  distant.  The  Washington 
estate  at  Mount  Vernon  was  formerly  four  thousand  acres.  It  is  now  reduced 
to  twelve  hundred.  There  is  something  imposing  in  the  approach  to  the  seat 
of  a  country  gentleman  in  Virginia.  You  enter  by  a  gate,  sometimes  two  or 
three  miles  from  the  house,  which  is  hidden  by  the  intervening  forest.  In  the 
present  instance  we  entered  one  gate,  and  drove  about  two  miles  to  a  second, 
where  we  found  the  porter's  lodge ;  and  here  commences  at  this  period  the 
Washington  estate.  Another  mile  brought  us  to  the  house.  It  is  built  of  plank, 
in  a  manner  which  so  well  imitates  stone  that  we  supposed  it  to  be  the  latter 
material,  until  we  were  informed  to  the  contrary.  We  found  the  old  guide  near 
the  door  of  one  of  the  numerous  houses  which  are  attached  to  a  gentleman's 
residence,  for  the  accommodation  of  his  slaves.  Here,  as  at  Monticello,  they 
were  well  built  and  rather  an  ornamental  part  of  the  establishment,  which  is 
not  always  the  case.  The  old  black  man  said  he  "  was  raised  by  Mrs.  Washing 
ton,  the  mother  of  the  President."  His  next  home  was  with  her  son,  the  father 
of  Judge  Washington.  He  passed  from  the  father  to  the  son,  and  came  here  to 
live  when  Judge  Washington  took  possession  of  Mount  Yernon.  The  judge 
died  six  or  seven  years  ago,  leaving  no  children ;  and  Mount  Vernon  became 
the  property  of  his  nephew,  John  A.  Washington.  He  also  died  two  years  ago, 
and  his  widow  and  children  are  the  present  proprietors.  The  old  slave  spoke 
with  much  affection  of  his  former  master,  the  judge,  who,  he  said,  had  never 
sold  one  of  his  children,  and  had  made  provision  for  him  in  his  well.  But 
John,  the  nephew,  did  not  walk  in  the  steps  of  his  uncle ;  and,  when  he  suc 
ceeded  to  the  estate,  he  divided  the  slaves  among  his  relatives,  and  sold  some 
of  the  old  man's  children,  retaining  only  a  small  household. 

Henry  sent  in  a  card  requesting  permission  to  see  the  house,  which  was  very 
politely  accorded,  and  we  were  shown  through  the  lower  rooms  by  the  lady's 
maid,  a  smiling  mulatto  woman. 

The  house  is  of  two  stories  and  painted  white.  A  piazza  on  the  east  side 
runs  the  whole  length  of  the  building,  supported  by  eight  fine  large  columns. 
The  Potomac  is  at  the  foot  of  the  lawn,  and  is  here  about  four  miles  wide.  The 
view  from  the  piazza  is  charming.  The  house  is  plainly  furnished,  but  every 
thing  is  in  perfect  order.  A  large  hall  through  the  centre  is  ornamented  with 
pictures  and  busts.  On  one  side  of  it  is  the  President's  library,  the  books  re 
maining  much  as  he  left  them ;  but  all  the  other  furniture  is  changed.  I  re 
gretted  this ;  I  think  they  should  have  left  one  room  as  it  was  when  he  died.  A 
fire  was  burning  on  the  hearth  in  the  library ;  an  easy-chair  and  a  book  seemed 
to  have  been  very  recently  abandoned,  probably  by  Mrs.  Washington,  who,  if 
pictures  are  to  be  trusted,  is  a  very  handsome  woman  of  fifty-five  or  perhaps 
younger.  We  walked  to  the  summer-house,  and  to  the  vault  which  contains  the 
remains  of  Washington,  and  went  through  the  garden.  Here  was  a  beautiful 
collection  of  greenhouse  plants,  and  a  grove  of  oranges  and  lemons  in  large 
tubs.  Having  satisfied  the  maid,  the  gardener,  the  old  guide,  and  the  porter, 
with  a  douceur,  we  left  the  premises  amid  their  wishes  for  our  pleasant  journey. 
Altogether  Mount  Vernon  is  a  beautiful  place.  The  large  ornamental  trees, 
which  were  planted  nearly  a  century  ago,  give  it  an  air  of  antiquity  and  mag- 


1835.]  PRESIDENT   JACKSON.  277 

nificence  which  we  do  not  find  in  our  more  newly-settled  country.  We  drove 
seven  miles  to  Alexandria,  where  we  remained  that  night. 

The  next  day  we  drove  on  to  Washington  by  the  way  of  Georgetown,  as  the 
old  bridge  across  the  Potomac  is  impassable,  and  the  new  one  unfinished.  It  is 
a  distance  of  eight  miles  by  a  tedious,  sandy  road.  We  crossed  the  river  at 
Georgetown  in  a  horse-boat.  Georgetown  may  be  considered  a  part  of  Wash 
ington,  as  they  are  only  separated  by  a  creek. 

Washington  is  one  of  the  most  splendid  of  cities  in  theory  and  plan ;  but, 
unfortunately,  the  design  has  never  been  executed,  and  at  present  the  houses 
are  scattered  over  a  wide  extent  of  country,  laid  out  in  unfinished  streets.  There 
is  a  wide  avenue  for  every  State  in  the  Union.  But  Pennsylvania  Avenue  is  the 
only  one  which  can  be  said  to  be  built  up,  and  this  not  very  compactly.  The 
others  have  buildings  sometimes  on  the  corners  where  they  are  intersected  by 
cross-streets;  sometimes  a  block  of  considerable  size,  then  a  long,  vacant  space 
intervenes.  You  can  imagine  how  a  town  thus  scattered  would  appear ;  the 
prominent  buildings  are  the  Capitol  and  the  President's  house,  or  "  White  House," 
built  in  similar  style,  both  of  freestone  whitened.  The  Capitol  is  on  an  emi 
nence  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  town.  From  a  plan  of  the  city,  I  see  it 
was  intended  for  the  centre.  The  President's  house  is  a  mile  northwest  from 
the  Capitol.  From  these  two  buildings  the  avenues  diverge  in  every  direction. 

The  Capitol  is  a  magnificent  building ;  I  could  point  out  many  defects,  but 
we  will  criticise  when  I  can  talk  longer.  It  is  in  the  Grecian  style ;  large  Corin 
thian  columns  support  pediments  on  each  front.  The  capitals  of  these  columns, 
as  well  as  those  of  the  interior,  were  carved  in  Italy.  Passing  through  the 
porch  you  enter  the  Rotunda,  of  which  every  one  has  heard.  It  occupies  the 
whole  centre  of  the  building ;  its  circular  cornice  is  supported  by  pilasters  with 
Corinthian  capitals.  Four  large  pictures  by  Trumbull,  delineating  scenes  in  the 
Revolution,  occupy  spaces  on  the  wall ;  and  there  are  yet  four  spaces  unfilled, 
because  Congress  cannot  decide  upon  what  artist  to  confer  the  honor. 

Here  I  am  at  the  bottom  of  the  page,  and  the  third  page  too,  and  have  but 
just  entered  the  Rotunda,  have  not  even  looked  up  through  the  vaulted  ceiling 
to  the  immense  dome  above,  nor  described  the  effect  of  the  slightest  noise,  even 
a  low  whisper  sounding  like  the  murmuring  of  many  waters.  I  must  leave  it 
all  until  I  come  home.  The  statuary,  the  library,  the  Senate  and  Representa 
tive  Chamber,  the  terraces,  the  lawns,  the  parks,  the  beautifully  graveled  walks, 
and  the  profusion  of  shrubbery,  and  even  your  old  friend  McLean,  of  Seneca 
County,  I  must  leave  him  too  (he  came  in  just  as  we  were  leaving  the  Capitol), 
or  I  shall  never  arrive  at  the  "palace,"  the  abiding-place  of  the  "greatest  and 
best,"  as  Jackson  men  say. 

Henry  went  to  see  Governor  Dickerson,  who,  you  know,  is  now  Secretary 
of  the  Navy.  He  received  him  very  cordially,  and  said  we  must  go  and  pay  our 
respects  to  the  President  the  next  day.  He  called  at  eleven  o'clock  with  his 
nephew,  Mr.  Augustus  Canfield.  We  were  soon  whirled  over  the  macadamized 
road  to  the  place  of  destination.  The  Secretary  gave  me  his  arm,  Henry  led 
our  little  boy,  and  we  proceeded,  unannounced,  "to  the  presence."  I  thought 
this  very  unceremonious,  at  the  time,  but,  when  I  expressed  this  opinion  to  that 
consummate  politician  McLean,  he  laughed  at  my  simplicity,  and  said  Dickerson 
had  undoubtedly  had  a  previous  interview  with  "  his  royal  master."  The  Presi 
dent  sat  writing  at  a  table  filled  with  blank  commissions,  to  which  he  was  affix- 


278  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

ing  his  signature.  His  audience-chamber  was  rather  fantastically  decorated 
with  [here  Mr.  Seward  takes  up  the  pen  and  finishes  the  description]  a  multitude 
of  portraits,  paintings,  busts,  and  statues,  the  tribute  of  the  idolatry  of  his  reign. 
The  President  was  dressed  in  black,  wearing  a  bead  watch-chain  of  variegated 
colors,  on  which  was  probably  recorded,  by  some  enthusiastic  admirer,  his 
superiority  to  all  men  of  every  age  and  nation.  He  rose,  and  in  the  most 
obliging  and  courteous  manner  took  us  all  by  the  hand,  and  requested  us  to  sit. 
No  gentleman  could  have  exhibited  more  true  politeness  than  this  stormy  veteran, 
who  has  so  often  and  so  truly  been  represented  as  acting  like  a  raging  lion. 
This  politeness  was  peculiarly  and  happily  exhibited  in  his  introductory  greet 
ings,  and  inquiries  concerning  Frances's  health,  and  his  attentions  to  the  little  boy. 

The  subject  of  our  visit  to  Monticello  was  mentioned.  You  are  to  know, 
by-the-way,  that  Lieutenant  Levy,  the  present  proprietor  of  Monticello,  has 
procured  a  bronze  statue  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  be  made  at  Paris,  and  presented 
to  Congress.  The  House  of  Representatives  voted  to  accept  it ;  the  Senate  did 
not  care  to  receive  it,  or,  for  some  other  reason,  have  not  acted  on  the  subject. 
The  superintendent  of  the  Capitol  has  put  it  up  in  the  Rotunda  on  a  temporary 
pedestal. 

I  observed  that  Monticello  was  greatly  dilapidated.  The  President  replied 
that,  as  he  was  informed,  there  was  a  sufficient  cause  for  it  in  the  fact  that  the 
present  proprietor  has  not  the  means  to  repair  the  place. 

Forgetting  that  Lieutenant  Levy  was  doubtless  a  Jackson  man,  and  that  our 
information  concerning  him  was  derived  exclusively  from  his  Whig  neighbors 

in  Virginia,  F innocently  said  that  he  did  not  appear  to  be  very  kindly 

regarded  by  the  people  there. 

"  Why,"  said  the  general,  with  much  earnestness  and  decision,  "  he  has  done 
very  well,  though,  in  relation  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  That  statue  he  has  presented 
to  Congress  is  a  very  handsome  thing,  and  cost  about  fifteen  hundred  dollars." 

Mr.  Secretary  Dickerson  said  he  thought  it  was  not  a  very  good  likeness. 
This  opinion  of  the  minister  was  expressed  with  much  hesitation  of  manner. 

"  There,  sir,"  said  the  general,  with  an  air  of  conscious  infallibility,  "  is  where 
I  think  you  are  mistaken  ;  it  is  an  excellent  likeness,  sir." 

Mr.  Dickerson  did  not  pursue  the  subject. 

"And  I  tell  you,"  continued  the  general,  "that  I  think,  after  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  voted  to  receive  the  statue,  the  conduct  of  the  Senate  in 
refusing  to  act  upon  the  subject  was  very  reprehensible  I  " 

"  Perhaps,"  said  Mr.  Dickerson — willing  to  permit  the  Senate  to  escape 
denunciation  on  this  occasion — "  perhaps  the  Senate  did  not  think  it  proper 
that  the  statue  of  Mr.  Jefferson  should  be  obtained  in  that  way." 

"  Well,  sir,  then  they  might  have  bought  it,  or  bought  a  better  one.  That 
is  no  argument." 

The  conversation  proceeded  in  this  manner :  he  was  earnest  and  dogmatical ; 
Mr.  Dickerson  contented  himself  with  mere  hypothetical  suggestions  of  his  own 
opinions,  but  in  no  case  insisted  on  them,  and  left  "the  greatest  and  best"  to 
infer  that  he  was  convinced. 

I  inquired  (prefacing  an  apology  if  the  inquiry  were  improper)  what  would 
probably  be  the  result  of  the  French  question,  and  said  I  thought  Mr.  Living 
ston's  last  letter  was  a  very  able  and  satisfactory  one  upon  the  point,  now  the 
only  one  in  the  matter. 


1835.]  WASHINGTON   AND   BALTIMORE.  279 

The  President  replied  that  Mr.  Livingston's  letter  was  conclusive,  and  ought 
to  be  satisfactory. 

I  asked  whether  Mr.  Livingston  had  any  intimation,  before  leaving  Paris,  on 
the  point  whether  the  French  Government  intended  to  be  satisfied  with  the  view 
presented  by  him. 

The  President  answered :  "  We  don't  know  anything  about  that,  and  don't 
want  to  know.  We  know  we  are  satisfied ;  they  must  take  their  own  course  ; 
they'll  get  no  explanation  from  us." 

He  continued,  with  warmth  and  energy :  "  There  is  no  other  way,  sir,  in 
private  life,  but  to  act  justly— do  right,  let  people  be  satisfied  with  it  or  not,  as 
they  please.  If  they  are  just  to  you,  it  is  very  well ;  if  not,  you  must  resort  to 
such  means  as  you  can  to  compel  them  to  be  so  ;  it  is  the  same  between  nations. 
No,  no,  sir,  we  can't  have  the  French,  or  any  other  nation,  interfering  in  our 
consultations ;  that  will  never  do." 

Thus,  on  every  subject,  of  whatever  magnitude,  the  President  was  peremp 
tory  ;  and  it  must  be  added  that,  as  far  as  his  opinions  were  expressed,  they 
were  intelligent  and  perspicuous. 

I  have  given  you  the  above  dialogue,  not  on  account  of  the  interest  of  the 
subject,  but  to  convey  to  you  an  idea  of  the  President's  manner.  We  were 
surprised,  after  leaving  the  White  House  with  the  impression  that  war  must 
follow,  and  that  the  cabinet  at  Washington  would  enter  into  no  further  discus 
sion  on  the  subject,  to  hear  Mr.  Dickerson  say  that  "  there  would  be  no  war. 
If  the  French  Government  should  ask  for  an  explanation,  they  would  receive  a 
temperate,  conciliatory  answer,  which,"  as  he  added,  after  a  pause,  "  would  put 
the  French  Government  altogether  in  the  wrong." 

It  requires  very  little  astuteness  to  see  the  manner  in  which  the  President's 
cabinet  act.  They  fall  in  with  him,  and  seem  to  yield  to  his  views ;  but  often 
overreach  and  defeat  them  by  the  manner  in  which  they  affect  to  carry  them 
into  execution.  When  this  cannot  be  done,  they  leave  it  to  him  to  take  his  own 
course  on  his  own  responsibility.  We  have  been  convinced  that  we  have  been 
in  no  respect  mistaken  in  our  opinion  of  the  President  [here  Mrs.  Seward  takes 
the  pen  and  finishes  the  sentence  and  the  letter]  ;  we  found  him  polite,  firm, 
chivalrous,  passionate,  and  petulant. 

From  the  White  House  we  went  to  the  Patent- Office,  and  then  again  visited 
the  Capitol.  We  spent  an  hour  in  the  library,  where  were  many  curiosities, 
then  returned  to  dine  with  Judge  McLean,  whom  we  had  invited  the  day  before. 
This  is  Gadsby's,  the  house  in  Washington.  All  the  people  there  seem  impressed 
with  the  idea  that  they  have  arrived  at  the  summit  of  human  glory  in  living  in 
Washington,  no  matter  what  their  occupation.  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  there  at  pres 
ent.  The  President  and  suite  go  on  Monday  to  Norfolk,  "  to  escape  for  a  while,'* 
.as  he  said,  "  the  cares  and  perplexities  of  office." 

At  Baltimore,  Seward  wrote  : 

July  5th. 

We  left  Washington  on  the  morning  of  the  4th.  The  road  from  there  to 
Baltimore  is  as  barren  of  interest  as  that  between  Albany  and  Schenectady. 

We  were  surprised  by  the  desolate  aspect  of  Georgetown,  which  appears  to 
command  enviable  facilities  for  trade  and  manufactures.  Its  safe  and  accessible 
harbor,  its  canal  along  the  Potomac,  its  mills  and  numerous  warehouses,  and  its 
enterprising  merchants,  have  been  unable  to  prevent  Baltimore  from  monopoliz- 


280  LIFE   AND    LETTERS.  [1835, 

ing  the  commerce,  a  portion  of  which  was  once  enjoyed  by  Georgetown.  Des 
titute  as  Washington  is  of  shipping,  trade,  manufactures,  or  other  resource  than 
the  patronage  of  the  General  Government,  and  the  profit  of  entertaining  public 
officers,  employes,  and  visitors  there,  it  wears  an  air  of  prosperity  contrasted 
with  Georgetown. 

Arriving  at  Baltimore,  after  a  hard  drive  of  thirty-seven  miles,  at  eight  in 
the  evening,  the  post-office  was  closed,  and  a  grum  voice  growled  at  me  as  I 
politely  tapped  at  the  window,  "  We  deliver  no  letters  to-night."  I  persevered, 
and  made  my  way  into  the  den  from  which  the  salutation  proceeded.  I  soft 
ened  the  heart  of  the  postmaster,  and  brought  away  ten  letters  and  copious  files 
of  the  Evening  Journal. 

Mrs.  Seward  continued  the  narrative  : 

Stopping  at  Barnum's  Hotel,  we  spent  two  days  and  a  half  at  Baltimore, 
went  to  church,  visited  the  cathedral,  and  traversed  the  long,  winding  staircase 
to  the  top  of  the  Washington  Monument.  In  the  cathedral,  which  is  so  much 
celebrated,  I  saw  one  fine  picture.  There  were  many  others  of  inferior  merit. 
This  was  presented  by  Louis  XVIII.  The  subject  is  the  "Descent  from  the 
Cross."  The  body  of  our  Saviour  is  the  principal  figure.  It  quite  realized  my 
imaginings.  The  three  Marys,  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  Nicodemus,  and  the  be 
loved  disciple,  are  the  other  persons  represented.  The  monument  is  of  white 
marble,  one  hundred  and  seventy  feet  high,  surmounted  by  a  colossal  statue  of 
Washington.  We  ascended  on  the  inside  by  spiral  steps  ;  it  was  perfectly  dark, 
the  only  light  we  had  proceeded  from  a  lantern  which  Henry  carried.  The  air 
was  warm  and  close.  From  the  top  we  had  a  fine  view  of  the  city,  which  is 
very  substantially  and  compactly  built,  but  by  no  means  beautiful.  A  new 
hotel  was  altogether  the  finest  building  I  saw.  We  attended  the  Episcopal 
Church  on  Sunday,  and  heard  an  excellent  sermon  from  Mr.  Wyatt. 

Monday  afternoon  we  drove  seventeen  miles  to  a  house  in  the  country, 
where  we  fared  tolerably.  The  next  day,  fourteen  miles'  ride  brought  us  to 
Havre  de  Grace,  where  we  crossed  the  Susquehanna  at  its  mouth,  a  mile  and  a 
quarter  wide.  Here  we  had  a  view  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  I  was  a  little  afraid 
to  go  on  the  scow,  and  our  horse  "Lion"  was  still  more  so.  It  was  with  great 
difficulty  that  William  Johnson  could  get  him  on  the  boat.  However,  we  reached 
the  opposite  shore  in  safety. 

Mr.  Seward  added  : 

Burning  the  town  has  not  had  the  effect  upon  Havre  de  Grace  which  burn 
ing  the  fields  is  said  sometimes  to  have.  It  has  not  "  rise^i  like  a  phoenix  "  from 
the  ashes  to  which  Admiral  Cochrane  reduced  it.  The  fact  is,  that  the  trade 
once  enjoyed  by  Havre  de  Grace  has  been  usurped  by  a  small  village  called 
Port  Deposit,  situate  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  four  miles  farther 
up.  At  this  point,  the  lumber  and  produce  brought  down  the  river  are  landed, 
and  thence  carried  to  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia. 

Fifteen  miles  farther  we  were  obliged  to  stop  at  a  miserable  little  house,  six 
miles  from  Elkton,  the  place  we  had  designed  to  reach.  After  an  uncomforta 
ble  night,  a  drive  of  eight  or  ten  miles  the  next  morning  took  us  out  of  Mary 
land  and  brought  us  to  the  State  of  Delaware,  which  at  this  point  is  fifteen  miles 
across.  We  hurried  on  for  the  purpose  of  taking  the  steamboat  at  Delaware 


1835.]  DELAWARE   AND   NEW   JERSEY.  281 

City,  a  high-sounding  name  bestowed  on  thirty  or  forty  houses  at  the  head  of 
the  bay. 

The  boat  was  to  pass  there  at  twelve  o'clock.  The  distance  from  our  start 
ing-place  was  twenty-one  miles.  We  drove  across  the  State,  but  our  efforts 
were  of  no  avail.  We  arrived  at  Delaware  City,  warm  and  weary,  with  jaded 
horses,  just  fifteen  minutes  after  the  boat  had  left  the  wharf.  So  we  must  wait 
another  whole  day.  We  could  get  across  the  bay  in  no  other  way.  But  we 
found  a  comfortable  resting-place,  a  cool,  clean  house,  nice  beds,  and  a  charm 
ing  prospect  from  the  windows,  looking  over  Delaware  Bay  and  River. 

So  we  are  waiting  till  to-morrow  for  the  same  boat.  The  little  State  of 
Delaware,  which  people  seem  to  us  to  treat  without  any  respect,  as  a  mere 
passage-way  between  other  and  greater  States,  is  a  beautiful  and  apparently 
rich  and  contented  country.  The  scene  around  us  here  is  delightful.  While  we 
have  been  lamenting  our  detention,  a  thunder-storm  has  come  up  and  caused  us 
to  rejoice  that  we  did  not  have  to  encounter  its  drenching  torrents  in  the  woods 
of  New  Jersey.  The  Delaware  &  Chesapeake  Canal,  connecting  the  two 
bays,  seems  to  be  burdened  with  sloops,  bringing  wood  from  Virginia,  and 
taking  Lehigh  coal  in  exchange  for  it.  We  saw  also  large  quantities  of  lumber 
there,  in  rafts,  which,  having  been  brought  down  the  Susquehanna,  were  now 
being  towed  up  the  Delaware  to  Philadelphia. 

Mrs.  Seward  continued  the  story  : 

The  next  day  the  boat  came  at  noon,  and,  cheating  us  out  of  our  dinner, 
carried  us,  wagon,  horses,  and  all,  to  Salem,  in  New  Jersey,  ten  miles  down  the 
bay,  on  the  opposite  shore.  We  drove  that  night  eighteen  miles  to  Bridgeton,  a 
pretty  village,  forty  miles  from  Bargaintown.  The  next  day  our  road  was 
through  a  country  somewhat  resembling  the  Desert  of  Sahara,  with  the  addition 
of  some  dwarf  oaks  and  pines.  The  sand  is  so  white  that,  in  the  evening,  it 
has  the  appearance  of  snow.  We  passed  but  three  or  four  houses  in  traveling 
twenty  miles.  No  place  offered  where  there  was  any  probability  of  procuring 
a  tolerable  dinner,  so  we  paused  in  such  shade  as  we  could  find,  fed  the  horses, 
and  dined  on  biscuit  and  cheese.  We  walked  a  little  occasionally,  to  gather 
whortleberries,  which  abound  here ;  but  the  day  was  exceedingly  warm,  and 
the  sand  rendered  walking  no  slight  exertion.  It  was  six  o'clock  when  we  came 
to  May's  Landing,  and  we  were  still  twelve  miles  from  Bargaintown.  We  had 
come  nearly  thirty,  over  a  very  fatiguing,  sandy  road,  and  the  horses  were  tired ; 
but  we  were  unwilling  to  remain  with  the  prospect  of  rather  a  poor  night's 
lodging ;  so  we  took  a  fresh  pair  of  horses  and  a  driver,  leaving  William  John 
son,  "Lion,"  and  "the  Doctor,"  to  come  on  the  next  morning. 

BARGAINTOWN,  Wednesday,  July  15th. 

We  have  had  a  pleasant  visit  here.  Yesterday  we  spent  in  a  very  fatiguing 
though  delightful  visit  to  the  beach,  where  all  went  to  bathe  in  the  surf.  To 
morrow  we  leave  for  Philadelphia,  where  we  shall  be  detained  a  week. 

The  names  of  the  villages  and  hamlets  among  which  they  were 
now  passing  were  a  subject  of  some  amusement  and  inquiry,  as  doubt 
less  they  have  been  to  other  travelers  ;  for  among  them  were  Great 
Egg  Harbor,  Little  Egg  Harbor,  Hospitality  Branch,  Innskeep,  Seven- 


282  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

Cross-Ways,  White    Horse,    Long-a-coming,    Mount   Ephraixn,    Neso- 
chaque,    Stockingtown,   Jericho,    Green  Tree,   Raccoon    Creek,    Skull- 
town,  Shiloah,  Cohansey,  Good  Intent,  and  Jobsville. 
Seward,  writing  to  Mr.  Weed,  said  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  19,  1835. 

We  came  in  yesterday  in  time  to  hear  the  note  of  preparation  for  the  Living 
ston  dinner,  and  the  sufficiency  of  clamor  with  which  it  passed  off.  [This  was 
the  dinner  given  to  Mr.  Livingston  on  his  return  from  his  mission  to  France.] 
What  mockery  of  feeling  is  the  action  of  masses  of  men  or  communities !  A 
week  ago  this  city,  if  one  might  credit  the  newspapers,  was  overwhelmed  with 
grief  for  the  loss  of  Chief-Justice  Marshall.  Yesterday  it  resounded  with  ob 
streperous  feasting  in  honor  of  a  diplomatist  whose  feet  make  haste  to  the  same 
bourne  where  the  object  of  the  city's  lamentation  is  lost. 

It  provokes  a  smile  to  see  our  friends  reckoning  upon  the  probabilities  of 
Southern  votes.  I  repeat  what  I  have  before  said,  that  the  battle  was  fought 
last  year.  The  "  spoils  "  might  be  conceded  without  another  impotent  struggle. 
I  marvel  at  the  belief  that  Kitner's  success  will  have  a  bearing  in  our  favor  on 
the  presidential  election.  It  will  result  in  a  compromise,  giving  a  prodigious 
vote  to  Van  Buren.  To  what  good,  you  will  ask,  are  these  gloomy  speculations? 
Only  to  show  the  folly  of  reckoning  on  any  possible  success  at  this  juncture  in 
our  efforts  against  the  immovable  majority.  You  are  altogether  right  about  the 
alien  question.  I  almost  lose  sympathy  with  our  brethren,  when  I  see  them  act 
so  madly.  But  it  was  always  so,  New  York  City  politicians  act  and  reason  as  if 
the  city  was  the  entire  country. 

The  journal  was  continued  by  Mrs.  Seward. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  19<A. 

We  are  comfortably  lodged  with  Mrs.  Lloyd,  a  Quakeress,  on  Third  Street. 
The  house  is  small,  but  neat,  and  quiet  within-doors ;  and  the  rattling  of  vehicles 
without  is  less  than  on  the  principal  thoroughfares. 

Monday  Afternoon. 

We  have  just  returned  from  Fairmount  Water-works,  and  a  beautiful  place  it 
is  with  its  fountains,  statues,  and  other  embellishments.  After  we  had  inspected 
the  machinery  which  supplies  the  city  with  water  from  the  Schuylkill,  we  visited 
the  United  States  Bank,  a  handsome  building  of  white  marble,  and  then  went  to 
look  in  at  Peale's  Museum.  It  is  raining  fast ;  we  cannot  pursue  sight-seeing 
further.  You  recollect  Willis  Gaylord  Clark  ?  He  is  here ;  is  editor  of  a  daily 
paper,  besides  being  engaged  upon  the  Knickerbocker,  and  several  other  periodi 
cals. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  21th. 

At  nine  this  morning  we  went  to  Sully's  to  sit  for  the  portraits ;  in  the  after 
noon  walked  up  Chestnut  Street.  In  all  the  shops  in  Philadelphia,  at  least  in  all 
I  have  visited,  the  clerks  are  women,  which  is  very  agreeable,  except  when  you 
find  one  who  does  not  choose  to  please,  and  then  I  would  rather  deal  with  six 
men  than  with  one  of  them.  However,  I  have  generally  found  them  very  ac 
commodating.  Chestnut  Street  is  the  Broadway  of  Philadelphia.  The  shops  are 
not  as  fine  as  in  New  York,  but  the  goods  are  not  so  high-priced.  Philadelphia 


1835.]  PHILADELPHIA.  283 

contains  a  large  number  of  handsome  public  buildings,  and  many  pretty  public 
squares  ornamented  with  trees.  The  dwelling-houses  are  built  with  great  uni 
formity  ;  the  streets  cross  each  other  at  right  angles ;  but  most  of  them  are  too 
narrow  to  admit  of  fine  effect  from  the  shade-trees  with  which  they  are  orna 
mented.  But  the  perfect  cleanliness  makes  everything  agreeable.  The  water 
from  the  Schuylkill  affords  such  facilities  for  cleansing  that  the  city  in  that  par 
ticular  has  an  advantage  over  all  others  in  the  Union.  The  ladies  dress  with 
more  taste  in  general  than  those  in  New  York.  You  see  none  of  the  excess 
which  is  so  much  practised  there.  My  pretty  dressmaker  (she  is  English,  by-the- 
way)  said  she  had  never  seen  a  lady  well  dressed  in  New  York,  though  many 
overloaded  with  color  and  ornament. 

Sunday  Afternoon. 

We  have  been  to  church  this  morning,  notwithstanding  the  excessive  heat. 
We  went  to  see  Bishop  White  preach  ;  it  is  not  easy  to  hear  him.  He  is  eighty- 
seven  years  of  age,  appears  very  infirm,  and  speaks  so  indistinctly  that  I  hardly 
heard  one  sentence.  He  is  a  venerable-looking  old  man,  with  hair  perfectly  white. 
Henry  was  more  fortunate  (men  not  wearing  cottage  bonnets  do  not  have  their 
ears  covered),  and  says  he  did  not  lose  any  part  of  the  sermon,  which  was  plain 
and  sensible. 

Thursday,  we  went  with  Mr.  James  Biddle  three  miles  out  to  his  country-seat, 
where  Mrs.  Biddle  is  at  present  with  her  four  children.  The  place  is  beautifully 
situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Schuylkill.  Mrs.  Biddle  was  agreeable,  the  children 
pretty,  Mr.  Biddle  always  full  of  mirth,  the  most  incessant  of  talkers  and  some 
times  very  eloquent. 

Saturday,  I  went  to  the  painter's  at  nine,  afterward  visited  the  Mint,  and  the 
Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  Dr.  Physick  has  called  several  times.  He  approved  of 
our  design  of  sea-bathing,  and  advised  a  continuance  of  our  travels,  adding  that 
it  was  impossible  for  him  to  advise  further  without  detaining  us  here  a  long 
time ;  advised  us  to  get  out  of  the  city  as  soon  as  possible ;  to  get  lodgings  at  a 
private  house  at  Long  Branch  if  we  could,  and  to  avoid  excitement  and  over- 
exertion.  Dr.  Physick  is  prepossessing  in  his  appearance,  and  seems  very  con 
scientious  in  his  practice.  He  is  between  sixty  and  seventy  years  of  age,  and 
only  acts  now  as  consulting  physician.  He  seemed  hurried,  and  to  have  his 
time  much  occupied. 

With  the  other  letters  there  was  always  one  to  the  little  boy  who 
had  been  left  at  home.  Writing  to  Augustus,  his  father  related  the 
incidents  of  their  stay  in  Philadelphia,  the  sights  seen  at  Fairmount 
and  at  Peale's  Museum.  One  passage  may  be  reproduced  here,  illus 
trating  as  it  does  his  sedulous  care  to  instill  patriotic  principles  into 
the  minds  of  his  children  : 

In  the  museum  there  is  also  preserved  a  sash  of  blue  ribbon  which  General 
Washington  wore  when  he  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  American  army,  in 
the  Revolutionary  War.  It  was  presented  by  him  to  the  founder  of  the  museum. 
There  is  also  preserved  a  manuscript  song,  written  by  Major  Andr6,  in  deri 
sion  of  the  American  soldiers,  about  two  weeks  before  he  was  captured  as  a  spy. 
You  remember  who  Major  Andre"  was,  and  how  he  was  detected,  tried,  and 
hanged  as  a  spy  ? 


284  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835- 

We  went  also  to  visit  Independence  Hall,  which  is  the  same  room  in  which 
the  first  Congress  of  the  United  States  sat  when  they  adopted  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776.  You  have  read  so  much  history  as 
to  know  that  the  reason  why  people  celebrate  the  fourth  of  July  is,  because  on 
that  day,  1776,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  separated  this  country  from 
Great  Britain,  and  pronounced  the  people  to  be  no  longer  subjects  of  the  King 
of  Great  Britain,  but  free  and  independent,  having  the  right  to  govern  them 
selves.  The  British  king  and  Parliament  sent  a  great  many  armies  here,  and 
fought  our  forefathers  seven  years,  to  make  them  subjects  again ;  but  the  God 
of  heaven  gave  the  victory  to  the  Americans,  and  we  have  ever  since  been  free. 
It  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to  love  his  country,  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  pro 
mote  its  prosperity  and  honor,  and  to  lay  down  his  life  for  it,  in  the  fear  of  God, 
if  necessary.  I  hope  you  will  always  remember  this,  and  in  order  to  do  so  you 
ought  to  read  the  history  of  the  ^Revolutionary  War,  and  the  lives  of  General 
Washington,  General  Warren,  Lafayette,  and  other  great  and  good  men,  who 
fought  so  long,  so  bravely,  and  finally  so  victoriously,  for  the  liberties  of  their 
country. 

The  journal  was  continued  by  Mrs.  Seward  : 

LONG  BBANCH,  August  2d. 

We  left  Philadelphia  on  Monday  morning,  finding  it  so  cold  that  I  could 
hardly  keep  warm,  though  wrapped  in  shawl  and  cloak ;  and  this  succeeded  a 
day  which  had  been  so  warm  that  the  thermometer  rose  to  94°  in  the 
shade.  From  Philadelphia  to  Bristol  is  sixteen  miles.  The  road  is  very 
pleasant,  the  land  all  cultivated,  and  the  country  thickly  settled.  Bristol  is  on 
the  Delaware,  opposite  Burlington.  We  crossed  to  the  latter  place  in  a  very 
tiny  steamboat.  From  Burlington  to  Bordentown  is  fourteen  miles,  and  here 
we  found  the  road  much  less  agreeable.  Deep  sand,  which  renders  the  country 
barren  and  the  traveling  unpleasant,  abounds  in  the  southern  part  of  New  Jer 
sey.  It  was  six  o'clock  when  we  reached  Bordentown.  The  evening  being 
fine,  we  concluded  to  visit  the  Bonaparte  place  at  once.  So,  after  taking  off  the 
baggage,  and  making  other  arrangements  for  the  night,  we  drove  on.  The 
house  or  "  palace,"  as  they  call  it  here,  of  the  ex-King  of  Spain  is  about  half  a 
mile  from  the  village,  and  can  be  distinctly  seen  from  the  road.  It  is  built  of 
stone,  covered  with  stucco  of  a  lead-color,  the  style  somewhat  peculiar  for 
America.  The  roof  is  low,  surrounded  with  battlements.  Bonaparte,  you 
know,  is  in  Europe,  or  was ;  for  he  is  expected  home  daily.  His  house  is  under 
going  repairs,  so  we  did  not  enter.  At  each  end  are  buildings  of  corresponding 
style,  appropriated  to  domestic  affairs.  The  servants  all'  seemed  to  be  enjoying 
a  holiday  during  the  absence  of  their  master.  The  maids,  dressed  in  their  best 
apparel,  were  promenading  the  graveled  walks  in  company  with  their  visitors. 
The  men-servants  were  amusing  themselves  with  a  game  of  billiards  in  a  salon 
on  the  first  floor. 

The  house  is  approached  by  two  broad  graveled  roads,  ornamented  at  the 
side  by  choice  plants  in  boxes.  The  house  is  about  as  far  from  the  road  a» 
yours,  so  that  but  a  partial  idea  of  the  beauties  of  the  place  is  given  to  the 
passer-by.  I  cannot  tell  the  extent  of  the  grounds,  as  I  was  unable  to  walk  half 
over  them.  We  went  as  far  as  the  observatory,  which  is  perhaps  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  from  the  house. 


1835.]  JOSEPH   BONAPARTE. 

There  were  fine  roads  and  walks  in  every  direction,  embellished  by  ornament 
al  trees  and  shrubs.  Tasteful  little  bridges  and  summer-houses  meet  the  eye, 
and  give  a  picturesque  effect  to  the  scene. 

At  the  foot  of  the  observatory  is  the  fish-pond.  But  the  shades  of  night 
now  gathering  around  us,  and  our  own  fatigue,  admonished  us  of  the  necessity 
of  returning.  I  left  this  charming  place  with  much  regret,  and  not  without 
curiosity  to  know  whether  he  whose  wealth  had  created  so  much  to  admire  had 
sufficient  taste  to  appreciate  or  contentment  of  disposition  to  enjoy  it. 

It  is  now  about  two  years,  if  I  recollect  right,  since  he  went  upon  some  wild 
suggestion  of  a  sick  heart  to  London,  and  sent  a  petition  to  the  court  of  "  the 
citizen  king  "  to  be  allowed  to  visit  his  country.  During  that  time  his  beautiful 
villa  has  been  in  the  keeping  of  servants,  and  shows  dilapidation  and  waste  every 
where.  It  is,  nevertheless,  even  in  its  present  condition,  a  magnificent  dwelling, 
and  bears  some  comparison  with  the  hereditary  chateaux  of  European  princes. 

Wednesday  morning  we  set  out  in  a  drizzling  rain,  which  continued  until 
noon,  rather  improving  the  sandy  roads.  We  staid  that  night  at  Monmouth 
Court-House,  where  court  was  sitting.  Consequently  all  the  houses  were  full 
of  mud  and  lawyers.  We  selected  the  most  quiet,  which  we  left  early  Thursday 
morning,  and  arrived  at  this  place  (Eatontown),  five  miles  from  the  beach,  about 
eleven  o'clock.  We  prefer  lodgings  here  to  the  crowded  and  comfortless  board 
ing-houses  immediately  on  the  beach. 

Mr.  Seward  added  : 

Frances  monopolizes  the  entire  correspondence  with  you,  so  I  have  to  tell 
my  marvelous  "  traveler's  tales  "  to  less  kind  and  credulous  listeners.  But,  as  I 
see  she  has  left  out  a  whole  chapter,  I  will  supply  it.  We  stopped  at  Borden- 
town,  at  the  fashionable  house,  set  up  for  the  accommodation  of  travelers  be 
tween  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  We  had  a  bedroom  ten  by  twelve  in  the 
second  story.  In  the  morning  she  was  too  sick  to  travel,  and  it  was  cold  and 
rainy.  I  proposed  a  fire,  and  asked  the  landlord,  "  Where  ?  "  He  said,  "  In  the 
parlor,  up-stairs."  There  was  none  except  that  which  was  inscribed  "  family- 
room,"  which  had  a  sofa  and  a  snug  little  fireplace.  The  sofa  and  tables  were 
strewed  with  dolls  and  other  toys  of  little  girls,  and  as  I  entered  it  I  saw  it 
evacuated  by  half  a  dozen,  all  of  one  size.  I  had  a  fine  oak-fire  made  up,  drew 
out  the  sofa,  brought  Frances,  laid  her  on  it,  shut  the  windows  to  make  her 
comfortable,  sat  down  and  began  to  write  a  letter,  when  in  came  a  middle- 
aged  lady,  the  mother  of  the  hopes  whose  delights  were  scattered  around  me. 
She  retired  in  so  much  haste  as  to  indicate  a  raging  passion,  and  in  three 
minutes  afterward  by  the  Shrewsbury  clock  entered  a  venerable  grand-dame. 
She  advanced  to  the  windows,  threw  up  the  sash,  opened  all  the  windows. 
"Have  you  a  particular  wish,  madam,"  said  I,  "to  have  that  window  open?" 
as  she  came  to  the  one  over  Frances's  head.  "  I  like  to  have  light  and  air  in 
the  room,  sir,"  said  she.  She  seated  herself  with  her  knitting-work,  and 
called  the  darlings — one,  two,  three,  four,  five,  six — and  romp,  helter-skelter, 
went  children  and  grandmother.  I  carried  Frances  and  her  bed  into  our  bed 
room.  There,  after  three  hours,  I  succeeded  in  getting  a  fire,  and  there  we 
staid  during  the  rainy  day  in  July.  When  we  met  the  interesting  family  of  the 
up-stairs  parlor  at  dinner  we  discovered  that  the  lady  had  "brought  her  own 
silver  forks  and  spoons." 


286  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1885. 

Can  you  guess  the  moral  of  my  chapter  ?  Frances  says  she  cannot.  It  is, 
that  none  but  refined  and  amiable  people  carry  their  silver  forks  and  spoons 
when  they  travel ! 

Continuing  the  journal,  Mrs.  Seward  wrote  : 

LONG  BRANCH,  August  9th. 

We  have  been  to  the  beach  each  day.  In  the  forenoon  a  drive  of  less  than 
an  hour  takes  us  to  the  sea,  where  we  bathe  without  the  presence  of  "  a  cloud 
of  witnesses."  We  return  in  time  to  drive,  and  in  the  afternoon  ride  or  walk 
as  we  please  in  the  woods,  coming  back  to  tea.  Wednesday  we  drove  out  in  the 
morning  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  some  falls  about  two  miles  from  here,  where 
it  seemed  to  be  the  fashion  for  all  the  people  from  the  Branch  to  go,  once  at 
least.  Our  ride  was  pleasant ;  as  for  the  falls,  after  getting  a  man  to  show  us 
where  they  were,  we  found  one  flat  rock  about  twelve  feet  high,  over  which 
water  might  fall  if  there  was  any  ;  but,  unfortunately,  it  is  all  used  by  a  neigh 
boring  mill.  The  principal  attraction  for  the  multitude  we  had  seen  pass  our 
door,  instead  of  the  falls,  must  have  been  "the  cake  and  beer  shop."  The 
cake  was  very  good,  certainly ;  and  we  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were 
not  so  very  unwise  after  all.  We  then  drove  to  Red  Bank,  where  the  steam 
boats  land  from  New  York.  It  is  on  a  small  river  called  the  Shrewsbury  Inlet. 
The  boat  had  gone,  so  we  saw  nothing  but  the  red  sand  reflected  in  the  bright 
smooth  river,  with  a  few  houses  and  shops,  most  of  them  with  vanes  of  some 
form,  to  ascertain  the  direction  of  the  wind.  This  seems  to  be  a  prevailing  cus 
tom  here  near  the  ocean. 

Thursday  it  rained  "  from  dawn  of  day  to  set  of  sun  "  without  intermission. 
Of  course,  we  were  housed  all  day.  I  employed  my  time  in  pulling  to  pieces 
and  improving  a  dress  they  had  spoiled  for  me  in  Philadelphia.  Henry  em 
ployed  himself  in  reading  "  Don  Quixote  "  and  smoking  poor  cigars.  I  sat 
down  and  wrote  a  letter  that  I  had  promised,  but  had  not  before  found  a  con 
venient  season.  It  is  much  harder  to  write  some  letters  than  others,  if  you  have 
ever  observed  it.  Well !  this  long  day  actually  came  to  a  close,  and,  contrary 
to  our  expectations,  the  sun  shone  brightly  next  morning.  At  ten  o'clock  we 
proceeded  to  the  beach.  The  sea  was  anything  but  a  mirror  that  day.  The 
waves  came  roaring  and  foaming  against  the  shore  with  a  degree  of  violence 
that  was  terrific. 

Saturday  being  another  fine  day  we  improved  much  in  the  same  way,  re 
turned  to  dinner,  and  rode  out  two  miles  into  the  woods  and  among  the  huckle 
berries.  Saturday  is  a  day  when  all  the  country-people  go  to  the  beach  to 
bathe,  and  return  to  this  place  to  eat,  drink,  and  make  merry.  There  were  about 
thirty  who  dined  here,  and  danced  afterward.  We  lost  all  this  sport  by  being 
absent.  When  we  came  home  their  wagons  were  all  at  the  door,  and  the  com 
pany  was  about  departing.  Sunday  we  rode  to  Shrewsbury  to  church,  about 
two  miles.  The  country  about  here  is  very  pleasant.  The  house  we  are  at  is 
kept  by  an  old  gentleman,  with  a  bustling  young  wife.  He  has  sons  much  older 
than  she  is.  We  have  four  or  five  rooms  at  our  disposal ;  there  is  very  little 
company,  and  the  good  nature  and  obliging  disposition  make  up  for  all  deficien 
cies.  She  seems  to  study  nothing  but  our  comfort ;  and,  if  she  does  not  kill 
us  with  kindness,  I  think  our  digestion  may  be  considered  wonderful.  Car 
riages  are  passing  constantly  to  and  from  the  beach.  We  are  told  that  the 


1836.]  LONG   BRANCH   LIFE.  287 

people  at  the  boarding-houses  on  the  beach  suffered  very  much  with  cold  during 
those  chilly,  wet  days.  The  houses  are  built  expressly  for  summer  visitants ;  of 
course,  no  conveniences  or  comforts  are  provided  for  such  seasons  as  the  past 
week.  We  congratulate  ourselves  more  and  more  on  having  found  such  com 
fortable  quarters.  We  eat,  drink,  and  sleep,  when  and  how  we  please,  have  a 
fire  in  our  room  when  the  thermometer  is  at  eighty,  if  we  prefer  it,  without 
being  questioned.  We  shall  probably  remain  here  until  Thursday. 

While  at  this  hospitable  house  there  occurred  an  incident  that  Sew- 
ard  used  to  relate  with  humorous  relish.  One  day,  while  sitting  after 
dinner  in  the  shade,  a  benevolent -looking  old  gentleman  said  : 

"  Excuse  me,  sir,  if  I  ask  you  an  intrusive  question  ;  but  I  see  by 
the  papers  that  there  was  a  candidate  for  Governor  in  your  State  last 
fall — the  one  who  was  defeated — whose  name  was  the  same  as  yours. 
Pray,  was  he  any  relative  of  your  family  ?  " 

Mr.  Seward  had  to  admit  that  he  was. 

"  A  near  relative  ?  " 

"  Yes." 

"  Not  your  father  was  it,  sir  ?  " 

"  No,  not  my  father." 

A  pause  ensued  ;  and  then,  overcome  by  curiosity,  the  old  gentle- 
man  returned  to  the  attack. 

"  Could  it  have  been  a  brother  of  yours  ?  " 

"  Well,  Mr.  T ,"  said  Seward,  "  I  may  as  well  confess  to  you 

that  I  am  myself  that  unfortunate  man  !  " 

"  Dear  me,"  said  the  other  with  unaffected  surprise  and  sympathy, 
"  I  should  never  have  thought  it,  And  so  young,  too  !  I  am  very 
sorry.  How  near  did  you  come  to  being  elected  ?  " 

"  Not  very  near.  I  only  got  a  hundred  and  sixty-nine  thousand 
votes." 

"  A  hundred  and  sixty-nine  thousand  votes,  and  not  elected  ?  "  was 
the  astonished  reply.  "  Why,  that  is  more  than  all  the  candidates  to 
gether  ever  get  in  New  Jersey  !  A  hundred  and — good  Heavens,  sir  ! 
how  many  votes  does  it  take  to  elect  a  man  in  New  York  ?  " 

FLORIDA,  ORANGE  COUNTY,  August  20th. 

We  left  Long  Branch  last  Thursday.  We  put  our  horses  and  wagon  on 
board  the  steamboat  in  which  we  took  passage,  and  came  directly  to  New  York, 
passing  through  the  Shrewsbury  Inlet  into  the  ocean  at  Sandy  Hook,  and  thence 
through  the  Narrows  and  the  bay. 

About  half-way  on  the  voyage  a  strong  wind,  with  thunder  and  lightning, 
came  on.  A  sloop  just  before  us  was  capsized,  scattering  her  load  of  peaches. 
We  went  with  the  steamboat  to  the  relief  of  the  boatmen ;  but  another  boat 
from  New  York  came  up,  at  the  signal  of  the  telegraph,  and  took  off  two  men 
and  a  boy.  The  third  man  on  board  the  sloop  was  drowned.  When  we  left 
her  she  lay  on  her  side,  with  her  mast  and  sail  floating  on  the  water.  We  did 
not  stop  in  New  York,  but  put  our  horses  before  the  wagon  and  drove  across 


288  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1835. 

the  city  in  the  rain ;  crossed  the  North  Kiver  in  a  ferry-boat,  and  landed  at 
Hoboken.  There  we  staid  that  night,  and  next  day  drove  through  Newark 
and  Morristown  to  Mendham.  We  staid  there  on  Sunday. 

His  native  county,  the  home  of  his  youth,  was  always  full  of  attrac 
tions  for  him,  and  he  loved  to  take  his  friends  there  to  show  them  the 
picturesque  scenery  associated  with  so  many  recollections  of  his  early 
days.  On  these  occasions  the  older  people  whom  he  met  always  had 
hearty  greeting  for  him  as  "  Harry  Seward,"  the  name  by  which  he 
was  called  in  boyhood.  At  Auburn,  Judge  Miller  still  called  him 
"  Henry,"  the  appellation  which  Mrs.  Seward  always  used.  He  was  no 
one's  namesake,  the  name  William  Henry  being  his  mother's  choice. 

One  of  his  boyish  recollections  was,  that  when  a  child  he  asked  her 
who  he  was  named  after.  She  told  him  laughingly  she  did  not  know, 
unless  it  was  Mr.  William  Henry,  a  respectable  neighbor  and  farmer. 
And  in  reply  to  further  inquiry  as  to  what  he  was  remarkable  for,  she 
said,  "For  his  wisdom  about  fence-posts;  "  for  on  one  occasion  he  gave 
his  opinion  that  "  cedar  fence-posts,  if  well  put  down,  will  last  a  hun 
dred  year  ; "  and  when  asked  how  he  knew  the  fact,  he  replied  that 
"  he  had  tried  it  many  a  time." 

There  were  still  remaining  some  of  those  who  knew  John  Seward, 
his  paternal  grandfather,  who  took  part  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 
Many  incidents  were  related  by  them,  illustrative  of  his  energetic 
character.  A  young  man,  residing  in  New  Jersey,  he  was  one  of  the 
earliest  to  raise  a  company  to  join  in  the  struggle  for  independence. 
In  command  of  this  company  he  fought,  under  Washington,  at  the 
battle  of  Long  Island,  shared  in  the  subsequent  retreat,  and  in  the 
battle  at  White  Plains.  He  was  again  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Prince 
ton.  Promoted  to  a  militia  colonelcy,  he  was  in  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth  ;  and,  in  1779,  aided  the  expedition  of  "  Mad  Anthony  Wayne  " 
for  the  storming  of  Stony  Point.  With  a  part  of  his  regiment  he 
joined  in  the  ineffectual  pursuit  of  Brant,  after  the  battle  of  Minisink. 
The  Tories  in  his  neighborhood  heartily  hated  and  feared  him,  and  a 
reward  of  twenty  pounds  was  offered  for  his  head,  "  dead  or  alive." 
One  story  was  of  an  attempt  to  decoy  him  into  *an  ambush.  It  was, 
that  as  Colonel  Seward  was  sitting  in  the  evening  in  his  porch,  an  ill- 
looking  fellow,  mounted  on  a  cadaverous  steed,  which  he  guided  with 
a  rope-halter,  rode  up  and  delivered  to  him  what  purported  to  be  a 
message  from  General  Washington.  Colonel  Seward,  suspecting  some 
treacherous  design,  after  questioning  him,  said,  sharply,  "  General 
Washington  never  sent  you  on  such  a  horse  as  that,  with  such  a  mes 
sage  as  that  to  me  ;  "  and,  turning  about,  took  down  his  rifle,  which 
hung  over  the  doorway.  The  spy,  seeing  himself  discovered,  hastily 
turned,  and,  whipping  his  horse,  started  to  warn  his  confederates  ;  but 


1885.]  FLORIDA.— THE   MOON   HOAX.  289 

before  he  could  reach  the  gateway  a  bullet  from  the  colonel's  rifle 
brought  him  down. 

Some  of  the  descendants  are  still  living,  in  Orange  County,  of  a 
Hessian  soldier  who,  having  been  captured  by  Colonel  Seward,  pre 
ferred  to  exchange  the  service  of  King  George  for  the  more  profitable 
and  peaceful  avocation  of  a  laborer  on  his  farm. 

One  of  the  old  pieces  of  furniture  in  the  house  at  Florida  was  a 
tall,  old-fashioned  clock,  surmounted  by  brass  ornaments.  At  one  time 
when  a  new  house  was  built,  and  the  clock  was  moved  there,  it  proved 
to  be  about  a  foot  too  high  for  the  parlor  ceiling,  and,  rather  than  give 
up  the  clock,  the  owner  caused  a  hole  to  be  made  through  the  ceiling 
in  one  corner  of  the  room.  For  many  years  it  stood  there,  sonorously 
ticking  away  the  hours,  with  the  upper  part  of  its  head  invisible. 

Chloe  Coe,  occasionally  referred  to  in  his  letters  from  Florida,  was 
born  a  slave  to  Judge  Seward,  and  was  one  of  those  who  subsequently 
became  free  under  the  State  law  of  emancipation.  A  playmate  with 
her  master's  children,  she  always  had  a  special  regard  for  "  Master 
Harry."  She  is  still  living  in  the  cottage  which  he  provided  for  her. 

The  concluding  days  of  the  journey  homeward  were  related  in  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Weed  : 

Thursday  morning  we  set  out  for  home  in  a  dense  fog.  We  dragged  a  weari 
some  journey  under  a  burning  sun,  through  Bloomingburg  to  Monticello, 
twenty-eight  miles. 

On  Friday  we  passed  through  the  residue  of  that  part  of  our  route  which 
lay  in  this  State,  bivouacked  (though  not  literally)  at  Damascus,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Delaware  River ;  having,  with  all  diligence,  accomplished  no  more 
than  twenty-three  miles  over  the  "  everlasting  hills  "  of  Sullivan  County. 

On  Saturday  we  descended  into  the  valley  of  Tunkhannock  and  slept  at  a 
country  inn.  Our  ride  that  day  was  thirty  miles,  over  hills  quite  as  difficult  as 
those  in  Sullivan ;  we  rested  on  Sunday.  Our  landlady  was  sister  to  Barnum,  of 
the  City  Hotel  in  Baltimore,  and  we  were  most  munificently  provided  for  after 
she  learned  that  we  had  the  good  taste  to  stay  at  her  brother's  great  house. 

The  next  day  brought  us,  through  a  comparatively  level  country,  and  through 
a  cold  northwest  wind,  to  Binghainton.  It  was  the  first  time  I  have  met  Collier 
since  certain  events.  I  thought  at  first  that  he  liked  me  not  much ;  but  my 
suspicions  yielded  to  his  earnest  offers  of  kindness. 

We  continued  our  ride  through  Broome  County  to  Owego,  making  forty-two 
miles  for  that  day.  We  left  Owego  next  morning,  just  as  the  generous  Whig 
citizens  of  the  town  had  completed  their  preparations  for  exhibiting  me  as  a 
lion.  They  were  disappointed,  and  I  was  sorry  for  it.  But  a  sick  lady  was  not 
to  be  restored  to  health  by  such  oppressive  kindness.  That  evening  we  arrived 
early  at  Ithaca,  where  we  found  Richard  Varick  De  Witt  and  his  wife,  as  agree 
able  and  interesting  as  when  we  saw  her  moving  in  fashionable  life  in  Albany. 

And  now,  in  the  villages  through  which  they  passed,  and  taverns  at 
which  they  stopped,  people  were  talking  about  marvelous  discoveries 
19 


290  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1835. 

in  the  moon — recently  made  by  Sir  John  Herschel.  The  story  ran  that, 
while  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  having  erected  a  telescope  of  great 
magnifying  power,  he  found  that  the  moon  had  inhabitants  ;  and  that 
he  was  able  to  discern  and  describe  minutely  their  appearance  and  oc 
cupations — nay,  even  to  distinguish  tailless  beavers  walking  on  two 
legs,  amid  beautiful  vales  and  crystal  lakes  ;  majestic  temples,  built  by 
men  with  wings  and  angelic  countenances,  who  spent  their  happy  hours 
in  collecting  fruits,  flying,  bathing,  and  loitering  on  the  summits  of 
precipices  of  amethyst  and  mountains  of  sapphire  ! 

This  was  the  celebrated  "  Moon  Hoax,"  written  by  Locke  with  so 
much  plausibility  and  apparent  scientific  accuracy  that  it  went  the 
rounds  of  the  press,  and  imposed  upon  the  credulity  of  a  large  portion 
of  the  community,  until  finally  denied  and  exposed  by  the  great  astron 
omer  himself. 

When  approaching  home  on  their  return  from  this  journey,  intelli 
gence  reached  them  of  the  illness  of  Mrs.  Paulina  Miller,  the  grand 
mother  of  Mrs.  Seward.  Eighty-three  years  old,  she  had  still  pre 
served  rare  physical  and  intellectual  vigor.  She  had  led  an  eventful 
life.  The  early  years  after  her  marriage  were  spent  at  Bedford,  West- 
chester  County,  in  the  "  Neutral  Ground,"  during  the  Revolutionary 
War.  Her  husband  was  a  captain  in  the  American  army.  Her  mother 
was  a  loyalist.  She  used  to  recall  a  vivid  picture  of  those  "  troublous 
times"  by  her  tales  of  skirmishes  between  the  "Regulars"  and  the 
Americans  and  between  parties  of  the  "  Cow-Boys  "  and  the  "  Skinners," 
of  which  she  was  an  eye-witness.  One  morning  a  troop  of  British 
light-horse  dashed  into  the  little  village,  scattering  its  panic-stricken 
inhabitants,  and  in  a  few  minutes  she  saw  the  houses  of  all  her  neigh 
bors  blazing,  and  finally  burned  to  ashes. 

Early  in  the  present  century  she  had  come  to  the  West  with  her 
son,  after  the  death  of  his  wife,  to  take  charge  of  his  household,  and 
of  the  care  and  education  of  his  two  little  girls,  who  were  almost  too 
young  to  remember  their  own  mother. 

Seward's  letter  to  Weed  said  : 

On  Tuesday  night  we  arrived  at  Mrs.  Worden's  in  Aurora. 

We  came  into  Auburn  the  next  day  (yesterday).  Here  was  a  scene  of  afflic 
tion,  upon  which  I  may  not  dwell.  Mrs.  Miller,  who  has  been  the  only  mother 
Frances  has  ever  known,  is  prostrated  upon  a  sick  and,  as  we  fear,  death  bed. 
We  are  greatly  alarmed ;  and  the  physicians  think  her  recovery  very  doubtful. 
My  poor  wife  is  in  the  most  anxious  state ;  I  fear  her  strength  is  insufficient  for 
the  duties  and  solicitude  so  unexpectedly  cast  upon  her.  But  such  a  sufferer, 
tinder  alarming  illness,  I  have  never  seen  as  is  the  object  of  our  concern.  She 
is  free  from  pain  and  excitement,  is  tranquil,  submissive,  and  confident.  Her 
mind  seemed  never  so  strong,  her  earthly  affections  never  so  ardent,  and  her 
speech  is  eloquence  itself.  "  Henry,"  said  she  to  me  this  morning,  "  this  sick 
ness  has  brought,  in  my  view,  the  two  worlds  very  near  together.  I  feared  you. 


1835-'36.]  "INCENDIARY   PUBLICATIONS"   AND   RIOTS.  291 

would  not  bring  my  daughter  borne  to  me  before  I  died  ;  but  I  felt  assured  that 
we  should  meet  in  a  very  short  time,  in  a  state  where  we  could  never  be  sepa 
rated.  Remember  you  have  my  treasure  in  your  keeping.  Take  care  of  it  while 
Providence  leaves  it  in  your  charge." 

AUBURN,  October  Uh. 

I  have  been  three  days  confined  to  the  house,  in  watching  the  dying  bed  of 
our  deceased  relative,  in  ministering  to  the  comforts  and  wants  of  mourners,  and 
attending  the  funeral.  She  was  buried  to-day  in  the  Episcopal  burying-ground 
by  the  side  of  the  only  one  of  her  children  who  died  before  her. 

Mrs.  Miller  was  a  Baptist.  Fond  of  religious  thought  and  inquiry, 
she  undoubtedly  imparted  to  her  children  and  grandchildren  many  of 
her  own  ideas  on  sacred  subjects  ;  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  which 
was  her  dislike  of  sectarian  disputes  and  prejudices.  Seward,  educated 
in  like  feelings  at  Union  College,  whose  name  implies  its  religious  pur 
pose,  always  found  ready  concurrence  on  the  part  of  the  household  at 
Auburn,  when  he  referred  to  the  broad  Christian  teachings  of  Dr.  Nott. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
1835-1836. 

Abolitionists. — "  Incendiary  Publications "   and   Riots. — The   Auburn  &  Owasco  Canal 
Project. — Harrison   and  Granger. — The   "  Loco-focos." — Webster    and  Clay's  With- 
iwal. — The  Small-Bill  Law. — Town  and  Country  Life. 

THE  j*ear  1835  was  marked  by  an  increase  of  popular  discussion  on 
the  subject  of  slavery,  leading  to  fresh  organization  of  societies  op 
posed  to  that  system,  and  these  in  turn  leading  to  popular  outbreaks, 
mobs,  and  riots,  by  those  who  desired  to  repress  antislavery  opinions. 
The  Charleston  (South  Carolina)  post-office  was  broken  open,  the  mails 
rifled  of  antislavery  publications,  and  meetings  were  held  approving  of 
this  lawless  proceeding.  Petitions  were  circulated  throughout  the 
North,  to  abolish  slavery  and  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  and  those  engaged  in  their  circulation  encountered  a  storm  of  re 
proaches.  In  presenting  these  petitions  to  Congress,  John  Quincy 
Adams  took  a  leading  part. 

It  was  an  illustration  of  the  temper  of  the  times,  that  the  grand- 
jury  of  the  county  of  Oneida,  apparently  without  exciting  any  popu 
lar  indignation,  brought  in  a  presentment  of  "  antislavery  publications  " 
as  "  incendiary,"  and  called  upon  the  people  to  "  destroy  all  such  pub 
lications,  where  and  whenever  they  can  be  found." 

Dr.  Crandall,  a  brother  of  Prudence  Crandall,  of  the  Canterbury 
School,  while  visiting  Washington  to  lecture  on  natural  science,  was 
arrested  and  thrown  into  jail,  as  "  an  antislavery  agitator."  A  meet- 


292  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1835-'36. 

ing  of  the  Boston  Female  Antislavery  Society  was  broken  up  by  a 
mob  ;  Mr.  Garrison  was  seized  and  dragged  through  the  streets  by  the 
rioters,  and  was  only  saved  from  further  violence  by  being  put  into 
jail.  George  Thompson,  the  English  philanthropist,  who  had  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  West  India  emancipation,  having  come  to  this  coun 
try,  as  was  presumed,  to  aid  in  similar  movements  here,  was  mobbed 
in  Plymouth  County,  and  threatened  with  violence  if  he  should  re 
main  in  Boston.  Another  riot  in  Utica  broke  up  the  meeting  of  the 
New  York  Antislavery  Society,  and  they  were  invited  by  Gerrit  Smith 
to  his  home  in  the  little  town  of  Peterboro',  as  the  only  place  where 
they  could  hold  their  discussion  in  safety  and  peace.  Even  in  the 
capital  of  Vermont,  antislavery  meetings,  held  in  the  legislative  halls, 
were  assailed ;  and  in  other  portions  of  the  State  they  were  broken 
up.  In  Pennsylvania  twenty-five  out  of  thirty  meetings  were  inter 
rupted. 

Hitherto  the  antislavery  movement  had  excited  but  little  attention 
or  interest  on  the  part  of  the  mass  of  the  people  ;  its  participators, 
having  no  connection  with  either  of  the  great  political  parties,  were 
regarded  by  some  as  Utopian  philanthropists,  by  others  as  dangerous 
fanatics  ;  and  even  by  those  who  sympathized  in  their  purposes,  as 
likely  to  accomplish  little  in  the  way  of  political  action,  however  much 
they  might  achieve  by  works  of  private  benevolence. 

But  the  occurrences  of  1835  put  a  new  phase  upon  the  question, 
when  the  Government  itself  took  ground  against  the  right  even  to  dis 
cuss  it.  The  Postmaster-General,  in  his  instructions  to  postmasters, 
encouraged  and  approved  the  suppression  of  antislavery  publications  in 
the  mails,  although  he  admitted  there  was  no  law  for  such  action. 
President  Jackson,  in  his  annual  message  to  Congress,  called  attention 
"  to  the  painful  excitement  in  the  South,"  and  suggested  "  the  propri 
ety  of  passing  such  a  law  as  would  prohibit,  under  severe  penalties, 
the  circulation  in  the  Southern  States,  through  the  mails,  of  incendiary 
publications,  intended  to  instigate  the  slaves  to  insurrection."  So  be 
gan  the  epoch  of  popular  and  congressional  debate,  lasting  in  its  vari 
ous  phases,  and  with  alternations  of  various  fortune,  for  thirty  years. 

The  Democratic  party  as  a  whole,  whatever  might  be  the  individual 
opinions  of  its  members,  was  committed  to  the  side  of  the  slaveholders, 
by  the  action  of  its  leaders,  and  their  continued  desire  to  secure  the 
support  of  the  South.  The  Whigs,  being  also  desirous  of  a  Southern 
following,  were  chary  of  accepting  the  issue  thus  tendered  them  by 
their  opponents,  or  of  committing  their  party  to  any  positive  support 
of  the  antislavery  movement.  Nevertheless,  they  were  charged  by  the 
other  side  with  sympathy  in  it ;  and  the  charge  was  measurably  true, 
as  they  were  engaged  in  an  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Administra 
tion  ;  and  the  drift  of  public  events  was  compelling  each  party  in  that 


1836-'36.]  AUBURN   &   OWASCO   CANAL.  293 

contest  to  assume  more  advanced  ground,  for  and  against  the  mainte 
nance  and  spread  of  slavery. 

Seward,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Weed,  said  : 

The  clamor  against  abolitionists  will  (as  such  violent  efforts  always  do)  pro 
duce  reaction.  It  may  probably  be  followed  up  by  similar  meetings,  in  the  large 
towns  and  villages.  The  very  fact  that  no  honorable,  or  high-minded,  or  repu 
table  man,  in  the  North,  even  in  the  very  excitement  of  mass  meetings,  will  lend 
his  sanction  to  the  monstrous  claims  of  the  South,  for  legislation  against  aboli 
tionists,  and  the  still  more  monstrous  conduct  of  the  Post-Office  Department, 
prove  that,  if  the  South  persist,  the  issue  will  be  changed,  fearfully  changed  for 
them. 

The  abolition  question  can  in  no  other  way  injure  Van  Buren,  than  in  driv 
ing  the  South  to  the  support  of  an  exclusively  Southern  candidate,  who  acknowl 
edges  the  "  divine  right "  to  hold  the  negro  race  in  slavery,  and  regards  slavery 
as  "  a  blessing."  I  think  those  err,  who  suppose  that  the  efforts  at  the  North 
to  extirpate  abolitionism  will  tranquilize  the  South.  No  such  thing ;  they  will 
only  add  fuel  to  the  excitement  at  the  South ;  and  the  period  before  the  election 
is  so  short,  that  there  will  be  no  time  for  reaction.  What  is  more  probable  is, 
that  whatever  is  done  in  the  North  by  abolition  and  antiabolition  men,  will  be 
insufficient  to  break  the  spell  of  Jacksonism  at  the  South.  And,  in  sober  hon 
esty,  I  dare  not,  cannot  wish  that  Jacksonism  should  be  thus  uprooted  from  its 
hold,  because  the  result  will  be  a  permanent  geographical  line  between  the  par 
ties.  I  trust  in  God  that  the  Van  Buren  men  in  the  North  will  not  attempt  to 
enact  "  potent  legal  restraints  "  (against  antislavery  publications)  ;  but,  if  they 
do,  their  name  will  from  that  moment  be  "  Ichabod."  Those  laws  bring  a  ques 
tion  of  awful  import  home  to  every  man's  understanding  and  heart,  and  no 
party  in  the  North  can  sustain  itself  after  enacting  such  measures.  It  is  dan 
gerous  so  far  to  encourage  the  abominable  demands  of  the  South. 

In  this  year  an  enterprise  which  had  long  been  a  subject  of  discus 
sion,  at  Auburn,  ripened  into  execution.  This  was  a  project  for  a  canal. 
Many  years  before,  while  the  work  on  the  Erie  Canal  was  in  progress, 
the  people  of  Auburn  had  made  unavailing  efforts  to  have  that  great 
channel  of  commerce  pass  through  the  village.  But  the  engineers, 
doubtless  wisely,  decided  it  to  be  more  feasible  to  carry  the  line  across 
the  easy  level  of  the  Montezuma  marshes  than  to  try  to  bring  it 
through  Auburn,  a  town  standing  upon  hills,  and  surrounded  by  them. 
When  the  Erie  Canal  was  completed,  and  opened  in  1825,  Auburn  par 
ticipated  in  the  celebration,  and  sent  its  delegation  of  citizens  to  greet 
Governor  Clinton,  with  salutes,  bonfires,  and  fireworks,  as  he  passed 
through  Weedsport  with  his  suite,  on  board  of  the  first  packet-boat, 
the  Seneca.  After  the  Erie  Canal  had  proved  a  success,  and  while 
railways  were,  as  yet,  an  untried  experiment,  the  people  of  Auburn  had 
come  to  believe  that  a  canal  was  essential  to  their  commercial  advance 
ment  and  prosperity.  Although  debarred  from  the  advantages  of  the 
main  line,  it  was  still  believed  that  Auburn  could  easily  share  in  them 


294  LIFE  ANI)   LETTERS.  [1835-'36. 

by  constructing  a  lateral  canal,  to  connect  with  it.  This  project,  during 
the  succeeding  years,  took  various  forms  ;  and  was  the  subject  of  va 
rious  meetings,  surveys,  and  legislative  applications,  by  the  citizens 
of  the  village.  In  all  these  movements,  Seward  had  taken  the  more 
or  less  prominent  part  assigned  to  him. 

Finally,  in  June,  1835,  a  company  was  organized  and  incorporated 
with  a  capital  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  a  board  of  directors 
chosen,  comprising  John  M.  Sherwood,  Elijah  Miller,  Henry  Polhemus, 
Amos  Underwood,  William  H.  Seward,  George  H.  Wood,  Nelson  Beards- 
ley,  N.  B.  Carhart,  and  Henry  Yates.  The  plan  now  adopted  was  to 
erect  a  dam,  thirty-eight  feet  high,  which  would  raise  the  Owasco  out 
let  to  the  level  of  the  lake  ;  thus,  in  effect,  extending  the  surface  of  the 
lake  a  distance  of  two  and  a  half  miles  to  the  town,  and  securing  a 
channel  deep  enough  for  steam  navigation,  throughout  its  entire  length. 
Then  the  plan  contemplated  a  navigable  canal,  from  this  dam  to  a  basin 
and  reservoir,  some  distance  below,  where  the  water  would  be  dis 
charged  into  the  river,  as  required  for  hydraulic  power,  over  wheels 
thirty  feet  in  diameter,  thus  largely  enhancing  the  manufacturing  facil 
ities  of  Auburn,  while  its  commercial  communication  would  be  opened 
by  building  a  railway  from  this  basin  to  the  Erie  Canal.  It  was  also 
deemed  probable  that  the  lake  and  canal  navigation  could  be  still 
further  extended  by  connecting  the  inlet  of  the  lake  with  the  Susque- 
hanna  River.  It  was  believed  that  mills  and  manufactories  would  at 
once  spring  up  in  the  town,  and  that  vessels  would  bring  lumber,  grain, 
wool,  etc.,  down  the  lake  and  canal,  while,  among  the  incidental  advan 
tages,  would  be  an  ample  supply  of  water  for  household  use  and  for  the 
prevention  of  fires. 

On  the  14th  of  October,  the  corner-stone  of  the  "  Auburn  & 
Owasco  Canal,"  or  rather  of  the  great  dam  which  was  to  create  it,  was 
laid  with  imposing  ceremony.  The  inhabitants  of  the  adjoining  towns 
came,  in  large  numbers,  to  join  in  the  celebration.  There  was  a  pro 
cession  of  military  and  civic  bodies,  followed  by  cars  on  which  the 
various  mechanics  and  manufacturers  were  exercising  their  vocations  ; 
the  stone-cutters  dressing  the  blocks  of  stone  to  be  used  in  the  dam, 
and  the  printers  striking  off  and  distributing  among  the  crowd  an  ode 
celebrating  the  praises  of  the  enterprise,  and  of  "  the  fairest  city  of  the 
West."  There  were  prayers  and  benediction  by  the  clergy,  salutes  by 
the  artillery,  an  address  by  Seward,  a  dinner  at  the  American  Hotel, 
presided  over  by  Elijah  Miller,  John  Porter,  U.  F.  Doubleday,  and  Colo 
nel  John  Richardson.  There  were  toasts  and  speeches,  enthusiastic  and 
patriotic,  and  there  was  a  ball  at  the  Western  Exchange  to  close  the 
day's  festivities. 

Seward's  address  described  the  plan  of  the  work,  the  growth  and 
resources  of  Auburn,  the  commercial  and  agricultural  condition,  and 


1835-'36.J  RAILWAY   TO  SYRACUSE.  295 

probable  future  of  trade,  in  the  region  of  which  it  formed  a  part.  It 
awarded  due  credit  to  the  promoters  of  the  enterprise,  and  shared  in 
the  anticipations  of  the  benefits  to  result  from  it.  It  enunciated  with 
boldness  the  views  in  regard  to  internal  improvements  which  had  gov 
erned  his  legislative  action,  remarking  : 

If  all  the  internal  improvements  required  to  cross  this  State  were  to  be 
made  at  once,  the  debt  which  would  be  created  would  not  impair  the  public 
credit  or  retard  the  public  prosperity  a  single  year.  The  expenses  of  a  single 
year  of  war  would  exceed  the  whole  sum  of  such  cost. 

These  doctrines  seemed  at  the  time  rather  ultra,  even  to  his  own 
political  friends.  But  the  experience  of  the  relative  cost  of  improve 
ments  and  of  war,  which  the  State  had,  during  the  next  thirty  years, 
proved  his  calculations  not  very  far  wrong. 

According  to  his  habit  of  looking  forward  toward  the  national  fu 
ture,  he  added  : 

Wealth  and  prosperity  have  always  served  as  the  guides  which  introduced 
vice,  luxury  and  corruption,  into  republics.  And  luxury,  vice,  and  corruption, 
have  subverted  every  republic  which  has  preceded  us,  that  had  force  enough, 
in  its  uncorrupted  state,  to  resist  foreign  invasion. 

This  was  a  warning  against  a  danger  which,  to  his  rural  audience, 
must  have  seemed  by  no  means  imminent.  Events  in  subsequent  his 
tory,  however,  showed  it  to  be  a  real  one. 

Adverting  to  the  principle  already  announced  as  a  cardinal  one  in 
his  political  faith,  he  remarked  : 

The  perpetuity  of  this  Union  is,  and  ought  to  be,  the  object  of  the  most 
persevering  and  watchful  solicitude  on  the  part  of  every  American  citizen. 

And  when  called  upon  for  his  toast  at  the  dinner,  he  gave  :  "  The 
Union  of  these  States.  It  must  be  preserved.  Our  prosperity  began, 
and  will  end  with  it." 

The  work  on  the  dam  was  commenced  at  once.  It  was  raised  to  a 
height  of  twenty-five  feet,  or  twice  the  previous  elevation.  Here  it 
paused.  The  further  execution  of  the  canal  project  was  delayed  until 
the  public  mind  had  come  to  learn  the  greater  feasibility  and  cheapness 
of  railways,  and  the  canal  was  abandoned.  Nevertheless,  the  benefits 
expected  from  the  enterprise  have  nearly  all  been  attained,  although 
the  enterprise  itself  failed.  Since  the  construction  of  the  dam,  and  the 
development  of  its  manufactures,  Auburn  has  gained  the  water-works, 
the  railways,  the  trade,  the  population,  and  the  channels  of  commerce, 
it  then  sought. 

Another  projected  improvement,  though  one  regarded  with  much 
difference  of  opinion  in  the  community,  was  a  railroad  to  Syracuse. 


> 


296  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1835-'36. 

One  of  the  primary  motives  for  its  inception  was  to  effect  communica 
tion  between  Auburn  and  the  Erie  Canal,  then  the  great  thoroughfare 
of  trade  and  travel.  That  it  would  ultimately  become  a  part  of  a  long 
line  of  railway  between  the  seaboard  and  the  West  was  hardly  yet 
believed.  It  was  the  third  link  in  that  great  chain  ;  the  Mohawk  & 
Hudson  Railroad  having  been  the  first,  and  the  Utica  &  Schenectady 
Railroad  the  next.  The  Auburn  &  Syracuse  Railroad  was  incorporated 
in  1834,  and  subscription-books  were  opened  for  the  stock.  But  the 
engineering  difficulties  on  the  route  (confessedly  great),  and  the  doubt 
as  to  the  possibility  of  its  ever  doing  a  paying  business,  occasioned  the 
enterprise  to  drag.  Work  was  begun  on  the  line  in  the  summer  of 
1835.  Projects  for  railroads  from  Auburn  to  Rochester,  and  from  Au 
burn  to  Ithaca,  now  began  to  be  canvassed.  All  these  efforts  in  the 
direction  of  internal  improvement,  of  course,  had  Seward's  earnest 
support. 

November  found  the  political  situation  not  materially  changed,  the 
Democratic  party  retaining  its  supremacy,  and  the  Whigs  in  almost  a 
hopeless  minority.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  in  the  field  as  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency  at  the  election  of  the  ensuing  year,  having  received  the 
unanimous  nomination  of  the  National  Democratic  Convention  in  May, 
with  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-President.  The  prob 
able  success  of  that  ticket  was  so  generally  acknowledged,  that  the 
fall  election  of  1835  aroused  little  contest,  except  in  a  few  localities. 
The  Democrats  carried  seven  of  the  eight  Senate  districts  in  the  State, 
and  a  large  majority  of  the  Assembly. 

In  December  the  country  was  startled  with  the  news  of  a  great  and 
destructive  fire  in  New  York,  still  memorable  in  its  annals,  which  de 
stroyed  what  was  then  the  chief  business  portion  of  the  city,  com 
prised  between  Wall  and  Broad  Streets  and  the  East  River.  Though 
less  in  actual  extent  than  the  conflagrations  of  later  years  in  Chicago 
and  Boston,  yet  its  effect,  both  upon  the  city  and  upon  the  general 
business  of  the  country,  was  relatively  as  disastrous  and  wide-spread. 

During  the  winter  Seward  continued  steadily  at  work  at  profes 
sional  duties.  He  found  time,  however,  to  give  his  aid,  when  called 
upon,  to  movements  for  local  or  public  benefit.  The  Auburn  Journal 
and  Advertiser  chronicles  his  attendance  and  participation  as  secre 
tary,  chairman,  committee-man,  or  commissioner,  at  the  several  meet 
ings  held  to  establish  a  college  to  be  located  at  Auburn.  The  vener 
able  Bishop  Hedding,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Luckey,  of  Lima,  were 
named  among  the  trustees.  The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  took 
an  especial  interest  in  the  enterprise,  for,  at  that  time,  as  they  stated, 
they  were  not  represented  by  a  professor  in  any  one  of  the  colleges  of 
the  State.  It  was  not  to  be  a  sectarian  institution,  however.  The 
Rev.  William  Lucas,  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  ex-Governor  Throop, 


1835-'36.]  HARRISON  AND   GRANGER.  297 

and  leading  members  of  other  denominations,  were  also  to  be  trus 
tees. 

The  citizens  of  the  town  opened  subscriptions  to  its  fund.  The 
commercial  revulsion,  which  came  a  year  or  two  later,  checked  and 
finally  defeated  the  enterprise. 

The  same  journal  also  records  the  proceedings  of  village  meetings, 
to  extend  the  boundaries  and  amend  the  charter  of  Auburn,  in  view  of 
the  increase  of  its  population.  From  this  record  it  appears  "  that 
General  William  H.  Seward  had  drawn  up  a  charter,  at  the  request  of 
the  trustees,  which  was  then  read  by  him  and  unanimously  adopted." 
A  new  act  of  incorporation,  framed  in  accordance  therewith,  and  passed 
by  the  Legislature,  went  into  operation  in  the  spring  of  1836. 

Cases  in  the  Supreme  Court,  which  was  then' held  at  the  capital,  as 
well  as  duties  in  reference  to  the  village  improvements,  now  called 
Seward  to  Albany.  He  wrote  from  there  in  January,  describing  his 
meetings  with  old  friends,  and  alluding  to  "  the  immense  snow-banks 
which  lie  between  Auburn  and  the  capital."  This  snow-fall  was  one 
of  those  memorable  ones  which  "  the  oldest  inhabitant  "  likes  to  recall. 
A  two  days'  storm  of  wet,  heavy  flakes  covered  the  ground  to  the 
depth  of  four  feet  in  the  central  part  of  the  State.  Roofs  were 
crushed  in,  roads  blockaded,  stages  ceased  to  run,  farmers  were  snow 
bound  in  their  houses,  cut  off  from  their  cattle,  and  even  from  fuel  and 
provision.  The  village  hay-scales  at  Auburn  recorded  the  pressure  of 
the  superincumbent  mass  upon  it  to  be  eighteen  hundred-weight. 
The  milkman,  after  three  days'  suspension  of  business,  at  last  made  his 
round  through  the  streets  drawn  by  three  yoke  of  oxen  ;  "  as  to  other 
vehicles,"  remarked  the  Auburn  Journal,  "  they  seem  for  the  time  being 
to  be  annihilated." 

One  of  the  subjects  of  conference  with  political  friends,  during  this 
visit  to  Albany,  was  the  plan  for  the  canvass  of  the  approaching  presi 
dential  election.  There  was  little  hope  of  obtaining  a  majority  of  the 
electoral  votes  ;  but  there  was  a  possibility  that  the  Whigs  might  carry 
States  enough  to  throw  the  election  into  the  House  of  Representatives. 
At  all  events,  it  was  the  part  of  wisdom  to  take  such  steps  as  would 
keep  up  the  Whig  organization,  and  would  secure  the  largest  number 
of  local  triumphs.  So,  instead  of  uniting  in  a  national  convention,  the 
Whigs  of  different  States  made  such  nominations  as  they  deemed  strong 
est.  Daniel  Webster  had  already  been  nominated  in  Massachusetts, 
Judge  McLean  in  Ohio  ;  Hugh  L.  White  was  nominated  as  an  inde 
pendent  candidate  in  Tennessee,  Georgia,  and  Alabama  ;  and  General 
Harrison  was  put  in  nomination  by  Whig  Conventions  in  Indiana  and 
Ohio.  Born  in  Virginia,  the  birthplace  of  so  many  Presidents,  the  son 
of  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  a  youthful  aide-de 
camp  of  Wayne,  and  holding  his  first  commission  from  President  Wash- 


298  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1835-'36. 

ington,  Harrison  was  a  soldier  who,  like  Jackson,  had  achieved  vic 
tories  in  the  War  of  1812.  He  had  served  as  Secretary  of  the  North 
west  Territory,  then  as  Governor,  and  afterward  was  elected  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  Cincinnati,  then  to  the  Senate,  where 
he  took  General  Jackson's  place  as  chairman  of  the  Military  Commit 
tee.  He  was  a  supporter  of  the  Administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
and  was  by  him  accredited  as  minister  to  Colombia,  to  enter  upon  diplo 
matic  relations  with  President  Bolivar,  the  "  Liberator  of  Spanish 
America."  To  add  to  this  unimpeachable  record,  he  had  lived  of  late 
years  in  retirement,  and  so  had  escaped  identification  with  any  of  the 
conflicting  factions  at  Washington. 

In  December  he  was  nominated  at  Harrisburg,  with  Francis  Gran 
ger  as  candidate  for  Vice-President,  by  the  Pennsylvania  Whigs,  and 
these  nominations  were  unanimously  indorsed  by  the  Whig  State  Con 
vention  at  Albany  in  February. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  in  these  States  did  not  hesitate  to  give 
Harrison  their  support,  as  their  own  favorite  this  year  did  not  seek  a 
nomination  in  a  contest  offering  so  little  hope  of  success. 

Meanwhile,  there  came  news  each  week  from  Washington  of  stormy 
discussions  in  Congress,  which,  though  they  showed  the  strength,  hard 
ly  seemed  auspicious  for  the  continued  harmony  of  the  Administration 
party.  Long  and  high  debates  ensued  between  Whigs  and  Demo 
crats,  and  between  Democrats  themselves.  There  was  a  debate  upon 
the  President's  recommendation  of  a  law  to  prohibit  the  sending  of 
"  incendiary  publications  "  by  mail,  and  Calhoun's  report  of  a  bill  to 
exclude  everything  from  the  mails  which  any  Southern  State  might 
deem  "  incendiary."  There  was  a  debate  over  the  Southern  demand  of 
"  penal  laws "  in  Northern  States  against  "  agitators,"  and  over  the 
natural  hesitation  of  Northern  States  to  enact  such  laws. 

There  was  a  debate  over  the  right  of  petition,  and  especially  the 
right  to  petition  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia; 
a  debate  over  the  admission  of  Michigan  as  a  free  State,  balanced  by 
Arkansas  as  a  slaveholding  one ;  a  debate  over  the  extension  of  the 
Missouri  boundary,  giving  up  an  Indian  reservation  to  the  slaveholders. 
There  was  a  debate  over  the  hostilities  now  opened  with  the  Seminoles 
in  Florida,  in  regard  to  their  lands,  the  fugitives  whom  they  harbored, 
and  the  United  States  troops  whom  they  massacred ;  and  a  debate  over 
recognizing  the  independence  of  Texas,  now  in  successful  revolt  against 
Mexico.  There  were  debates  over  questions  of  the  distribution  of 
surplus  revenues,  and  the  regulation  of  public  deposits  ;  over  the 
question  of  our  claims  against  France  for  money,  and  the  claim  of 
France  against  us  for  an  apology  ;  debates  over  the  question  of  con 
firming  Taney's  nomination  for  Chief -Justice  Marshall's  place  ;  debates 
over  the  past  issue  of  the  National  Bank,  and  the  present  one  of  Ben- 


1836-'36.]  THE   "SMALL-BILL  LAW."  299 

ton's  resolution  to  "  expunge "  from  the  record  the  censure  of  the 
President  for  his  action  in  regard  to  it. 

Nor  were  the  advices  from  Albany  and  New  York  without  some 
interest.  Governor  Marcy  had  warned  the  Legislature  in  his  messages 
against  the  increase  of  banks  and  banking  capital  as  aiding  an  "  un 
regulated  spirit  of  speculation." 

Yet  banks  and  banking  capital  continued  to  increase  under  legis 
lative  sanction,  until  their  expansion  led  to  the  formation  of  a  new 
faction  in  the  Democratic  party,  prepared  to  dispute  its  control,  and 
avowedly  opposed  not  only  to  all  banks,  but  to  all  paper  currency. 
This  faction  called  themselves  "  Equal-Rights  Men,"  but  had  gained  the 
sobriquet  of  "  Loco-focos,"  from  a  tumultuous  meeting  at  Tammany 
Hall.  On  that  occasion  the  regular  Democrats  finding  themselves  out 
numbered,  endeavored  to  break  up  the  meeting  by  putting  out  the 
lights,  but  were  defeated  by  the  prudent  forethought  of  the  "  Equal- 
Rights  Men,"  who  had  provided  themselves  with  "loco-foco"  matches 
to  light  them  again,  and  so  continued  the  proceedings.  The  name  of 
"  Loco-foco  "  was,  however,  soon  used  indiscriminately  by  the  Whigs, 
who  applied  it  to  all  factions  and  all  members  of  the  Democratic  party. 

Letters  to  Mr.  Weed  alluded  to  the  political  outlook  : 

AUBURN,  February  Vlth. 

I  am  daily  told,  but  listen  with  incredulous  ears,  that  the  bank  will  save 
Pennsylvania.  In  truth,  I  think  the  bank  will  lose  to  us  Pennsylvania.  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  bank  has  now  such  wonder-working  charm  as  to  convert  its 
worst  enemies.  But  there  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  Pennsylvania  would,  in 
any  event,  "  bank  or  no  bank,"  go  for  Van  Buren. 

February  Nth. 

I  am  less  sanguine  than  you  of  the  result  of  Webster's  withdrawal  in  favor 
of  Harrison.  In  short,  I  am  altogether  incredulous.  The  downward  tendency 
of  things  has  not,  in  my  judgment,  been  arrested,  nor  will  it  be.  But  why  dwell 
on  the  gloomy  side  ?  Heaven  knows,  not  to  induce  a  moment's  relaxation  of 
effort. 

Tell  me  about  Granger ;  how  he  looked,  what  he  said,  and  what  he  thought. 
I  am  curious  to  know  whether  he  is  shaken  from  his  coolness  by  the  animating 
reports  which  he,  like  all  other  candidates,  is  sure  to  hear  at  Washington.  I  do, 
every  day  and  every  hour,  see  evidence  that  General  Harrison  is  capable  of  be 
ing  made,  under  any  other  circumstances  than  the  present,  an  invincible  candi 
date.  But  the  time  has  not  come ;  the  great  issue  is  pressed  upon  us  before 
men  are  ripe. 

One  of  the  results  of  the  "  hard-money  "  theories  now  prevailing, 
was  an  act  passed  by  the  New  York  Legislature  in  1835,  called  the 
"Small-bill  Law."  This  prohibited  the  circulation  of  bank-notes 
under  five  dollars.  It  originated,  possibly,  in  the  desire  to  imitate  the 
English  practice  of  having  bank-notes  only  for  one  pound  sterling  and 


300  LIFE   AND   BETTERS.  [1835-'36. 

upward,  and  in  the  belief  that  such  a  restriction  would  lead  to  the 
employment  of  specie  in  the  minor  business  transactions  of  every-day 
life.  While  it  lasted  it  gave  rise  to  numerous  petty  inconveniences, 
one  of  which  is  alluded  to  in  a  letter  of  May,  1836  : 

I  thought  traveling  by  boat  from  Utica  would  be  more  comfortable,  and  so 
went  on  board  the  packet  at  six.  It  was  a  beautiful  day,  and  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk  smiled  beneath  the  bright  sun.  The  passengers  were  all  strangers  to 
me,  but  of  course  all  Whigs,  and  I  was,  unfortunately,  there,  as  I  yet  am 
doomed  a  little  longer  to  be,  a  hero,  for  the  lack  of  another  or  better.  There 
was  but  one  trouble :  seven  passengers  insisted  upon  paying  their  fare  in  Michi 
gan  three-dollar  bills,  the  circulation  of  which  is  prohibited  in  this  State  ;  they 
quarreled  with  the  captain's  agent,  who  suspected  them  of  a  design  to  pay  him 
in  depreciated  paper.  I  finally  quieted  the  excitement  by  taking  their  uncurrent 
money  and  giving  them  Auburn  five-dollar  bills  in  exchange,  stipulating,  how 
ever,  that  there  should  be  no  more  words  on  the  subject. 

NEW  YOEK,  May  20, 1836. 

Here  I  am  at  the  City  Hotel,  in  No.  46,  which  is  small  enough,  and  dark 
enough,  and  cold  enough,  to  make  me  wish  myself  at  home  again.  I  fell  into 
the  city  hurry  as  soon  as  I  landed,  and  pressed  forward  to  accomplish  what  I 
had  to  do  in  order  to  return  last  evening.  There  is,  or  ought  to  be,  one  man  in 
the  city  whom  I  must  see  on  a  matter  of  business,  and  it  seems  to  me  I  have 
seen  everybody  else.  I  met  Auburn  people,  and  people  from  everywhere. 
Some  are  talking  of  coming  here  to  reside ;  I  marvel  at  such  a  desire.  The 
population  of  so  great  a  town  is  altogether  too  excitable;  the  feelings  and 
customs  which  prevail  are  too  factitious  for  my  taste.  The  great  topic  of  the 
town  yesterday  was  the  riot  of  the  preceding  night  at  the  theatre,  got  up  to 
settle  the  dispute  about  the  conduct  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wood.  Jn  the  print-shops 
on  Broadway  there  is  exhibited  at  every  corner  an  engraving  of  Ellen  Jewett. 
Another  caterer  for  the  vitiated  taste  of  the  metropolis  has  a  likeness  of  Frank 
Kivers,  "  the  supposed  murderer  of  Ellen  Jewett ;  "  and  a  third,  not  to  be  out 
done,  has  brought  out  a  picture  called  "  the  real  Ellen  Jewett."  It  would  be 
endless  to  detail  all  such  incidents  and  observations. 

NEW  YOEK,  June  \st. 

My  law-business  drags,  and  is  protracted  by  circumstances  and  surroundings. 
I  sit  down  and  commence  my  labor  by  drawing  up  papers  at  nine  every  morn 
ing.  Calls,  messages,  errands,  letters,  interrupt  me  every  hour ;  and,  at  last  with 
little  accomplished,  the  dinner-hour  comes  at  half -past  three.  It  is  entirely  the 
same,  whether  I  dine  out  or  dine  at  home.  It  is  the  business  of  the  rest  of  the  day. 
I  must  invite  some  to  dine  with  me ;  others  invite  themselves ;  and  the  dinner 
and  its  engagements  close  at  midnight.  Everybody  is  here,  and  everybody  is 
hospitable  and  kind ;  and  everybody  will  not  let  me  be  a  churl. 


1836.]  GOING  TO  CHAUTAUQUA.  301 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
1836. 

The  Holland  Land  Company.—  Trouble  with  Settlers.—  A  Fortified  Land-Office.—  Se  ward 
as  Pacificator.  —  Life  at  Westfield.  —  A  Night  Attack.  —  Geology  and  Science.  —  Exploring 
Chautauqua  County. 

GARY,  Lay,  and  Schermerhorn,  were  in  trouble  with  the  settlers  on 
their  huge  purchase  from  the  Holland  Land  Company,  and  needed 
some  man  who,  with  legal  skill,  should  combine  tact,  address,  resolu 
tion,  suavity,  and  courage,  to  go  out  among  the  settlers,  and  endeavor 
to  allay  the  storm,  which  had  already  culminated  in  the  destruction  of 
the  Chautauqua  land-office,  refusal  to  pay  for  lands,  and  open  defi 
ance  of  the  new  owners.  Weed  was  of  opinion  that  Gary's  senatorial 
colleague  was  the  very  man  they  wanted,  who  would  save  their  prop 
erty  from  destruction.  Then  turning  to  Seward  himself,  he  urged  him 
to  accept  the  difficult  and  responsible  post  as  one  in  which  success 
would  lead  to  competence,  and  perhaps  even  to  wealth. 

Gary,  Lay,  and  Schermerhorn,  fell  in  with  these  views  at  once,  in 
vited  Seward  to  go  with  them  to  their  domain,  and  become  their  agent 
or  partner.  Before  leaving  New  York  he  had  nearly  made  up  his 
mind  to  accept  their  offers.  On  his  way  home  to  Auburn  he  paused  at 
Utica,  where  the  Whig  State  Convention  had  just  nominated  a  Har 
rison  electoral  ticket,  and  made  Judge  Buel  the  Whig  candidate  for 

Governor. 

AUBURN,  June  14,  1836. 

Gary  and  I  stopped  at  Utica  overnight  ;  and  just  in  time,  the  convention 
having  agreed  informally  upon  our  nominations.  I  saw  more  or  less  of  the 
delegates,  and  satisfied  some  who  thought  that  my  feelings  might  have  been 
wounded.  Works,  Rochester,  and  others,  made  a  point  of  my  remaining  and 
taking  a  seat  in  the  convention,  on  invitation  and  making  a  speech.  I  declined, 
for  the  true  reason,  that  I  did  not  want  to  appear  disposed  to  trade  upon  my 
nomination  beyond  the  period  and  purpose  for  which  it  was  made  ;  but  I  author 
ized  all  of  them  to  say  for  me  anything  that  they  might  think  it  important  or 
desirable  that  I  should  say. 

I  have,  "for  better  for  worse,"  declared  to  Rathbone  and  the  others  that  I 
am  ready  to  undertake  the  business. 

John  Porter,  of  Auburn,  now  came  into  the  partnership  to  take 
charge  of  the  counsel  business  during  Seward's  absence  in  Chautauqua, 
and  the  sign  of  "  Seward,  Porter  &  Beardsley,"  remained  on  the  door  of 
No.  1,  Exchange  Block,  for  some  years  thereafter. 

On  his  way  to  meet  the  owners  for  consultation,  he  wrote  : 


KOCHESTER,  June 

I  had  no  conception  of  the  wretched  condition  of  the  roads  when  I  left  home. 
We  left  the  stage-office  at  half  -past  ten  at  night  ;  traveled  diligently  all  night, 


302  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

and  reached  Geneva  at  half -past  five  yesterday  morning.  We  narrowly  escaped 
upsetting  several  times.  At  Geneva  we  determined  to  leave  the  main  road.  We 
took  a  stage. from  that  place  after  breakfast,  and  came  to  Newark,  where  we 
took  the  canal,  and  arrived  here  at  eleven  o'clock  last  night,  having  spent  twenty- 
four  hours  in  traveling  sixty  miles.  We  found  Schermerhorn  and  Whittlesey 
waiting  for  us,  as  well  as  John  Birdsall,  P.  0.  Fuller,  and  Henry  Webb,  of  Al 
bany.  Birdsall  seems  to  be  much  gratified  with  the  prospect  of  having  me  for 
a  neighbor.  He  has.  given  me  an  account,  an  intelligent  and  candid  one,  of 
course,  of  the  condition  of  things  in  Chautauqua. 

He  says  that,  if  a  liberal  and  just  course  is  adopted  toward  the  settlers,  the 
difficulties  can  all  be  removed ;  and  he  confirms  my  previous  belief  that  the 
further  continuance  of  the  exactions  hitherto  attempted  will  defeat  altogether 
the  purposes  of  the  proprietors.  I  am  fully  determined  to  have  nothing  to  do 
in  the  matter,  unless  I  have  full  authority  and  discretion,  and  am  freed  from  all 
obligation  to  practise  any  extortion  upon  the  settlers. 

BATAVIA,  Tuesday  Evening. 

I  am  arrived  at  last  at  this  place,  so  distinguished  in  the  records  of  the  dis 
orders  and  commotions  of  the  country,  and  am  under  the  hospitable  roof  of  our 
old  friends  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gary. 

Wednesday,  29^. 

Mr.  Gary,  Mr.  Schermerhorn,  Mr.  Rathbone,  and  myself,  have  spent  an  en 
tire  day  in  examining  the  concerns  of  the  Ohautauqua  purchase.  The  result  has 
been,  as  often  happens  when  great  expectations  are  indulged,  that  nothing 
definitive  is  concluded.  The  contracts  prepared  for  us,  and  the  abstracts  of  the 
books,  were  all  made  out  wrong.  There  must  be  new  contracts  and  new  ab 
stracts,  and  these  are  to  be  prepared  by  me,  or  under  my  direction.  I  proceed 
on  the  business  immediately. 

Thursday. 

When  I  saw  the  Telegraph  stage-coach  pass  my  chamber-window,  at  six 
this  morning,  and  reflected  that,  if  I  were  a  passenger,  I  could  be  with  you  in 
our  little  retreat  at  five  this  evening,  I  could  not  but  think  I  was  not  necessarily 
to  be  "a  banished  man  "  from  the  home  of  my  affections. 

I  have  seen  enough  of  the  affairs  which  call  me  here  to  know  that  they  are 
much  more  deranged  than  I  supposed,  or  than  is  understood  by  my  employers. 
The  whole  tract  of  the  Holland  Land  Company's  lands,  comprising  seven  coun 
ties,  is  in  a  state  of  great  excitement.  The  disorganizing  spirit  is  abroad,  and 
men  indulge  fearful  thoughts  and  dangerous  purposes. 

There  is  a  sub-land-office  in  each  county,  and  the  general  land-office  here. 
These  offices  contain  the  records  and  contracts.  A  desperate  party  have  hereto 
fore  dared  to  seek  the  destruction  of  all  the  records  and  contracts,  and,  through 
that  means,  to  relieve  their  lands  from  the  debts  which  encumber  them.  The 
Chautauqua  office  has  long  since  been  burned,  with  all  its  valuable  papers.  The 
agent  is  here,  driven  from  his  post  by  terror.  The  land-office  here  has  been 
fortified.  It  is  full  of  arms,  and  armed  men  keep  guard.  A  block-house  is 
erected  on  each  side  of  it.  Conventions  of  the  people  are  held,  almost  weekly, 
in  the  different  counties,  in  opposition  to  the  company.  This,  however,  is  the 
dark  side.  If  I  read  aright  the  indications  around  me,  the  excitement  is  passing 
off,  and  men  will  return  to  a  more  tranquil  state. 


1836.]  THE  HOLLAND   LAND   COMPANY.  3()3 

Saturday,  July  2d. 

This  beautiful  summer  morning  preludes  another  burning  day.  I  have  aa 
yet  found  no  space  to  speak  of  Batavia  or  its  inhabitants,  although,  as  you  may 
well  enough  imagine,  I  could  not  live  long  in  this  hospitable  family  without 
becoming  acquainted  with  both.  The  situation  of  the  village  is  rather  unpre 
possessing.  It  is  on  a  plain,  and  has  no  variety  of  hill  or  dale.  It  is,  as  you 
know,  upon  the  bank  of  the  Tonawanda  Creek  ;  but  the  creek  here  lends  little 
beauty  to  the  scenery.  The  village  is  small,  although  there  are  some  rich  fami 
lies  and  many  others  ambitious  of  display  and  elegance.  Mr.  Evans  and  his 
family  have  a  fine  house  and  extensive  garden  and  grounds.  They  are,  in  virtue 
of  his  great  wealth  and  his  great  office,  "  General  Agent  of  the  Holland  Land 
Company,"  at  the  head  of  the  society.  He  is  an  unassuming,  intelligent,  and 
worthy  man.  Both  he  and  Mrs.  Evans  grace  their  position  by  native  modesty 
and  the  absence  of  all  affectation. 

The  Holland  Land  Purchase,  in  the  settlement  of  whose  affairs 
Seward  had  now  been  called  to  take  part,  is  almost  coeval  with  Western 
New  York.  The  title  to  the  wild  lands  west  of  the  Genesee  River 
during  and  just  after  the  Revolution  had  been  the  subject,  first  of  a 
controversy,  and  then  of  an  amicable  adjustment  between  the  States  of 
New  York  and  Massachusetts.  Robert  Morris,  the  eminent  financier 
of  Philadelphia,  then  acquired  from  these  States  a  tract  containing 
four  million  acres,  and  after  extinguishing  the  Indian  title,  in  the  year 
1792,  sold  the  greater  part  of  it  to  a  company  of  gentlemen  in  Hol 
land,  since  known  as  the  Holland  Land  Company.  Of  course,  the  de 
sign  of  this  company  was  to  open  the  land  to  actual  settlers,  parceling 
it  out  into  farms,  and  disposing  of  it  by  contracts  of  sale,  at  reason 
able  terms,  on  long  credit.  As  has  not  unfrequently  happened,  the 
execution  of  this  design  became  attended,  in  the  course  of  years,  with 
disputes  between  proprietors  and  settlers,  when  the  latter  had  become 
so  numerous,  and  so  long  and  firmly  established,  as  to  consider  that 
their  occupancy  and  improvements  were  what  had  given  the  land  its 
actual  value  ;  and  that  the  claims  of  the  original  and  distant  proprie 
tors  for  interest,  arrearages,  and  forfeitures,  were  unreasonable  and 
oppressive.  Foreseeing  or  experiencing  some  of  these  difficulties,  the 
Holland  company  was  not  unwilling  to  divide  its  now  gigantic  trust 
with  new  companies  of  purchasers.  Each  of  these  took  a  portion  of 
the  tract,  of  course  at  an  advance  on  the  original  cost,  and  continued 
the  same  system  of  selling  it  to  actual  settlers. 

Seward  now  wrote  to  Judge  Miller,  describing  the  present  state  of 

affairs  : 

BATAVIA,  July  3,  1836. 

As  I  anticipated,  I  have  found  the  condition  of  things  in  regard  to  my  agency 
here  quite  confused.  The  true  state  of  them  is  about  as  follows :  Messrs.  Gary 
and  Lay  made  a  verbal  agreement  with  Mr.  Van  der  Kemp,  at  Philadelphia,  the 
general  agent  of  the  Holland  Land  Company,  for  the  purchase  of  all  the  interest 
and  estate  of  the  company  in  Chautauqua  at  about  a  million  dollars. 


304:  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

The  purchase  of  the  interest  of  the  company  in  the  other  counties  about 
the  same  time  by  other  purchasers  made  a  great  excitement.  All  the  other 
purchasers  first,  and  Gary  and  Lay  after  them,  undertook  to  raise  the  price  by 
demanding  a  per  acre  advance  upon  forfeited  contracts.  This  produced  that 
commotion  which  has  pervaded  the  whole  country,  and  the  outbreakings  of 
which  were  seen  in  the  destruction  of  the  land-office  at  Mayville,  and  the  irrup 
tion  into  this  place  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  land- office  here.  During 
the  year  1835  the  settlers  paid  largely  and  freely  upon  their  lands.  Almost  a 
quarter  of  Gary's  and  Lay's  debt  was  actually  paid  by  the  settlers.  But  the  ex 
citement  put  an  end  to  these  payments ;  and  a  set  of  demagogues  and  agrarians, 
taking  advantage  of  the  excited  state  of  the  public  mind,  have  endeavored  to 
induce  the  settlers  to  go  in  for  an  acquisition  of  their  lands  without  payment 
for  them.  This  was  to  be  accomplished  on  the  ground  that  the  Holland  Land 
Company  had  no  title,  and  the  means  to  be  used  were  to  nullify  the  judgments 
of  the  courts  and  destroy  the  records  of  the  conveyances  and  contracts. 

In  the  mean  time,  Gary  and  Lay  had  not  executed  their  contract  with  the 
Holland  Land  Company,  although  they  have  paid  fifty  thousand  dollars  out  of 
their  private  funds,  which,  together  with  the  payments  derived  from  the  lands, 
exceeds  the  first  payment  on  their  agreement. 

The  indications  are  believed  to  be  that  the  excitement  is  subsiding.  A 
county  convention  has  been  held  in  Chautauqua,  and  has  resolved  that  the  pro 
prietors  be  requested  to  reestablish  their  ofece  there.  It  was  my  intention  to  do 
so  to-morrow,  but  I  find  it  necessary  now  to  have  copies  made  of  the  books 
relating  to  the  Chautauqua  lands  kept  in  this  office,  all  the  books  having  been 
destroyed  with  the  office  in  Chautauqua.  I  have  procured  an  extra  force  to  be 
employed  upon  the  books,  and  we  hope  to  get  them  ready  so  that  I  can  go  next 
week  to  Mayville. 

To  Mrs.  Seward  he  wrote  : 

July  Bd. 

I  am  endeavoring  to  form  habits  from  which  I  promise  myself  more  health 
and  comfort,  and  profitable  study,  than  I  have  heretofore  enjoyed.  For  instance, 
I  rise  at  five.  I  could  not,  heretofore,  have  any  regularity  about  this,  because  I 
had  no  right  to  expect  to  go  seasonably  to  bed,  or  to  sleep ;  but  I  can  here  con 
trol  both  in  a  good  measure.  This  early  rising  gives  me  the  opportunity  to 
write  all  my  letters  before  breakfast,  not  with  dissipated  thoughts  and  exhausted 
feelings,  but  with  the  renovated  powers  of  the  early  morning.  Then  I  bestow 
my  care  upon  my  business  concerns  from  breakfast  till  five  o'clock,  allowing  one 
hour  for  dinner.  Then  when  the  old  symptoms  of  languor  and  stricture  across 
the  forehead  come  on,  I  throw  by  the  accounts  and  other  labor,  and  I  find  re 
sources  in  Mr.  Gary's  excellent  library  for  enjoyment  for  the  residue  of  the 
day.  I  break  in  anywhere  upon  the  order  of  things  to  ride  or  to  walk  with 
Mr.  Gary,  or  talk  with  Mrs.  Gary,  or  visit  with  them ;  because  in  this  way  I 
make  myself  less  troublesome  to  them,  and  obtain  some  of  that  exercise  of 
which  I  have  so  much  need.  I  suppose  you  and  the  little  boys  are  yet  sound 
asleep,  but  perhaps  dreaming  that  somebody  is  talking  unintelligibly  about  let 
ters,  habits,  Chautauqua,  and  Batavia,  etc.,  etc. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  July  his  letter  began  with  this  re 
flection  : 


1836.]  CHILDREN  AND   "THE  FOURTH."  305 

This  petty  cannonading  by  the  boys,  commencing  a  little  in  anticipation  of 
the  end  of  Sunday,  and  disturbing  the  watches  of  the  jubilee  day,  is  it  the  out 
breaking  of  the  spirit  of  freedom  and  patriotism,  which  the  young  republicans 
and  future  sovereigns  have  imbibed  from  our  instructions?  Or  is  it  the  work 
ing  of  their  imitative  faculty,  by  which  they  carry  forward  and  perpetuate  our 
practices  and  habits,  be  they  good  or  bad  ?  Or  is  it  anything  more  than  the 
spirit  of  childhood  making  demonstration  of  boisterous  mirth  on  a  privileged 
occasion,  to  compensate  itself  for  the  irksomeness  of  tasks  and  constraint  ? 

To  his  own  little  boys  he  used  to  write  frequent  letters.  One  from 
here  will  show  their  character  : 

MY  DEAR  BOY  :  I  have  written  a  letter  to  Augustus,  and  I  write  one  now  to 
you.  I  write  it  with  red  ink  so  that  you  may  know  them  apart.  The  people 
where  I  am  staying  are  very  nice  people.  But  there  is  a  boy  here  that  does  one 
very  naughty  thing.  I  saw  yesterday  on  the  mantel-piece  a  saucer  filled  with 
the  shells  of  birds'-eggs.  Now,  it  is  wicked  to  take  away  their  eggs  from  the 
pretty  little  birds.  It  is  different  altogether  from  taking  the  old  hen's  eggs 
away  from  her.  Hens'-eggs  are  good  to  eat,  and  it  is  right  to  take  them.  The 
hen  does  not  know  how  many  eggs  she  has,  and  therefore  does  not  feel  sorry 
when  you  take  them  all  away  but  one,  and  she  is  such  an  ignorant  old  creature 
that  she  would  not  know  it  if  you  should  take  away  her  last  egg,  and  put  a 
paper  one  in  its  place.  But  the  little  birds'  eggs  are  not  good  to  eat ;  they  know 
how  many  eggs  they  have,  and  they  are  very  sorry,  and  mourn  many  days  if  you 
take  them  away.  This  same  naughty  boy  got  up  yesterday  morning,  took  his 
gun,  and  shot  a  very  pretty  little  yellow-bird.  He  brought  it  into  the  house, 
laid  it  on  the  table,  and  it  lay  there  all  the  morning.  At  noon,  he  threw  it 
away.  Now,  do  you  think  the  little  boy  was  any  happier  because  he  had  killed 
that  harmless  little  yellow-bird  ?  Perhaps  the  bird  has  left  little  ones  in  her 
nest,  and  they  must  have  died  too  before  this  time. 

Three  weeks  later  he  proceeded  to  Chautauqua  County,  to  enter 
upon  his  new  duties.  He  wrote  : 

WESTFIELD,  July  24,  1836. 

We  had  a  rainy  morning  to  leave  Buffalo  on  Thursday,  great  confusion  on 
getting  on  board  a  steamboat,  a  crowded  boat,  vessels  racing  up  the  lake,  and, 
with  all  else,  the  disgusting  scene  of  sea-sickness  all  around  us.  But  our  brief 
voyage  had  its  end;  as  I  hope  did  the  sea-sickness  of  those  we  left  on  board. 

We  landed  in  the  rain  at  Dunkirk,  at  two  o'clock  on  Thursday.  Dunkirk 
"is  to  be  "  a  place  of  great  importance,  but  it  is  now  a  miserable  one.  A  half- 
hour's  ride  brought  us  to  Fredonia,  a  very  pretty  village,  on  the  great  road  from 
Detroit  to  Buffalo,  and  a  little  east  of  a  line  drawn  midway  through  the  county. 
As  soon  as  we  arrived,  we  were  visited  by  several  citizens,  who  expressed  a 
deep  interest  in  our  effort  to  tranquilize  the  county.  They,  like  people  every 
where  else,  are  engaged  in  building  a  great  town,  and  were  desirous  to  have  the 
advantage  of  the  location  of  my  office  among  them.  We  spent  the  afternoon 
and  night  there,  took  breakfast  the  next  morning  with  our  old  friend  the  Rev. 
Lucius  Smith  and  his  family,  and  left  Fredonia  with  the  most  favorable  impres- 
»ion  of  the  beauty  of  the  village  and  the  enterprise  and  hospitality  of  the  people, 
20 


306  LIFE  ^V   LETTERS.  [1836. 

and  with  a  strong  bias  toward  locating  our  office  there.  From  Batavia  to  Buffalo 
is  forty  miles;  from  Buffalo  to  Fredonia,  forty-five  miles;  from  Fredonia  to 
Westfield,  fourteen  miles.  We  took  an  extra  stage  to  this  place,  and  passed 
over  the  great  thoroughfare,  within  two  to  four  miles  of  the  lake-shore.  Cer 
tainly  my  eye  never  rested  upon  a  finer  country.  It  is  not  altogether  new,  nor 
yet  so  highly  improved  as  the  region  in  which  we  live.  The  ground  is  almost 
level,  with  a  gentle  slope  toward  the  lake,  which  lay  spread  out  before  us,  per 
fectly  calm,  and  lost  in  the  horizon,  as  it  receded  to  the  north.  We  found  West- 
field  still  more  beautiful  than  Fredonia.  The  place  is  distant  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  Portland  Harbor,  and  the  broad  surface  of  the  water  is  within  our  sight 
from  any  part  of  the  village.  Neither  Westfield  nor  Fredonia  is  as  large  as 
Skaneateles,  but  both  are  improving  and  flourishing  towns.  We  spent  several 
hours  here,  and  during  that  time  drove  down  to  the  harbor,  and  heard  all  that 
was  addressed  to  us  in  favor  of  locating  the  land-office  here.  Except  that  the 
location  was  more  distant,  I  found  it  much  preferable  to  Fredonia. 

At  four  o'clock  on  Friday  we  passed  over  to  Mayville,  the  county  town,  and 
the  locality  of  the  old  office.  It  lies  at  the  head  of  Chautauqua  Lake.  That 
lake  is  seven  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  Lake  Erie,  and  sends  ite  waters 
into  the  Ohio  through  the  Alleghany  River.  The  road  to  Mayville  crosses  the 
ridge,  which  rises  about  four  miles  from  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  and  stretches 
along  the  whole  length  of  the  southern  shore.  Nature  has  few  more  beautiful 
scenes  than  that  which  is  displayed  on  this  road.  The  lake  is  twenty  miles  long, 
and  seems  to  rest  in  the  bosom  of  a  valley,  formed  by  high  hills,  covered  with 
forests  on  all  sides.  The  village  of  Mayville  contains  scarcely  more  than  fifty 
houses.  We  found  a  tavern  and  stores,  a  good  court-house  and  clerk's  office,  and 
the  ruins  of  the  old  land-office  as  they  were  left  by  the  mob.  Birdsall  was  very 
glad  to  see  us,  showed  us  the  rooms  in  the  court-house  he  had  selected  for  my 
office,  and  the  house  in  which  I  was  to  board.  Neither  he  nor  the  other  inhab 
itants  of  Mayville  seem  to  have  suspected  that  the  office  could  be  established 
elsewhere.  My  observation  of  Mayville  resulted  in  the  conviction  that  it  would 
be  a  most  uncomfortable  residence,  that  it  was  an  unprofitable  place  for  the  sale 
of  lands,  that  its  secluded  position  subjected  it  to  the  control  of  turbulent  spirits 
who  lived  in  the  hills  around  it,  and  that,  if  I  meant  to  be  independent  of  the 
dictation  of  those  who  assume  to  direct  the  land  agency  by  popular  votes,  I 
must  avoid  placing  myself  within  their  power. 

After  hearing  all  that  could  be  urged  against  these  views,  I  decided  to  return 
to  Westfield.  It  was  a  sad  blow  to  Mayville,  for  the  land-office  was  the  princi 
pal  source  of  its  importance  and  business.  Birdsall  regarded  it  in  a  proper 
light,  and  behaved,  as  he  always  does,  with  magnanimity.  Some  of  the  other 
citizens  were  gloomy  and  excited.  They  warned  me  of  consequences  which 
they  intended  to  produce.  They  assured  me  that  I  must  be  prepared  for  "agi 
tation."  They  are  to  call  conventions,  and  submit  the  question  to  the  people, 
and  procure  resolutions  to  be  passed  that  they  will  pay  no  money  into  the  office 
until  it  is  established  at  Mayville.  Of  course,  these  threats  only  confirm  my 
conviction  of  the  correctness  of  the  determination  I  had  made ;  nor  did  I  find 
that  conviction  shaken  by  the  menace  that  my  office  should  not  stand  here  two 
months. 

WESTFIELD,  July  29th. 

What  with  the  solicitude  I  have  felt  from  the  indications  around  me  for  th& 


1836.]  PACIFYING   THE  SETTLERS.  307 

result  of  the  bold  undertaking  to  restore  peace  in  this  excited  country,  and  tny 
preparation  for  future  duties,  I  have  suffered  delay  in  writing  to  you. 

I  wrote  you  that  I  had  located  here.  This  greatly  grieved  the  people  of 
Mayville ;  they  became  very  much  excited ;  and,  although  they  had  sustained 
the  laws  and  denounced  the  riots  while  the  office  was  among  them,  they  now 
appealed  to  the  passions  of  the  people,  threatened  every  obstruction  to  our 
business,  and  courted  disorder  and  outrage.  Birdsall's  excellent  good  sense  and 
valuable  influence  have  aided  me  much  in  allaying  this  storm.  I  went  yesterday 
to  Mayville,  and  thence  by  steamboat  on  Chautauqua  Lake  to  Jamestown,  and 
have  seen  most  of  the  respectable  and  influential  men  in  the  county,  besides 
many  of  the  debtors,  and  I  do  not  now  apprehend  difficulties. 

A  brief  period  was  now  spent  at  Auburn  in  closing  up  his  affairs 
preparatory  to  his  protracted  absence.  The  birth  of  a  daughter,  Cor 
nelia,  occurred  in  August  of  this  year. 

A  letter  to  Mr.  Weed,  in  September,  announced  his  return  to  his 

post  : 

WESTFIELD,  September  8, 1836. 

I  have  an  unoccupied  hour  on  a  rainy  morning,  before  the  time  that  the  good 
people  of  Chautauqua  are  accustomed  to  reach  the  office.  You  see,  by  the  date 
and  the  preface,  that  I  am  in  the  scene  of  my  new  vocation. 

I  found  matters  tranquil  and  prosperous  here.  The  abortive  effort  to  agitate 
the  county  has  had  a  favorable  reaction ;  and  I  have  already  had  many  evidences 
that  my  residence  among  the  good  people  is  regarded  with  kindness. 

The  public  feeling  is  scarcely  enlisted  yet  in  the  support  of  our  noble  and 
just  measure,  of  distributing  the  public  revenue.  People  seem,  so  far  as  they 
fall  within  my  observation,  to  be  unconcerned,  as  if  entirely  ignorant  on  the 
subject. 

This  question  of  distribution  of  the  surplus  revenue  was  destined 
to  soon  occupy  public  attention  widely  and  long.  The  national  Treas 
ury  was  overflowing  with  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  public  lands. 
The  Whig  leaders  advocated  the  division  of  this  surplus  money  among 
the  several  States,  and  its  transfer  to  their  coffers,  to  be  used  to  pro 
mote  education  and  works  of  internal  improvement.  On  the  other 
side,  it  was  claimed  by  "  strict  constructionists  "  that  the  Constitution 
gave  no  power  to  make  such  use  of  the  public  funds. 

Remaining  now  in  Chautauqua  County,  except  when  called  to  Au 
burn  by  business  affairs,  or  by  brief  occasional  visits  to  his  family,  he 
entered  zealously  upon  the  work  of  pacification  of  the  settlers  and  the 
adjustment  of  their  accounts.  Just  and  fair  dealing,  tact  and  skill  in 
business,  courtesy  of  manner,  and  generosity  of  spirit,  both  in  regard 
to  public  enterprises  and  individual  cases,  soon  began  to  produce  their 
proper  effect.  The  people,  at  first  hostile,  became  gradually  mollified 
and  quiet,  and  then  by  degrees  appreciative  and  kind.  Payments  be 
gan  to  be  made,  at  first  in  cautious  driblets,  and  afterward  more  large 
ly  and  rapidly  than  the  proprietors  had  ventured  to  anticipate.  The 


308  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

land-office  became  as  popular  as  it  had  before  been  unpopular  ;  and,  in 
stead  of  being  menaced  with  destruction  at  night,  was  thronged  with 
friendly  visitors  by  day. 

His  letters  to  Mrs.  Seward  described  some  of  the  incidents  of  his 
new  life  : 

WESTFIELD,  Saturday  NigM,  September  IWh. 

At  the  close  of  a  very  laborious  week  I  am  still  surrounded  by  garrulous 
people,  who  distract  me  while  I  try  to  write.  I  have  had  experience  enough 
this  week  in  my  new  caUing  to  learn  that,  while  it  lasts,  I  am  to  enjoy  little  of 
that  rest  that  I  might  have  anticipated.  From  seven,  and  often  from  six,  in  the 
morning,  until  eight,  or  nine,  or  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  we  are  constantly 
transacting  business  in  a  crowd ;  and  my  own  cares  of  superintendence  of  our 
financial  concerns,  with  other  labors,  engross  all  my  hours  except  the  few  de 
voted  to  sleep.  Nevertheless,  I  like  it  thus  far  better  than  the  perplexed  life  I 
led  at  home.  Our  business  is  simple  ;  it  involves  no  intricate  study,  and  is  at 
tended  with  none  of  that  consuming  solicitude  that  has  rendered  my  profession 
a  constant  slavery. 

My  health  continues  good ;  and  I  feel  that,  if  I  derive  no  other  advantage 
from  the  change,  I  am  abundantly  repaid.  The  excitement  is  fast  subsiding 
around  me ;  and,  if  you  could  see  me  among  the  people  here,  you  would  almost 
suppose  I  had  always  lived  happily  among  them. 

Among  my  visitors  to-day  was  one  poor  fellow,  who  spent  an  hour  in  de 
ploring  (to  the  infinite  edification  of  a  promiscuous  audience)  the  error  of  mar 
rying  a  widow,  two  children,  and  one  hundred  and  ninety-five  acres  of  land ; 
the  wife  caring,  as  he  says,  all  for  the  children  and  none  for  him,  and  the  chil 
dren  claiming  and  taking  all  the  land. 

WESTFIELD,  September  llth. 

That  was  a  good  old  custom  of  mine  to  write  you  a  page  every  day.  This 
land-office  business  must  be  made  more  accommodating,  and  not  be  allowed  to 
break  it  up.  I  wrote  you  last  night,  weary  with  business  and  visitors.  This 
morning  I  took  one  of  the  clerks,  and  drove  the  nice  little  grays  to  Mayville. 
It  has  been  a  glorious  day,  and  the  atmosphere  of  the  summit,  with  the  delight 
ful  prospects  enjoyed  during  the  ride,  was  inspiriting.  I  dined  with  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Birdsall,  and  made  a  call  at  Judge  Peacock's. 

Monday  NigTit. 

I  mean  to-morrow  to  take  possession  of  my  bachelor's  hall,  and  I  am  very 
anxious  that  Nicholas  and  Harriet  shall  arrive  before  the  equinoctial  storm  sets 
in.  I  believe  I  will  sleep  where  I  am  until  they  move  into  the  house,  and  then 
•will  go  to  Buffalo,  to  procure  the  necessary  comforts  for  my  new  lodgings. 

Nicholas  and  Harriet  Bogart,  here  alluded  to,  were  two  young  col 
ored  persons,  then  newly  married,  who  were  coming  to  Westfield,  the 
one  in  the  capacity  of  coachman,  the  other  as  housekeeper.  Their  long 
and  faithful  service  which  then  commenced,  lasted,  with  occasional 
intervals,  throughout  Seward's  life. 

Who  should  drop  in  upon  me,  to-day,  but  old  Mr.  Sherwood,  of  Auburn,  and 
his  exceedingly  round  son  ?  He  was  sociable  and  friendly,  and  was  glad,  it 


1836.]  CHRISTIAN   LIFE  AND   DUTY.  309 

seemed,  to  find  a  neighbor.  During  his  visit  I  was  annoyed  by  a  squatter,  who 
had  applied  to  me  to  purchase  the  land  he  was  upon.  I  had  offered  it  to  him  for 
nine  dollars  an  acre,  and  he  insisted  upon  having  it  at  three  dollars,  no  trifling 
difference,  lie  was  drunk,  and,  after  abusing  me  roundly  in  the  office,  he  went 
into  the  street,  and  made  a  boisterous  harangue  to  the  multitude  gathered  round 
him,  calling  me  all  manner  of  names.  Mr.  Sherwood  took  up  the  argument  in 
my  behalf,  and  the  "  squatter,"  to  the  infinite  mirth  of  the  by-standers,  took  it 
into  his  head,  from  Sherwood's  corpulence,  that  he  was  Wilhem  Willink,  or 
Gerrit  Van  Beeftingh,  one  of  the  mammoth  proprietors  from  Amsterdam. 
Sherwood  (who  weighs  about  three  hundred)  humored  the  mistake,  and  so 
turned  the  scone  into  one  of  discomfiture  for  the  "  squatter  "  and  great  amuse 
ment  to  the  spectators. 

Wednesday,  September  14,  1886. 

Our  business  here  is  assuming  every  day  a  more  regular  and  more  propitious 
shape,  but  it  exacts  unremitting  attention  and  consuming  labor.  From  morn  till 
night  I  scarcely  step  upon  the  sidewalk.  I  glean  the  newspapers,  and,  after 
writing  to  you,  read  myself  to  sleep  over  a  poor  novel.  My  life  is  without  an 
incident  of  the  dignity  even  of  an  appearance  in  a  justice's  court,  and  as  desti 
tute  of  romance  as  a  merchant's  inventory.  But,  then  (the  Holland  Land  Com 
pany  be  praised),  there  is  no  perplexing  study  protracted  at  night,  through  trou 
bled  dreams  till  morning,  no  harrowing  fear  of  catastrophes,  involving  clients 
and  friends  in  bankruptcy,  and  no  pitiable  stating  of  accounts  by  a  fee  bill. 

I  said  I  was  without  incident,  but  I  erred  ;  I  am  to  have  one.  Parson  Smith 
has  by  letter,  graceful  and  full  of  fancy,  invited  me  to  attend  the  consecration  of 
his  church  at  Fredonia,  on  Saturday  next,  and  dine  at  his  house  with  the  bishop, 
and,  despite  all  the  claims  of  the  land-office  upon  my  time,  I  have  accepted  the 
invitation. 

Besides,  I  have  been  favored  with  visitors.  Asher  Tyler,  who  holds  a  place 
in  Cattaraugus  somewhat  corresponding  to  my  own,  dropped  in  upon  me  yester 
day  afternoon.  Mr.  Patchin,  of  Jamestown,  with  hjs  sister,  came  soon  after, 
and  I  have  devoted  to  them  my  stolen  leisure. 

A  letter  written  one  Sunday  morning,  in  September  of  this  year, 
contained  reflections  on  the  subject  of  Christian  life  and  duties  : 

I  read  with  particular  attention  your  remark  that  you  did  not  mean  to  say 
that  your  conduct  or  feelings  were  always  influenced  by  religion  or  reason  ;  but 
that  both  are  more  frequently  so  than  heretofore.  I  apprehend  that  this  is  the 
experience  of  every  Christian ;  and,  indeed,  it  must  be  so,  unless  the  doctrine  of 
"perfection"  is  true.  How  much  more  frequently  that  influence  is  felt,  and 
how  much  more  powerful  it  is,  are,  after  all,  the  questions  upon  which  depend 
all  our  hopes  of  the  blessings  of  religious  life. 

I  feel  now,  not  perhaps  as  fully  as  I  ought  to  feel,  but  nevertheless  earnestly, 
that  religious  thoughts,  discussions,  and  studies,  are  grateful  to  me,  and  that  a 
gracious  parental  Providence  has  called  me  into  existence,  and  keeps  me  here 
for  the  fulfillment  of  his  own  purposes  indeed,  but,  with  these  purposes,  is  in 
perfect  harmony  my  own  happiness,  now  and  hereafter,  as  well  as  that  of  those 
whose  welfare  is  connected  with  or  derived  from  me. 

I  am  not  without  the  hope,  as  well  as  the  purpose,  that  the  greater  leisure  I 


310  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

enjoy  in  this  new  occupation  will  enable  me  to  cherish,  still  more,  this  growing 
interest  in  these  important  matters,  and,  most  assuredly,  it  is  a  strong  motive 
with  me  that  I  may  enjoy  with  you  that  communion  of  sympathy  in  matters  of 
religion  that  I  do  in  every  other  way. 

Toward  the  close  of  this  month  came  the  crowd  and  confusion  inci 
dent  to  the  annual  militia  parade,  called  the  "  general  training." 

WESTFIELD,  September  20th. 

I  am  to  amuse  you  now  with  the  adventures  of  an  eventful  season.  You 
know  I  went  on  last  Saturday  to  Fredonia,  and  on  Sunday  to  Mayville.  These 
excursions  left  the  young  men  two  days  to  themselves.  On  Sunday  night,  Brad 
ley,  being  alone  with  me,  told  me  of  terrific  intimations  and  menaces  uttered  in 
the  office  on  Saturday ;  and,  among  other  things,  that  a  person  came  from  Kipley 
expressly  to  warn  me  that  to-night  or  to-day  a  mob  was  to  come  to  destroy  the 
office.  I  discovered  that  they  were  both  alarmed,  but  soothed  their  fears,  and 
passed  on.  Yesterday  morning,  James  Jackson,  a  merchant  of  great  respecta 
bility  in  Ripley,  called  me  out  of  bed  at  six  o'clock,  to  warn  me  that  a  mob  was 
to  come  to-night  from  Gerry,  to  destroy  my  office  and  shoot  me.  He  recom 
mended  the  suspension  of  all  business  to-day,  and  that  I  should  take  shelter  in  his 
house  five  miles  distant.  I  grieved  him  by  resolving  to  stay  and  be  killed,  which 
he  said,  truly,  would  be  a  dreadful  thing.  Having  learned  from  him  that  the 
storm  which  he  feared  was  to  come  from  Gerry,  I  procured  yesterday  a  confi 
dential  person  to  reconnoitre  there  last  night.  I  secured  the  attendance  of  the 
sheriff  through  the  day,  and  at  an  early  hour  this  morning  caused  all  the  most 
valuable  papers  and  books  to  be  transferred  from  the  office  to  my  private  room. 
On  opening  the  office  this  morning,  two  men  came,  fraught  with  the  news  of 
the  intended  assault.  The  militia  assembled,  and  not  less  than  a  thousand  peo 
ple,  apparently  to  witness  the  parade.  Business  pressed  us  all  day,  for  the  peo 
ple  availed  themselves  of  the  occasion  to  transact  it.  My  messenger  returned 
from  Gerry,  and  reported 'that  all  was  quiet  and  the  people  all  satisfied.  The 
crowd  have  dispersed,  and  Haight  and  Bradley  have  forgotten  their  fears  in 
a  sound  sleep,  as  I  shall  do  after  having  told  you  the  perils  of  the  day. 

Two  days  later  he  took  possession  of  his  new  home,  a  pleasant 
house  formerly  known  as  the  "  McClurg  Mansion,"  and  surrounded  by 
spacious  grounds  : 

Thursday  Morning,  September  22d. 

It  would  do  your  heart  good  to  see  me  seated  at  my  own  table,  in  "  my  own 
hired  house,"  with  my  own  books  and  papers,  and  my  own  hired  family,  around 
me.  In  truth,  I  became  very  lonely  and  uncomfortable  at  the  tavern.  I  yester 
day  morning  notified  Sarah  Scott  that  I  could  wait  no  longer,  and  forthwith  I 
began  to  move.  My  wardrobe  was  soon  removed  from  the  trunks ;  my  papers 
were  deposited  in  the  hall.  Just  at  this  time  John  Birdsall  called  on  me.  I 
begged  of  Mr.  Gale  a  loaf  of  bread  and  a  bottle  of  Santa  Cruz  rum.  Sarah 
found  the  pork-barrel,  and  pulled  some  green  corn  in  the  garden,  and  in  an 
hour  Birdsall  and  I  sat  down  to  a  good  dinner,  with  none  to  molest  us  or  make 
us  afraid. 

I  know  you  will  be  delighted  with  the  house  when  you  come  to  see  it  in  the 


1836.]  A  THEORY   OF  MATTER.  311 

summer.  It  stands  in  the  centre  of  grounds  of  several  acres,  ornamented  with 
trees  and  shrubbery.  It  has  a  double  piazza  in  front  of  the  centre  or  main 
building,  and  is  two  stories  high.  The  arrangement  of  the  rooms  is  this :  In 
the  centre,  a  hall  about  twenty  feet  wide;  off  this,  in  the  rear,  an  octagon  par 
lor,  which  opens  into  the  shrubbery  of  the  garden.  There  are  five  spacious 
bedrooms  above.  There  are  cellars,  out-houses,  smoke-house,  garden,  orchard, 
etc. ;  everything  well  contrived.  The  flowers  and  the  fruit  hang  around  me  in 
profusion,  and  the  retirement  of  my  dwelling  invites  me  to  it  every  hour  that  I 
have  freedom. 

One  of  the  episodes  in  the  Chautauqua  life  was  a  meeting  with 
some  scientific  gentlemen,  with  whom  he  was  afterward  to  be  brought 
into  official  relations: 

October  Zd. 

Yesterday  afternoon  Dr.  Eights,  whom  I  knew  at  Albany,  called  upon  me, 
with  Prof.  Vanuxem,  of  Philadelphia.  They  are  two  of  a  board  of  geologists 
whom  the  Governor  has  appointed  under  the  law  directing  a  geological  survey 
of  the  State.  They  are  exploring  the  territory  hereabout  on  foot.  I  took  them 
in  my  wagon  to  the  lake-shore.  The  wind  had  been  blowing  a  gale  many  days, 
and  the  majesty  of  the  sea  was  armed  with  terrors.  The  waves  dashed  over  the 
pier  and  rocks  with  great  fury.  Not  a  sail  or  a  boat  was  to  be  seen  on  the  broad 
expanse.  I  have  never  seen  the  lake  at  any  other  time  without  a  number  of 
vessels  in  the  prospect.  We  rode  along  the  shore  to  a  gas-spring,  which  is  very 
curious.  We  found  that  it  has  been  dammed  up  so  as  to  retain  the  gas  and  con 
duct  it  to  the  lighthouse  at  the  harbor.  The  gas  rises  in  bubbles  from  the 
water,  and  by  the  application  of  a  torch  these  bubbles  inflame.  On  taking  the 
cork  from  the  pipe  a  gas  of  offensive  odor  escaped.  We  applied  our  torch,  and 
we  had  instantly  a  blaze,  which  would  have  continued  till  this  time  but  for  our 
again  confining  the  gas. 

The  two  savants  spent  the  evening  with  me,  and  we  discoursed  of  philosophy 
and  science  over  our  fruit  and  champagne.  Prof.  Vanuxem  has  a  curious 
theory.  Philosophers,  you  are  partially  apprised,  have  discovered  that  certain 
substances  or  kinds  of  matter  have  the  power  of  repulsion,  while  all  other 
kinds  have  only  the  quality  of  attraction.  The  substances  possessing  the  power 
of  repulsion  are  light,  heat,  electricity,  magnetism,  and  galvanism.  These  sub 
stances,  or  forms  of  matter,  having  no  attraction,  have  none  of  the  qualities  by 
which  we  describe  matter.  They  can  neither  be  seen,  felt,  tasted,  nor  touched ; 
while  all  other  matter  has  extension  and  gravitation.  From  this  difference  the 
doctor  calls  them  u  ethereal "  or  celestial  matter  or  substances.  He  supposes 
them  to  be  the  substance  of  the  soul,  of  the  Deity,  and  of  all  that  we  call 
spiritual  beings.  The  discovery  with  reference  to  the  analogy  between  heat, 
the  electric,  and  other  "  fluids,"  as  they  are  commonly  called,  is  recent,  and,  I 
believe,  is  established  as  a  truth.  The  professor's  theory  is  a  new  and  bold  one, 
and  has  no  other  evidence  than  mere  hypothesis,  which  can  never  be  demon 
strated  to  be  true  or  false.  It  is  marvelous  to  see  how  deeply  he  is  imbued 
with  this,  and  it  is  most  curious  to  observe  how  dreamy  his  elucidations  are. 
Men,  he  says,  are  good  or  bad  according  as  the  different  matters,  the  ethereal  and 
terrestrial,  or  gross,  prevail  in  their  constitutions.  The  ethereal  matter  is  eter 
nal,  the  gross  matter  is  liable  to  change  and  decay.  The  soul  separating  from 


312  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

the  body  means  no  more  than  that  the  ethereal  matter  separates  from  the  terres 
trial.     Good  is  ethereal,  evil  is  terrestrial. 

I  suppose  I  must  not  suffer  this  idle  page  to  go  to  you  without  a  protest  that, 
however  his  theological  notions  may  be  affected,  there  is  nothing  in  his 
ingenious  dreams  which  abates  a  jot  from  my  religious  convictions. 

October  4, 1836. 

Patience,  that  prodigal  of  time,  is  like  to  have  enough  of  it  to  accomplish 
her  perfect  work  during  the  present  equinoctial,  if  she  has  any  hard  "  chores  " 
on  hand.  For  my  part,  I  am  about  used  up.  During  the  fine  weather  in  Sep 
tember  I  was  cheerful,  for  I  had  abundance  of  occupation.  Money  and  bonds 
and  mortgages  crowded  in  upon  me  faster  than  I  could  dispose  of  them.  The 
southwest  wind  blew  my  receipts  down,  and  then  all  day  long  I  waited  upon 
people  who  brought  no  money  at  all. 

There  appears  to  be  a  marked  difference  between  debtors  who  come  in  fair 
weather  and  those  who  come  in  the  mud.  The  former  bring  cash,  pay  it  promptly, 
and  go  away  satisfied.  The  latter  come  without  money,  to  make  discontented 
and  querulous  inquiries  about  how  I  would  do,  supposing  they  were  to  bring 
money.  I  don't  know  but  my  office  will  be  pulled  down  over  my  head,  if  the 
storm  lasts  a  week  longer. 

Wednesday  Night. 

I  am  in  better  humor  with  the  weather  to-night.  There  have  been  a  few 
hours  of  sunshine  and  drying  winds,  and  my  business  has  revived. 

Friday,  October  1th. 

Order  begins  to  come  out  of  the  confusion  into  which  the  land-office  has  been 
plunged.  The  murmurs  of  discontent  are  dying  away,  and  I  think  another  month 
or  two  will  bring  the  whole  estate  into  a  manageable  condition.  After  that 
there  will  be  no  great  cause  of  solicitude,  and  I  shall  be  able  to  be  more  at 
home  with  you.  Even  now  I  am  able  commonly  to  leave  the  office  at  dark,  and 
spend  the  evening  here.  I  am  reading  the  last  volume  of  Brown's  "  Philosophy." 
I  know  not  what  I  am  to  read  after  that ;  and  yet  I  cannot  exist  without  books. 

The  protracted  storm  has  left  a  sea  of  mud  around  me  here ;  for  cross  and 
side  walks  are  luxuries  unknown  in  Westfield. 

There  is  nothing  of  interest  here  except  that  one  of  our  citizens,  whose  name 
I  do  not  know,  is  in  a  very  unhappy  state  of  mind.  The  cause  is,  that  he  has 
discovered  a  perpetual  motion.  Strange  that  despair  should  follow  such  a  dis 
covery  !  But  the  truth  is,  that  he  thinks  the  power  is  so  great  that  he  dare  not 
set  it  in  motion,  because  he  will  not  be  able  with  all  the  power  he  can  get  to 

arrest  it ! 

Saturday  Morning,  October  8th. 

The  sun  has  burst  forth  from  his  thraldom,  and  brought  us  a  bright  and  genial 
morning.  This  change  of  weather  and  prospect  calls  up  recollections  of  our 
shady  home,  and  of  the  cheerful  smile  of  all  its  inmates — of  the  grape-vines 
and  the  jasmines,  and  the  altheas,  and  the  tasteful  work  I  had  designed  to 
make  our  home  more  worthy  of  you,  and  more  suitable  to  the  study  devoted  to 
retirement,  for  which  I  labor  by  day,  and  of  which  I  dream  nights  and  Sundays. 

Saturday  Night. 

My  glowing  recollections  of  home,  which  I  was  indulging  this  morning,  were 
banished  by  the  incursion  of  some  half  a  dozen  of  the  "  settlers,"  wanting  the 


1836.]  RURAL    CHURCH   EXPERIENCES.  313 

terms  of  the  redemption  of  their  lands.  A  busy  day  followed,  but  it  is  over 
now ;  the  settlers  have  all  gone  home.  I  have  had  a  pleasant  excursion  with 
the  ponies,  and  I  have  received  your  long  letter  of  last  Saturday.  I  felt  a  new 
pleasure  in  reading  that  part  of  your  letter  which  speaks  of  our  little  girl.  When 
I  left  home  she  was  only  a  week  old,  and  had  exhibited  no  one  faculty  of  attract 
ing  love  or  repaying  care.  It  gratifies  me  much  to  hear  that  she  has  learned  to 
smile.  For,  after  all,  the  emotions  we  have  generally  concern  things  that  do 
not  inspire  laughter ;  and  I  think  the  earlier  one's  commencement  at  laughing 
is  made,  the  longer  is  the  period  of  childhood  happiness  to  be  enjoyed.  I  sup 
pose  that  the  young  lady,  in  obtaining  the  new  accomplishment  of  laughing,  has 
not  forgot  that  one,  with  which  all  our  race  are  born,  of  crying. 

But  I  must  abide  my  time  for  enjoying  my  home.  A  thousand  blessings  on 
you  both  and  all ! 

Monday,  October  I0th. 

A  weary  day  I've  had.  It  was  as  I  expected.  The  people  who  were  kept 
back  by  the  long  storm  have  thronged  the  office,  and  we  have  four  days'  business 
crowded  into  one.  There  is  now  about  one-third  of  the  purchase-money  paid. 
The  excitement  has  subsided,  and  there  is  really  nobody  to  make  mischief. 
Some  few  ignorant  persons,  prejudiced  against  me  for  political  reasons,  would 
like  to  have  disorder ;  but  the  intelligent  men  of  the  Jackson  party,  as  well  as 
of  my  own,  are  determined  that  there  shall  be  peace.  I  am  living  quietly  and 
pleasantly  here.  There  is  at  present  a  continual  immigration  to  this  region  from 
the  east,  and  property  is  already  rising  in  value. 

Wednesday  Morning,  I2tk. 

This  morning  is  bright  and  sunny.  The  ponies  are  stamping  the  ground  im 
patient  to  take  me  on  a  journey  to  explore  Chautauqua  County.  I  go  to  James 
town  to-day,  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake,  and  return  to-morrow  on  the  east. 

The  excursion  here  alluded  to  was  a  trip  through  the  principal 
townships  of  Chautauqua,  for  the  purpose  of  looking  at  the  lands  of 
the  Holland  purchase  and  their  surroundings,  as  well  as  of  meeting, 
forming  the  acquaintance,  and  studying  the  character  of  their  inhabit 
ants,  learning  their  grievances,  if  any,  and  obtaining  correct  opinions  on 
questions  upon  which  he  would  probably  have  to  pass. 

The  early  settlers  of  Chautauqua  comprised  many  of  New  England 
origin.  Among  the  good  habits  that  they  brought  with  them  was  that 
of  building  and  attending  churches.  A  little  hamlet  in  a  remote  and 
sparsely-populated  region  would  frequently  have  two  or  three  houses  of 
worship  of  different  denominations.  There  was  much  earnestness  of 
religious  thought  and  discussion.  Occasionally  a  grotesque  incident 
would  mar  its  solemnity. 

One  Sunday  while  he  was  attending  service  at  one  of  these  churches, 
the  clergyman  gave  out  a  hymn  commencing  with  "Abraham,  when 
the  Lord  did  call."  The  choir  rose  to  sing,  and  the  leader  began  in  a 
loud  voice,  "  Abraham  ! "  and  then  suddenly  stopped.  Essaying  a  sec 
ond  time,  he  enunciated,  "  Abraham  /  "  and  stopped  as  before.  The 


314  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

wondering  congregation  smiled,  and,  looking  up,  saw  the  choir-leader 
red  in  the  face,  evidently  nonplussed  by  a  word  which  would  not  fit 
the  measure.  A  singer,  on  the  other  side,  with  a  woman's  quick  in 
tuition,  saw  it  was  a  case  where  pronunciation  must  yield  to  melody  ; 
and  in  a  treble  voiced  piped  : 

"  A-#ra-ham,  when  the  Lord  did  call,"  and  then  the  tide  of  song 
rolled  along  smoothly  to  the  end. 

On  one  occasion,  an  itinerant  lecturer  on  "  Poetry  and  the  Fine 
Arts "  came  to  Westfield,  and  obtained  the  use  of  the  Methodist 
Church  for  his  first  lecture,  to  be  given  without  charge  as  a  specimen 
of  the  course.  It  was  an  event  in  a  quiet  country  village,  and  the  lect 
urer,  as  he  entered,  was  gratified  to  see  that  it  had  attracted  an  au 
dience  filling  nearly  every  seat.  He  was  rather  surprised  to  find,  how 
ever,  a  venerable-looking  man  in  black  composedly  sitting  by  the  desk, 
as  if  to  divide  its  honors  with  him.  He  proceeded  with  his  lecture, 
which  was  liberally  interspersed  with  quotations  from  the  poets.  The 
audience  received  these  with  satisfaction.  Not  so  the  old  gentleman 
in  the  pulpit,  who  testified  his  disapprobation  by  loud  coughs,  sniff's, 
indignant  looks,  and  even  an  occasional  groan,  all  of  which  were  incom 
prehensible  to  the  poor  lecturer,  who  thought  he  had  made  his  selec 
tions  with  taste.  When,  in  further  illustration  of  his  theme,  he  quoted 
the  "witches'  scene  "  from  "  Macbeth,"  the  curse  of  uKing  Lear,"  and 
a  stanza  from  "  Don  Juan,"  the  old  man  could  stand  it  no  longer. 

Rising  with  an  air  that  riveted  the  attention  of  the  audience,  he 
advanced  to  the  desk,  and  said  in  tones  of  outraged  feeling  :  "  Forty 
long  years  have  I  been  a  preacher  of  the  gospel  of  Christ !  And  what 
I  have  to  say  is,  that  if  this  that  we  have  heerd  here  to-night  is  that 
gospel,  it  is  not  the  gospel  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  which  I  was  edu 
cated  to  believe  in  and  to  preach."  Here  the  audience  began  to  titter, 
and  finally  broke  up  in  confusion.  Then  came  the  explanation.  The 
old  clergyman,  residing  in  a  distant  town,  and  happening  to  be  in 
Westfield  that  evening,  had  been  told  by  some  mischievous  practical 
joker  that  there  was  to  be  preaching  at  the  Methodist  Church,  and 
that  he  was  expected  to  be  present  and  take  part.  He  had  been 
grieved  to  find  that  the  other  clergyman  (as  he  supposed  him)  had  neg 
lected  to  begin  with  either  hymn  or  prayer  ;  but  he  was  shocked  and 
astounded  at  the  recital  of  language  which  seemed  immoral,  blasphe 
mous,  and  profane.  Whether  he  ever  learned  his  mistake  was  not 
known,  as  he  precipitately  left  town  in  one  direction,  while  the  dis 
comfited  lecturer  was  leaving  in  the  other. 

The  new  agent  had  now  happily  pacified  the  settlers,  adjusted  all 
complaints  and  quarrels,  and  there  was  no  longer  any  hesitation  on 
the  part  of  the  purchasers  to  complete  their  bargain  with  the  Holland 
Company.  Seward  went  to  New  York  to  close  the  contracts,  and  to 


1836.]  THE   YEAR   OF   SPECULATION.  315 

negotiate  loans  of  the  funds  necessary  to  carry  on  so  large  an  under 
taking.  He  was  now  to  be  admitted  to  share  as  a  partner  in  the  own 
ership  of  the  lands,  and  in  the  risks  and  profits  of  the  enterprise. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
1836. 

The  Year  of  Speculation. — New  York  Schemes. — Auburn  Projects. — A  Complex  Trust. — 
Van  Buren  elected  President. — Thanksgiving-Day. — A  Christmas  Sermon. 

THE  year  1836  was  one  of  great  prosperity  and  commercial  activity. 
It  was  an  era  of  expansion  and  rapid  development  of  speculative  enter 
prises.  The  undue  depression  which  followed  the  attacks  on  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States  a  year  before,  and  its  curtailment  of  discounts, 
was  now  succeeded  by  as  unreasonable  an  inflation  ;  and  this  reaction 
was  largely  promoted  by  the  rapid  increase  of  banks  in  the  State, 
under  favoring  legislation  at  Albany,  and  consequent  rapid  increase  of 
banking  facilities.  A  new  impulse  was  given  not  only  to  all  sound 
and  legitimate  enterprises,  but  to  all  manner  of  visionary  schemes. 
Stocks  rose  to  high  prices  ;  real  estate,  in  towns  and  in  their  vicinity, 
doubled  and  quadrupled  ;  farms  were  mapped  out  into  imaginary  city 
lots,  and  sold,  at  handsome  prices,  to  purchasers  who,  a  month  later, 
sold  them  at  an  additional  advance  ;  wild  lands  in  distant  regions  were 
in  like  manner  parceled  out,  on  paper,  into  farms  for  prospective  set 
tlers  ;  the  city  of  New  York  not  only  displayed  unwonted  activity  of 
trade  in  all  its  channels,  and  a  great  increase  of  public  and  private 
buildings,  but  also  furnished  capital  for  like  enterprises  elsewhere,  even 
to  the  laying  out  of  streets  and  avenues  in  imaginary  cities  expected 
to  spring  up  in  remote  districts,  to  thrive  by  trade  and  manufactures 
not  yet  created,  and  to  be  occupied  by  inhabitants  not  yet  born. 

Increase  of  business  caused  increase  of  travel.  Stages  and  boats 
rejoiced  in  crowds  of  passengers ;  new  hotels  were  opened  for  their 
accommodation,  and  old  ones  put  up  prices.  Railways  and  canals  were 
prosecuted  with  vigor  and  sanguine  hope  of  immediate  profit.  Nor 
were  the  advantages  of  the  money  plethora  confined  to  capitalists. 
The  farmer  readily  sold  all  his  produce  in  the  market  at  enhanced 
rates  ;  the  mechanic  found  plenty  of  work  at  high  wages  ;  and  even 
the  poorest  laborer  found  himself  growing  relatively  rich,  with  the 
apparent  prospect  of  continuing  to  grow  richer. 

Auburn,  secluded  inland  town  as  it  was,  did  not  fail  to  share  in  the 
general  spirit.  Its  merchants,  mechanics,  capitalists,  and  speculators, 
were  active  and  prosperous.  Houses  and  village-lots  advantageously 


316  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

located  rose  suddenly  to  seven  times  their  former  value.  Long  avenues 
were  projected,  running  out  into  the  neighboring  farms,  and  expected 
soon  to  be  lined  with  rows  of  dwellings.  Land  companies  were  formed 
to  sell  off  these  lots,  and  manufacturing  companies  were  organized  who 
deemed  the  auspicious  moment  had  now  come  to  utilize  the  abundant 
water-power.  There  is  still  extant  a  copy  of  an  illustrated  map  of 
Auburn  as  it  was  to  be,  spreading  over  four  times  its  previous  space, 
with  its  broad  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Avenues,  its  spacious  blocks  of 
stores  and  dwellings,  its  Eagle  Park,  to  be  laid  out  on  Fort  Hill,  its 
majestic  college,  to  crown  another  eminence,  its  improved  and  enlarged 
prison,  seminary,  and  hotels,  and  its  Owasco  Canal,  in  full  operation, 
with  canal-boats  passing  through  locks,  and  steamboats  coming  down 
the  lake  to  the  city  wharves. 

As  the  year  went  on,  speculation  grew  wilder,  and  hardly  any 
scheme  was  too  visionary  to  enlist  adherents  willing  to  embark  their 
fortunes  in  it.  A  natural  consequence  of  the  demand  for  money  and 
credit  was  a  steady  increase  in  the  rate  of  interest ;  but  even  the  usu 
rious  price  of  two  per  cent,  a  month  failed  to  deter  borrowers,  who 
expected  to  make  a  hundred  per  cent,  before  the  year  was  out. 

The  Chautauqua  land  purchase  having  been  initiated  in  the  previous 
"  dull  times,"  was  now  deemed  infinitely  more  valuable  and  successful. 
Alluding  to  the  pervading  anxiety  to  enter  into  speculations,  Seward 
described  his  meeting  a  friend  when  starting  for  a  drive  one  day  : 

T detained  me  while  he  told  me  that  he  lived  several  miles  out  of  town, 

and  had  hurried  in  to  claim  a  share  of  the  "  spoils  "  in  the  distribution  of  the 
stock  of  a  new  bank.  He  mourned  over  his  error  in  having  sold  his  canal 
shares ;  sighed  still  more  profoundly  as  he  spoke  of  Dr.  B 's  golden  specu 
lations  in  selling  lots,  which  he  said  might  have  been  his  (if  he  had  only  bought 
them  a  year  ago) ;  and  then,  imagining  from  the  aspect  of  our  party  that  we 
were  bent  upon  some  new  speculation,  he  wound  up  by  modestly  asking,  as  we 
entered  the  carriage,  the  favor  of  being  admitted  to  a  share  of  its  profits,  al 
though  he  had  not  the  remotest  idea  what  its  character  or  risk  might  be. 

It  was  an  additional  disappointment  to  him  to  learn  that  we  were  contem 
plating  nothing  more  serious  than  a  drive  to  see  the  falls  and  enjoy  the  fresh  air. 

When  Seward  visited  New  York  to  close  the  contracts  for  the 
Chautauqua  purchase,  he  found  the  journey  had  been  shortened  by 
the  opening  of  the  Utica  &  Schenectady  Railroad.  Writing  after  his 

arrival,  he  said : 

NEW  YORK,  Sunday,  October  30th. 

We  were  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  canal-boat  at  Syracuse,  and  arrived  at 
Utica  early  enough  on  Friday  for  the  morning  car.  It  was  certainly  like  a 
dream  to  pass  through  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  the  entire  length  of  that  beau 
tiful  river  in  five  hours,  passing  the  towns  and  villages  like  milestones  on  our 
journey. 

In  these  times  I  defy  anybody  to  live  in  New  York,  and  keep  cool  and  tran- 


1836.]  VAN   BUREN  AND   HARRISON.  317 

quil.  Excitement  seizes  upon  the  nerves  and  stimulates  the  blood  the  moment 
one  sets  foot  on  the  pavement.  However,  I  found  that,  after  all,  there  was  no 
hurry  or  pressure  about  our  affairs.  Two  or  three  days  will  be  all  I  shall  need 
at  Philadelphia,  and  I  expect  to  have  nothing  to  detain  me  here  on  my  return. 


His  arrangements  were  successfully  accomplished,  and,  though  elab 
orate  and  somewhat  intricate,  may  be  briefly  summed  up.  The  pur 
chasers  of  the  Chautauqua  lands  took  them  as  tenants  in  common,  in 
nine  equal  undivided  shares,  and  executed  written  contracts  therefor 
to  "  Wilhem  Willink,  Walrave  Van  Heukelom,  Jan  Van  Eeghen,  Wil- 
hem  Willink  the  younger,  Nicholas  Van  Beeftingh,  and  Gerrit  Schim- 
melpfenninck  Rutger  Jan's  son,"  who  constituted  the  Holland  Com 
pany.  These  contracts  were  made  with  and  through  their  agent  and 
attorney,  John  J.  Van  Der  Kemp,  of  Philadelphia.  By  them,  the  Hol 
land  Company  agreed  to  convey  the  lands,  on  being  paid  the  purchase- 
money  in  certain  described  installments.  The  moneys  realized  by  sales 
and  collections,  before  the  expiration  of  the  contracts,  were  to  be  applied 
to  the  credit  of  the  purchasers  ;  and  Seward,  as  agent  or  attorney  for 
the  vendors,  as  well  as  the  vendees,  was  to  take  charge  and  conduct 
the  estate.  But  to*  make  the  payments,  which  would  fall  due  faster 
than  it  could  reasonably  be  hoped  to  sell  the  lands,  it  was  necessary 
to  negotiate  a  loan,  which  was  accordingly  done  with  the  American 
Life  Insurance  and  Trust  Company.  The  Trust  Company  agreed  to 
take  the  Chautauqua  estate  "  on  deposit "  as  security,  and  make  the 
necessary  advances.  '  Three  trustees,  John  Duer,  Morris  Robinson,  and 
William  H.  Seward,  were  to  hold  the  estate  in  trust  for  that  company. 
They  were  to  repay  the  company  the  amount  it  had  advanced,  and 
then,  having  done  so,  to  convey  the  land  back  to  its  owners.  So  that 
Seward  was  to  hold  the  diverse  though  not  incompatible  relations  of 
partner  in  the  purchase,  agent  and  attorney,  both  of  the  purchasers 
and  of  the  Holland  Land  Company,  and  also  trustee  of  the  American 
Life  Insurance  and  Trust  Company.  Naturally  enough,  therefore,  the 
chief  care  and  responsibility  of  the  business  devolved  on  him. 

The  presidential  election  was  now  at  hand.  The  long  session  of 
Congress  had  terminated  on  the  4th  of  July.  The  opposition  in  the 
two  Houses,  though  it  had  given  well-founded  warnings  of  the  financial 
and  political  dangers  toward  which  the  country  was  drifting,  and  though 
it  numbered,  among  its  leaders,  such  men  as  Adams,  Webster,  and  Clay, 
and  had  at  different  times,  on  different  questions,  the  cooperation  of 
portions  of  the  Democratic  members,  was  nevertheless  unable  either 
to  defeat  the  measures  or  destroy  the  prestige  of  the  dominant  party 
and  Administration.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  as  Vice-President,  and  presiding 
officer  of  the  Senate,  exhibited  the  same  tact  and  skill  which  had  else 
where  marked  his  course  ;  and,  when  forced  issues  were  made  in  the 


318  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1886.. 

Senate,  with  a  view  to  compel  him  to  commit  himself  by  his  casting 
vote,  to  some  measure  that  would  be  unpopular,  either  in  one  section 
or  the  other,  not  only  demonstrated  his  party  fidelity,  but  maintained 
his  conceded  strength  as  the  Administration  candidate  for  "  the  succes 
sion." 

As  the  most  prominent  and  successful  manager  of  the  Democratic 
party,  to  whom  its  success,  both  at  elections  and  in  administration,  was 
largely  due,  he  had  been  popularly  assigned  that  position,  even  before 
General  Jackson  entered  upon  his  second  term.  Except  that  the  ex 
ample  set  by  Washington  rendered  it  impossible  for  any  President  to 
be  a  candidate  for  a  third  term,  there  was  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
General  Jackson  was  as  strong  now  as  he  had  been  twice  before  ;  and, 
since  he  could  not  himself  be  reflected,  the  next  strongest  candidate 
was  the  statesman  of  his  own  choice,  his  chief  friend  and  adviser.  The 
party  had  generally  acquiesced  in  the  selection,  and  had  sanctioned  it 
in  national  and  State  conventions. 

The  Whigs  had  a  hope  rather  than  an  expectation  of  success  in 
the  general  result,  while  they  were  confident  of  ability  to  retain  control 
of  a  few  of  the  States,  and  perhaps  to  increase  their  number.  In  the 
State  of  New  York  they  had  nominated  a  Harrison  electoral  ticket  in 
June,  and  at  the  same  time  put  in  nomination  Jesse  Buel,  of  Albany, 
for  Governor,  with  Gamaliel  H.  Barstow,  of  Ithaca,  for  Lieutenant- 
Governor.  To  emphasize  the  selection  of  Judge  Buel,  as  the  "  farmers' 
candidate,"  the  Evening  Journal  carried,  at  the  head  of  its  columns,  a 
picture  of  a  farmer  "  speeding  the  plough."  The  Democrats  renomi- 
nated  for  these  offices  their  incumbents,  Governor  Marcy  and  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Tracy,  with  a  Van  Buren  electoral  ticket. 

The  election  came  and  passed  off  quietly.  Returns  came  in  slowly. 
Full  returns,  however,  soon  showed  all  Whig  hopes  to  be  illusory. 
The  Democrats  carried  the  State  by  nearly  thirty  thousand  majority. 
Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected  President,  receiving  one  hundred  and 
seventy  of  the  electoral  votes,  and  carrying,  at  the  election,  all  the 
States  except  Vermont,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  and  Indiana,  which  voted  for  Harrison  ;  Massachusetts,  which 
voted  for  Daniel  Webster  ;  and  Tennessee  and  Georgia,  which  voted 
for  Hugh  L.  White.  The  vice-presidency,  as  there  was  no  choice  by 
the  people,  was  thrown  into  the  Senate,  and  that  body  elected  the 
regular  Democratic  candidate,  Richard  M.  Johnson. 

South  Carolina,  which  had  already  begun  to  manifest  indications  of 
restiveness  as  a  member  of  the  Union,  threw  away  her  eleven  votes  on 
Willie  P.  Mangum,  who  was  not  a  candidate,  and,  in  the  choice  of 
Vice-President  by  the  Senate,  her  Senators  declined  to  vote  at  all. 

The  question  of  slavery,  although  it  had  now  become  a  subject  of 
congressional  debate,  occupied  no  prominence  in  the  canvass.  Efforts 


1836.]  THE  POLITICAL  FUTURE.  319 

to  introduce  it  there  were  made  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  gaining  South 
ern  favor.  Adverting  to  and  disapproving  one  such  effort  (the  intro 
duction  of  a  resolution  denouncing  the  "  abolitionists,"  at  a  Harrison 
meeting  in  Albany),  Mr.  Weed  remarked  in  his  Journal: 

This  question  of  slavery,  when  it  becomes  a  matter  of  political  controversy, 
will  shake,  if  not  unsettle,  the  foundations  of  our  Government.  It  is  too  fearful, 
and  too  mighty,  in  all  its  bearings  and  consequences,  to  be  recklessly  mixed  up 
in  our  partisan  conflicts. 

It  was  with  a  like  feeling  of  dread  of  the  introduction  of  so  disor 
ganizing  an  element  that  the  prudent  and  thoughtful  throughout  the 
North,  however  warmly  they  disliked  "  the  institution,"  yet  refused  to 
take  part  against  it  politically,  until  forced  to  do  so  by  its  own  political 
action. 

Two  items  of  commercial  intelligence,  of  that  day,  may  be  worth 
recalling  here,  as  illustrating  the  changes  that  come  with  time.  One 
was  the  declaration  of  a  dividend  of  seven  hundred  per  cent,  on  the 
stock  of  the  packet-boat  line  on  the  Erie  Canal  ;  and  the  other  the  an 
nouncement  that  forty  thousand  slaves  were  sold  South  from  Virginia 
during  the  preceding  year,  yielding  that  State  a  profit  of  twenty-four 
million  dollars  ! 

Returning  to  Auburn,  Seward  wrote  to  Mr.  Weed  : 

ATJBUBN,  November  VltTi. 

I  found  here  your  letter,  which  crossed  my  path  when  I  was  on  my  way  to 
Albany.  It  is  full  of  forebodings  of  defeat  in  the  presidential  election,  and  of 
despair  for  the  republic.  Brighter  prospects  are  now  before  us,  and  we  are 
able  to  see  that  Van  Buren's  success  takes  place  under  such  auspices  as  to  afford 
encouragement  to  rally,  once  more,  under  a  standard  dear  to  us  all,  and  so  nearly 
victorious  as  to  save  not  our  honor  only,  but  our  strength.  I,  for  one,  am  ready 
and  willing  to  renew  the  contest,  and  I  will  never  yield  an  inch  of  ground.  I 
had  an  interview  with  Granger,  whose  equanimity  I  had  great  cause  to  admire. 
He  will  have  possessed  you  of  his  views,  and  I  think,  rightly,  will  inspire  you 
with  new  zeal  for  the  "  hero  of  Tippecanoe,"  as  a  candidate  by  continuation. 

But  I  am  not  willing  to  take  counsel  of  either  hopes  or  fears.  I  am  sure 
that  the  duty  of  educated,  honest  men  is  to  espouse  and  adhere  to  the  cause  of 
the  Constitution  and  public  morals.  I  believe  it  is  destined  to  infrequent,  par' 
tial,  and  short-lived  success  for  many  years  to  come.  But  it  is,  nevertheless,  a 
matter  of  duty  to  maintain  it,  and  the  self-approbation  of  maintaining  it  honor 
ably  I  count  of  more  worth  than  all  the  spoils  of  inglorious  partisan  warfare. 

After  a  few  days  spent  at  home,  he  returned  to  his  "  winter  quar 
ters." 

WESTFIELD,  December  4fh. 

From  Monday  morning  till  Saturday  night  I  have  been  continually  employed 
in  transacting  "  land-onice  business."  From  eight  in  the  morning  till  eight  or 


320  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1836. 

nine  in  the  evening,  with  hardly  half  an  hour  even  for  meals,  I  have  talked  of 
nothing  but  contracts,  expired  and  unexpired. 

The  day  assigned  as  the  last  day  of  grace  to  the  settlers,  you  know,  is  the 
1st  of  January.  As  that  day  "nears,"  the  settlers  rush  in  in  crowds,  and  I  have 
been  nearly  crushed  with  the  welcome  effort  to  pay  and  close  contracts. 

Enough  of  "land-office  business"  for  this  day. 

Of  domestic  incidents  I  have  nothing.  At  eight  or  nine  o'clock  I  have  calls 
from  some  of  the  neighbors.  We  discourse  upon  politics,  money-market,  rail 
roads,  and  sometimes  play  a  rubber  of  whist. 

I  have  unanswered  letters  from  Weed,  Granger,  Kathbone,  Willis  Gaylord 
Clark,  Silliman,  and  others.  I  shall  endeavor  to  save  some  hours  for  them. 
Granger  writes  in  real  or  affected  good  spirits,  acknowledging  our  defeat. 
Weed  writes  as  if  his  "heart  was  in  the  grave  with  Caesar,"  and  he  would  ask 
me  to  "  pause  till  it  came  back  to  him."  Clark  commends  himself  to  your  re 
membrance,  as  do  all  my  correspondents. 

I  have  snatched  time  since  I  came  here,  at  intervals,  to  read  "Rob  Roy;  " 
and  how  much  I  have  regretted  that  you  were  not  here,  that  I  might  conduct 
you  with  me,  describing  the  localities  as  we  pass,  and  accompanying  Frank 
Osbaldistone  on  his  lonely  ride  to  the  Sunday  sojourn  with  Campbell,  at  the 
well-recollected  inn  in  North  Allerton ;  and  taking  into  our  escort  that  hopeful 
waiting-man,  Andrew  Fairservice,  make  our  visit  to  the  pavement  of  tombs 
around  the  High  Kirk,  and  penetrate  the  gloomy  shades  which  indistinctly  rise 
around  me  of  the  Laigh  Kirk,  where  we  would  have  our  mysterious  warning 
from  the  unseen  Rob  Roy.  The  Tolbooth  where  poor  Owen  lay  in  despair  until 
relieved  by  the  vain  but  benevolent,  the  whimsical  but  philanthropic  Baillie 
Nicol  Jarvie.  I  could  not  describe,  of  course,  half  so  well  as  Scott  does ;  but  it 
would  be  a  pleasure  to  tell  you  how  just  the  description  is.  And  then  the 
shores  of  Loch  Lomond  and  the  rock,  and  the  dilapidated  house,  the  scenes  of 
the  Amazonian  Helen  MacGregor,  and  the  Fort  Inversnaid.  How  the  recollec 
tions  of  these  scenes  are  brought  out  fresh  before  me  by  the  perusal  of  this 

work! 

WESTFIELD,  December  lltTi. 

Not  Robinson  Crusoe  in  his  solitary  island,  or  any  prisoner  in  his  cell,  ever 
counted  the  slow  progress  of  time  more  faithfully  than  I  do  the  weeks  of  my 
absence  from  Auburn. 

I  have  a  dilemma  on  hand  which  will  excite  your  mirth — I,  that  forswore 
my  profession  in  the  very  moment  of  opening,  or  rather,  ripening  fame  :  Night 
before  last  two  gentlemen  from  Fredonia  came  to  ask  me  to  undertake,  as  solici 
tor  and  counsel,  a  chancery  suit  of  great  importance  to  .them.  Would  you  be 
lieve  it,  I  agreed  to  do  so  ?  They  went  away  with  my  promise  to  draw  and  send 
them  a  bill  on  Monday.  What  motive  induced  me  to  do  so  you  can  scarcely 
imagine,  nor  can  I  remember.  I  believe  it  was  that,  after  so  long  relaxation, 
the  labor  which  once  disgusted  me  seemed  light  and  pleasant. 

December  IWh. 

All  this  morning  has  been  spent  in  counting  over  and  over  again  the  parcels 
of  money  which,  for  want  of  an  opportunity  to  deposit,  have  accumulated  until 
their  proper  sum  total  is  a  point  which  my  cashier  is  as  unable  to  determine  as 
I  am  myself.  I  have,  however,  abjured,  for  the  residue  of  the  day,  the  world, 
the  flesh,  and  the  devil,  so  that  I  will  not  follow  nor  be  led  by  them. 


1886.J  CHRISTMAS   EVE.  321 

Thursday  I  was  prevented  by  the  weather  from  going  to  Jamestown,  but  we 
managed,  neverthless,  to  celebrate  Thanksgiving-day. 

The  Episcopal  clergyman  preached  in  the  Presbyterian  church,  to  the  grati 
fication  of  both  congregations ;  but  neither  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion,  nor 
the  eloquence  of  the  preacher,  was  sufficient  to  hold  the  audience  in  check, 
when  in  the  midst  of  his  most  sublime  flight,  as  he  was  saying,  "  Our  name  is 
honored  in  every  clime,  and  our  eagle  is  soaring  amid  his  native  stars  "  (here 
down  went  Bible,  cushions,  and  manuscript  sermon,  to  the  floor  ;  a  bustle  ensued, 
the  orator  waiting  till  they  were  gathered  up  and  readjusted,  when  he  completed 
the  sentence),  "  unchecked  in  his  flight  and  undaunted  in  his  glory  !  " 

At  four  o'clock,  which,  you  must  know,  is  my  regular  dinner-hour,  Harriet 
served  us  a  fine  roasted  turkey  and  a  venison-steak.  My  party  consisted  of  all 
the  clerks  in  the  office,  together  with  the  wife  of  one  of  them. 

Adverting  to  a  mother's  apprehensions  in  regard  to  her  children,  he 
remarked  : 

When  the  mysterious  ways  of  Providence  are  considered,  it  seems  almost 
presumptuous  to  hope  that  all  will  be  spared  to  us  and  we  to  them,  during  the 
period  of  their  childhood  and  youth.  But  this  reflection,  while  it  ought,  in  the 
most  effective  manner,  to  excite  our  sense  of  responsibility,  ought  never  to  be 
indulged  to  such  an  extent  as  to  produce  morbid  apprehension  of  undefinable 
evil.  It  is  difficult,  when  we  consider  our  own  free  agency,  of  which  we  are 
conscious,  to  understand  how,  out  of  all  our  action,  results  that  greatest  good 
which  the  Divine  Wisdom  purposed  and  approved ;  but  it  is  far  easier  to  con 
ceive  and  confide  in  the  belief  that,  whatsoever  happens  to  our  children  or  our-  , 
selves,  their  happiness  will  be  secure. 

December  21st. 

You  might,  with  perfect  safety,  have  expressed  your  wish  that  I  would  post 
pone  reading  the  Waverley  novels  until  you  should  come  out.  I  have  read 
"Anne  of  Geierstein,"  "Rob  Roy,"  and  "The  Pirate,"  and  I  assure  you  that 
all  have  interested  me  far  less  than  they  would  if  I  could  have  enjoyed  their  f 
perusal  with  you.  There  are  a  thousand  things  in  them,  as  in  Shakespeare,  that 
one  may  enjoy  more  and  much  longer  if  one  has  somebody  to  converse  with 
while  dwelling  upon  them.  Most  of  such  beauties  pass  unnoticed  in  the  hur 
ried  perusal  which  one  gives  when,  from  beginning  to  end,  not  a  word  is  articu 
lated. 

You  would  be  interested  to  see  what  a  busy  manufacturing  establishment  I 
have  made  out  of  this  humdrum,  old-fashioned  land-office.  First,  I  myself  am 
engaged  in  negotiating  contracts  with  the  settlers  all  day  long.  Then,  two 
clerks  are  constantly  occupied  in  casting  up  accounts;  two  in  balancing  and 
posting  books ;  two  in  making  diagrams  and  descriptions  of  land  to  be  inserted 
in  deeds,  bonds,  and  mortgages ;  and  three  are  engaged  in  filling  up  the  blank 
papers  for  signatures.  One  is  on  a  furlough  because  of  ill  health. 

Saturday  NigU,  December  24,  1836. 

Well,  Saturday  night — Ohristmas-eve — has  come  at  last,  and  never  did  any 
one  need  an  hour  of  recreation  more  than  I.     You  can  have  no  conception  of 
the  throng  of  people  I  have  had  upon  my  hands  all  the  week,  and  the  pressure 
21 


322  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1836. 

of  business  in  the  midst  of  it.  My  cashier,  Mr.  Bradley,  has  broken  down,  and 
George  Humphreys  will  have  to  go  away  for  his  health. 

At  five  o'clock  this  afternoon  I  closed  the  office,  and  gathered  myself  into  my 
own  house.  My  gueets  were  the  Misses  Grosvenor,  Woolsey  Hopkins,  and  George 
Humphreys,  Mr.  Plumb,  my  excellent  friend,  by  whom  I  may  send  this  letter,  Miv 
Huse,  the  Episcopal,  and  Mr.  Gregory,  the  Presbyterian,  clergymen.  Our  dinner 
went  off  well  and  pleasantly,  and  we  adjourned  from  the  table  to  the  church, 
which  had  been  decorated  and  illuminated  with  the  ambitious  display  of  rural 
congregations.  The  Presbyterian  clergyman  lent  the  sanction  of  his  presence. 
The  sermon  seemed  to  please  the  throng  that  crowded  in  every  aisle  and  nook. 
I  was  glad  enough  to  find  that,  with  festivity  at  home,  and  services  at  church,  I 
could  forget  that  I  have  a  land-office  to  keep.  I  must  not  forget  one  beautiful 
idea  in  the  sermon  to-night :  "  If  we  justly  celebrate  the  achievements  of  con 
querors,  and  crown  with  wreaths  the  brows  of  those  who  have  triumphed  over 
our  enemies,  what  honor  is  due  to  Him  who  conquered  that  enemy  to  whom  Al 
exander,  Caesar,  and  Napoleon,  submitted !  " 

Returning  home,  reflecting  on  the  recurrence  of  the  great  Christian  festival, 
my  thoughts  took  the  turn  that  I  deemed  a  truly  philosophical  Christian  might 
advantageously  give  his  argument  on  such  an  occasion. 

Eighteen  hundred  years  ago  in  a  remote  and  obscure  province,  and  among  a 
despised  people,  a  child  was  born  in  a  stable,  and  cradled  in  a  manger,  who  was 
the  offspring  of  parents  the  meanest  even  of  their  despised  race.  That  child 
lived  only  to  the  middle  age  of  men.  He  coveted  no  political  power.  He  sought 
no  alliance  with  the  rich  or  the  great.  He  avoided  the  only  avenues  ever  suc 
cessfully  pursued  by  aspirants  to  fame.  He  was  denied  even  the  advantages  of 
education  enjoyed  by  the  more  favored  of  his  countrymen.  He  was  proscribed 
through  life,  and  died  the  death  of  a  convicted  disturber  of  the  social  institutions 
of  his  native  land.  He  neither  fought,  nor  wrote,  nor  in  any  way  distinguished 
himself  except  by  preaching  extemporary  lessons  of  import  so  humbling  to  the 
pride  of  men,  that  he  was  set  at  naught  by  the  people ;  and  by  doing  offices  of 
humanity  and  kindness  to  those  who  were  beneath  the  sympathy  of  that  age, 
and  whose  memory  is  below  the  dignity  of  notice  in  the  history  of  their  country. 

Yet  this  individual,  who  died  disgraced  and  forsaken  by  his  countrymen,  be 
trayed  by  one  of  his  twelve  disciples,  denied  by  the  boldest,  and  forsaken  by  all 
others,  left  behind  him,  in  the  memory  of  a  few  obscure  peasants,  a  code  of 
morals  and  a  system  of  religion  so  pure,  so  perfect,  so  original,  that  they  have 
become  the  government  of  all  that  portion  of  the  human  race  whose  intelligence 
and  cultivation  combine  all  the  moral  and  social  improvement  of  the  world. 

Out  of  the  scattered  truths  which  he  left,  and  the  truths,  still  less  authentic, 
which  those  who  communed  with  him  professed  to  have  derived  from  his  im 
mediate  instruction,  has  been  prepared  a  system  of  human  society  which  has 
triumphed  over  all  the  arts  and  arms  of  all  nations,  and  constitutes  the  only  bond 
of  society  and  standard  of  moral  action  and  religious  duty.  Was  that  individual 
of  man  or  of  God  ?  Who  can  hesitate,  that  compares  the  overwhelming  result 
of  his  simple  teaching  with  all  that  has  been  accomplished  for  the  human  race 
by  any  one  or  all  of  the  warriors,  the  statesmen,  the  philosophers  of  any  nation, 
or  of  all  the  nations  of  the  whole  earth  ?  Who  has  ever  explained  this  phenom- 
_enon  upon  any  other  satisfactory  ground  than  that  he  was  sent  of  God  ? 


1837.]  A   YEAR   OF   MISFORTUNE.  323 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1837. 

The  Year  of  Financial  Collapse.— Busy  Times  at  the  Land-Office.— Death  of  his  Daughter. 
— A  Conflagration. — The  Ides  of  March. — Van  Buren. — A  Member  of  the  Episcopal 
Church. — General  Banking  Law. — The  Crash. — u  Shinplasters." — Louis  Napoleon. 

THE  year  1837  opened  with  a  busy  scene  at  the  land-office.  Writ 
ing  to  Mr.  Weed,  he  said  : 

WESTFIELD,  January  3,  1837. 

The  1st  of  January,  which  I  had  fixed  as  the  last  day  of  grace  for  the  set 
tlers,  has  passed.  They  came  singly  and  in  pairs,  by  twenties,  fifties,  and  hun 
dreds,  on  foot  and  on  horseback,  multitudes  with  money,  and  many  without. 
Abating  the  few  who  mistook  my  good-nature  for  imbecility,  and  found  their 
mistake  before  they  left  me,  they  came  with  fear,  and  went  away  with  confi 
dence  and  satisfaction.  They  left  me  prostrated  by  absolute  physical  exhaustion. 
But  you  would  like  to  know  the  result.  Know,  then,  that  one-half  of  the  Hol 
land  Company's  estate  is  settled  and  arranged  ;  more  than  eighty  thousand  acres 
of  land  conveyed ;  almost  one-half  the  entire  debt  paid;  and  that  the  1st  of 
January,  1838,  if  no  calamity  occurs,  releases  me  from  service ! 

I  am  heartily  glad  you  went  with  Granger  to  Philadelphia.  It  would  have 
delighted  me  to  be  of  the  party.  It  is  a  lovely  city,  and  one  where  life  is  not 
hurried  on  at  the  railroad  velocity  which  you  suffer  in  New  York.  New  York 
is  a  good  imitation  of  London  in  that  particular.  Philadelphia  has  all  the  free 
dom  from  annoyance  that  constitutes  half  the  pleasure  of  sojourning  at  Paris. 
I  rejoice  that  Frank  comes  out  of  this,  as  he  always  has  done  out  of  all 
unfortunate  political  elections,  with  increased  reputation  and  honor.  I  would 
rather  enjoy  his  place  than  that  of  the  Magician. 

Can  you  send  me  the  "Pickwick  Club"  and  Davis's  book?  Make  extracts 
from  the  former.  It  is  rich. 

But  in  the  midst  of  these  active  labors  and  bright  anticipations  came 
a  sad  summons.  The  infant  daughter  referred  to  in  the  preceding  letters 
had  been  stricken  with  alarming  disease,  which  the  physicians  pro 
nounced  to  be  the  small-pox.  Traveling  at  once  night  and  day,  he 
reached  Auburn  only  in  time  to  see  her  expire. 

She  died  on  the  14th  of  January.  Poignancy  was  added  to  the 
grief  by  the  subsequent  discovery  that  the  exposure  to  the  fatal  in 
fection  had  been  not  only  unnecessary,  but  the  result  of  carelessness  on 
the  part  of  a  physician. 

A  letter  to  Mr.  Weed  ran  as  follows  : 

ATTBUBN,  January  16, 1837. 

What  a  day  was  that  which  we  spent  in  vain  endeavors  to  support,  by  stimu 
lating  food  and  medicine,  the  child,  whose  eyes  had  been  four  days  sealed  with 
blindness,  that  would  probably  have  continued  through  the  longest  life  we 
wished  her  to  enjoy !  Marred,  stained,  and  spoiled  of  every  vestige  of  that 


324  LIFE  ANI>   LETTERS.  [183T. 

beauty  that  graces  infancy,  I  resigned  her  to  the  grave,  with  only  the  consolation 
that  her  spirit  is  fairer  and  purer  now  than  ever  saint  or  prophet  presented  at 
the  judgment  of  God. 

We  have  not  yet  awakened  to  a  consciousness  of  the  danger  that  hangs  over 
our  whole  house.  When  I  look  upon  the  sorrowing  mother,  and  the  precious 
faces  of  my  surviving  children,  our  relatives  and  every  servant  of  the  family, 
and  remember  that  my  lost  child  was  nursed  and  caressed  with  all  the  assiduity 
and  constancy  her  sufferings  required,  while  the  very  breath  that  proceeded 
from  her  was  loaded  with  infection,  I  feel  as  if  we  are  all  encompassed  with  the 
shades  of  the  valley  of  death. 

Shortly  after  the  burial,  Seward,  feeling  ill,  had  retired  at  night  to 
his  room,  when  suddenly  the  church-bells  rang  an  alarm  of  fire.  The 
ruddy  light,  streaming  into  the  windows,  gave  warning,  confirmed  a 
few  minutes  later,  that  the  fire  was  on  Genesee  Street,  directly  oppo 
site  his  own  buildings,  the  "  Exchange  Block."  It  was  a  bitter  cold 
night ;  a  northeast  storm  was  raging,  and  the  flames  spread  rapidly. 
The  imperfect  fire  apparatus  of  the  village  proved  inadequate  to  check 
the  flames  ;  the  water  froze  in  the  buckets  and  the  hose  before  it  could 
reach  the  conflagration.  Building  after  building  went  down.  In  spite 
of  all  attempts  to  dissuade  him,  he  started  up  and  proceeded  to  the 
fire,  and  spent  hours  on  the  roof  of  the  Exchange  Block,  directing  the 
efforts  of  a  hastily-gathered  squad  of  assistants,  with  buckets  of  water 
and  wet  blankets,  to  extinguish  the  sparks  as  they  fell.  Though  set  on 
fire  in  a  dozen  different  places,  the  block  was  saved,  and  the  fire 
burned  itself  out,  after  destroying  fourteen  buildings.  He  came  home 
with  his  clothes  frozen  stiff,  and  so  exhausted  as  to  be  unable  to  take 
them  off.  A  day  later  he  was  prostrated  by  the  varioloid;  and  the  son, 
who  had  accompanied  him  from  Westfield,  was  soon  after  attacked  with 
the  same  disease. 

A  week  afterward  he  wrote  : 

ATTBTTBN,  January  29,  1837. 

I  avail  myself  of  the  earliest  recovered  strength  to  say  to  you  that  Augustus 
and  myself  are  both  convalescent. 

When  the  alarm  of  fire  called  me  up,  for  the  first  time  in  my  life,  when  I 
was  where  my  aid  might  be  useful,  I  shrank  from  going  to  a  fire ;  but  I  feared 
that,  if  I  had  any  form  of  that  horrible  disease  upon  me,  my  death  would  cer 
tainly  be  the  consequence  of  such  exposure  as  the  occasion  called  for  on  such  a 
fearful  night.  The  broad  glare  of  flame  that  blazed  almost  in  my  face  left  me  no 
hope  that  my  property  would  be  safe,  and  I  rushed  to  the  scene ;  and  such  a 
scene  to  look  upon,  when  it  threatened  to  consume  not  merely  my  property,  but 
my  home !  I  was  imperfectly  prepared  for  the  exposure.  From  half -past  eleven 
until  three  I  worked  in  the  thickest  of  the  heat  and  melting  snow,  and  sat  down 
at  last  wearied  and  exhausted,  but  with  the  satisfactory  reflection  that,  by  my 
own  exertion,  the  destruction  of  the  Exchange  Buildings  and  the  further  prog- 
of  the  conflagration  were  prevented. 


1837.]  HIS  DAUGHTER'S  DEATH.  325 

Recovering  after  a  lapse  of  three  weeks,  he  returned  to  his  duties 
in  Westfield.  He  wrote  from  there  : 

Sunday,  February  12th. 

We  are  again  separated,  my  dear  Frances ;  I  have  returned  to  you  the  boy 
you  lent  me  ;  you  now  have  both,  all,  in  your  keeping ;  you  have  our  living  and 
our  dead  with  you,  and  the  home  with  which  they  are  associated,  and  I  am  far 
away  and  all  alone ;  and  yet  you  will  be  the  mourner,  for  you  are  the  stricken 
one,  you  are  the  woman,  the  mother.  My  feelings  on  leaving  home  are  known 
to  you ;  I  never  was  so  reluctant  to  leave  you ;  I  yet  regret  very  much  that  I 
had  not  insisted  on  your  coming  with  me,  for  I  am  afraid  to  leave  you  to  mourn 
alone ;  and  yet  I  am  without  the  means  to  console  you.  Indeed,  I  feel  great 
need  of  consolation  myself.  The  lightness  that  was  in  all  my  heart  when  I 
thought  of  you  and  your  sanctuary,  and  those  who  surrounded  you  there,  was 
the  main  constituent  of  my  cheerfulness,  for  I  was  always  thinking  of  you ;  I  am 
now  always  thinking  of  you,  but  I  imagine  you  sitting  alone,  drooping,  de 
sponding,  and  unhappy ;  and,  when  I  think  of  you  in  this  condition,  I  cannot 
resist  the  sorrow  that  swells  within  me.  If  I  could  be  with  you,  to  lure  you 
away  to  more  active  pursuits,  to  varied  study,  or  more  cheerful  thoughts,  I 
might  save  you  for  yourself,  for  your  children,  for  myself.  I  must  commend 
you,  as  all  must  do  who  would  console  you,  to  the  offices  and  to  the  consolations 
of  that  religion  you  so  highly  appreciate ;  and  it  will  be  in  my  power  to  meet 
you,  night  and  morn,  before  the  Creator,  in  asking  him  to  make  us  both  sen 
sible  of  the  purpose  of  the  affliction  we  have  suffered.  Let  this,  then,  be  under 
stood  between  us  ;  and  it  will  perhaps  enable  us  to  bear  with  a  more  fitting  sub 
mission  the  calamity  which  has  befallen  us. 

WESTFEELD,  Thwsday. 

I  found  my  clerks  alarmed  by  rumors  of  threatened  conspiracies;  and  I 
verily  believe,  but  for  my  return,  their  indiscretion,  combined  with  the  advan 
tage  my  absence  afforded  to  malcontents,  would  have  brought  about  some  effort 
at  disorder.  The  pretext  for  the  disturbance  was,  that  the  deeds  which  had 
been  promised  had  not  been  procured.  I  had  the  people's  money ;  I  was  ab 
sent,  and  of  course  I  had  absconded!  Think  of  such  charity!  and  this  in  a 
community  among  which  were  five  newspapers,  each  of  which,  with  the  friends 
I  have,  and  all  my  clerks,  published  the  fact  that  the  visitation  of  death  in  my 
family  was  the  cause  of  my  absence.  Fortunately,  I  brought  with  me  from  Bata- 
via,  not  only  my  bodily  presence,  but  eight  hundred  deeds,  and  the  clamor 
ceased.  But  I  lose  no  time  in  saying  that  there  is  not  and  cannot  be  any  cause 
of  apprehension  of  evil.  All  former  disturbances  arose  from  the  unsettled 
condition  of  the  business  of  the  office.  Three-fourths  of  the  people  have  re 
newed  their  contracts,  the  mass  of  the  community  are  satisfied,  and  these  little 
ebullitions  of  ill-will  proceed  from  a  very  ignorant  few,  who  have  found  all 
their  own  importance  sink  as  good  order  and  harmony  are  restored. 

Resuming  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  Weed,  he  wrote  : 

WESTFIELD,  February  122A. 

If  there  was  a  time  when  I  more  than  at  other  times  needed  the  sympathy 
and  communion  of  your  friendship,  it  was  during  my  late  season  of  alarm  and 
affliction  at  Auburn.  You  have  no  idea  how  the  wound  I  have  suffered  in  my 


326  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

family  has  made  me  impatient  to  abridge  this  life  of  estrangement  from  them. 
How  strange  it  is  that  I  should  be  writing  such  thoughts,  such  feelings  to  you — 
you,  immersed  in  cares,  and  agitated  and  excited  continually  by  the  rough  con 
tact  with  excited  and  ambitious  men !  But  I  must  talk  about  somebody  and 
something  else  than  myself. 

I  hope  you  did  not  send  Matt  Davis's  book  (the  "  Life  of  Aaron  Burr  "),  as 
I  have,  in  that  event,  missed  it  altogether.  I  found  one  in  the  book-store  at 
Auburn,  and  read  it  with  all  the  interest  I  expected,  when  we  conversed  about 
it  before  it  was  published,  and  more  than  I  expected  after  reading  the  reviews 
of  the  book  in  newspapers.  Tell  me,  honestly,  were  the  beautiful  letters  of  his 
wife,  as  well  as  his  own,  the  studied  epistles  of  persons  of  high  talents  and 
education,  each  practising  on  the  other  ?  or  were  they  the  ebullitions  of  a  genu 
ine,  and  devoted,  and  exclusive  passion  ?  If  the  latter,  how  could  such  deprav 
ity  as  his  be  associated  with  such  a  refined  love  ? 

I  am  anxious  for  the  next  volume.  I  think,  by-the-way,  that  Davis  has  ex 
hibited  great  tact  in  arresting  his  pen  at  the  eve  of  the  election  in  1801.  I  must 
remark,  passim,  that  there  is  an  obscurity  resting  on  the  political  career  of  Burr, 
as  it  is  described  in  the  book.  It  proceeds,  doubtless,  from  the  difficulty  of  fill 
ing  up,  with  dignity  and  action,  the  details. 

WESTFIELD,  February  23d. 

I  find  the  good  people  of  Mayville  quiet  as  usual.  The  citizens  of  James 
town,  not  satisfied  with  their  agitation  concerning  the  banks,  have  been  having 
some  mob-scenes,  growing  out  of  the  abolition  question.  Though  the  commu 
nity,  as  a  whole,  is  not  rude,  ignorant,  and  excitable,  yet  it  contains  very  many 
of  that  class ;  past  success  in  demonstrations  of  that  kind  has  emboldened 
them,  and  hence  the  spirit  of  insubordination  appears  to  gain  strength.  I  have, 
fortunately,  so  far  settled  affairs  here  as  to  have  greatly  diminished  the  danger 
from  these  mischief -loving  individuals. 

February  Vlth. 

I  have  laid  aside  my  volume  of  Tacitus,  which  is  my  sole  companion  these 
long  winter  evenings,  and  am  ready  to  converse  an  hour  with  you. 

Application  has  been  made  to  me,  on  behalf  of  the  Rochester  &  Batavia 
Railroad  Company,  to  go  to  Holland  for  them  this  spring.  The  continued  press 
ure  for  money  in  this  country  renders  it  probable  that  some  one  must  go  thither 
also  to  get  our  credit  extended  by  the  Holland  Company  on  our  Chautauqua 
purchase. 

The  banks  are  already  verging  to  a  state  of  fearful  danger,  and  I  perceive 
not  how  they  can  escape  the  storm  that  threatens  them.  You  are,  at  head 
quarters,  as  well  skilled  in  the  science  of  political  economy  as  any  of  us,  and 
better  acquainted  with  the  signs  of  the  times. 

There  were  many  signs  this  winter  of  approach  of  financial  distress. 
In  February  occurred  a  demonstration,  evidently  based  on  ideas  im 
ported  from  Europe,  for  there  was  nothing  in  the  condition  of  either 
rich  or  poor  in  the  United  States  that  could  be  deemed  an  adequate 
cause  for  it  ;  this  was  a  "  flour-mob  "  in  the  city  of  New  York.  A 
meeting  was  held  in  the  park,  at  which  inflammatory  appeals  were  ad 
dressed  to  a  gathering  of  five  or  six  thousand  men,  the  enhanced  price 


1837.]  GENERAL  JACKSON'S   RETIREMENT.  327 

of  flour  being  chosen,  probably  because  it  was  the  best  ad  captandum 
argument,  and  not  because  flour  was  more  exaggerated  in  price  than 
other  commodities,  nor  because  there  was  any  real  scarcity  of  bread. 
Fired  to  fanatic  enthusiasm,  the  crowd  rushed  down  to  Washington 
Street,  broke  into  and  pillaged  the  store  of  a  dealer  in  flour  and  grain, 
breaking  open  barrels  and  throwing  their  contents  out  of  the  windows, 
until  the  street  in  front  was  covered  a  foot  deep  with  flour.  The  mob 
then  proceeded  to  a  store  on  the  east  side  of  the  city,  to  begin  a  simi 
lar  outrage,  but  by  this  time  the  police  had  mustered  in  sufficient  force 
to  arrest  the  ringleaders  and  disperse  the  others. 

The  season  of  high  prosperity  and  speculation  prevailing  in  1836 
had  now  culminated,  and  a  reaction  was  setting  in.  The  closing  year 
of  General  Jackson's  Administration  had  been  signalized  by  his  "  Specie 
Circular,"  requiring  payments  for  public  lands  to  be  made  in  specie 
instead  of  bank-notes  ;  and  the  banks,  finding  themselves  called  upon 
to  meet  a  Western  demand  for  specie,  in  consequence,  were  beginning 
to  contract  their  loans  and  discounts.  Still,  no  one  as  yet  expected 
anything  worse  than  a  temporary  stringency,  and  neither  the  outgoing 
Administration  of  General  Jackson,  nor  the  incoming  one  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  nor  their  supporters  in  Congress,  seemed  inclined  to  deviate 
from  the  policy  upon  which  they  had  entered,  of  discouraging  and 
discrediting  bank  issues  of  "  paper-money."  The  storm  was  gather 
ing,  but  had  not  yet  burst.  General  Jackson,  in  his  last  message,  de 
fended  the  "  Specie  Circular,"  and  spoke  of  the  "  happy  consequences  " 
that  were  to  ensue  from  it ;  and,  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  refused 
to  sign  a  bill,  passed  by  both  Houses,  allowing  notes  of  specie-paying 
banks  to  be  received. 

Colonel  Benton  achieved  at  last  the  success  of  his  resolution  for 
"  expunging  "  from  the  Senate  Journal  its  censure  of  General  Jack 
son,  in  1834,  for  the  removal  of  the  deposits.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  in 
augurated  President  on  the  4th  of  March,  and,  as  Chief-Justice  Taney 
administered  the  oath  to  him  on  the  eastern  portico  of  the  Capitol, 
General  Jackson  was  said  to  have  exultingly  exclaimed,  "  There  is  my 
rejected  minister  to  England,  sworn  as  President  by  my  rejected  Judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court  !  " 

The  triumph  was  undeniably  complete  ;  the  Democratic  party  had 
control  of  all  the  branches  of  the  Government,  the  executive,  the 
legislative,  and  the  judicial.  General  Jackson's  policy  had  been  ap 
proved  and  his  measures  adopted  throughout.  He  had  overthrown  the 
national  bank;  he  had  established  the  "  hard-money"  doctrine;  he 
had  suppressed  the  discussion  of  slavery  ;  and  he  had  named  his  suc 
cessor  in  the  chair.  He  was  now  to  have  the  glory,  and  his  successor 
to  reap  the  bitter  fruits. 


328  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1837. 

WESTFIELD,  March  7, 1837. 

The  long-dreaded  Ides  of  March  are  here.  The  celebration  of  the  triumph 
"has  passed  by,  and  the  victors  are  flushed  with  the  anticipated  division  of  the 
spoils.  Yet  the  surface  of  things  is  unchanged,  and  all  looks  as  fair  for  the  per 
petuity  of  our  free  institutions  as  ever.  Did  it  ever  occur  to  you  that  there  is 
the  same  error  in  our  notions  of  national  dissolution  and  decay  that  there  is  in 
our  ideas  of  the  working  of  death  in  the  physical  frame  ?  We  know  that  the 
system  is  infected  with  a  mortal  disease;  we  anticipate  a  violent  and  sudden 
dissolution  by  convulsions ;  and  yet,  the  sufferer  lingers  and  stays  so  long,  the 
progress  of  decay  is  so  often  checked  by  the  remaining  energies  of  life,  that  we 
come  at  last  to  believe  our  former  apprehensions  groundless.  And,  when  we 
have  thus  come  at  last  to  believe  that  all  is  well,  suddenly  and  mysteriously  the 
progress  of  the  destroyer  is  fearfully  accelerated,  and  death  closes  the  scene. 
Such  a  consumptive  death  may  be  the  fate  of  Liberty  in  this  land,  and  not  that 
violent  end  that  more  ardent  patriots  imagine. 

My  brother  Jennings  came  here  on  Thursday  last,  and  made  me  a  very  grati 
fying  visit.  I  had  been  anticipating  his  arrival,  for  I  had  matured  a  plan  equally 
advantageous,  I  think,  for  us  both,  which  would  release  me  from  my  present 
pursuit  and  restore  his  powers  to  their  proper  direction.  I  tendered  him  an 
equal  participation  in  my  advantages  here  if  he  would  come  on  with  his  family 
and  grow  up  in  the  business,  so  as  not  to  produce  alarm  by  any  sudden  change 
of  administration.  You  know  his  superior  capability.  It  has  been  a  severe 
struggle  with  the  enthusiasm  of  his  nature ;  but  he  has  assented  at  last,  and  will 
come  in  as  my  chief  assistant  on  the  first  of  April.  The  estate  is  already  sub 
stantially  settled.  His  great  mercantile  skill  and  industrious  habits  will  enable 
him  to  carry  it  forward  to  its  most  profitable  close. 

WESTFIFLD,  March  12,  1837. 

So  General  Jackson  has  left  his  specie  order  in  force,  and  by  retaining  the 
bill  passed  by  Congress  has  perpetuated  the  evils  under  which  we  have  suffered, 
I  predict  that  "  the  Magician  "  will  speedily  suspend  the  order. 

I  have  just  read  Van  Buren's  inaugural.  I  confess  that  it  seems  refreshing 
to  find  the  documents  proceeding  from  the  Executive  imbued  once  more  with 
the  sense  of  responsibility,  and  distinguished  by  something  of  the  dignity  that 
pertained  to  similar  papers  previous  to  the  accession  of  the  late  incumbent. 
Van  Buren  has  certainly  a  very  happy  talent  in  such  papers,  but  I  think  this 
superior  to  all  his  manifestoes  during  the  canvass.  I  see  that  he  appreciates  the 
danger  to  which  his  Administration  is  exposed. 

March  15th. 

The  young  men  in  the  office  begin  to  look  with  alarm  at  the  prospect  of  a 
disbanding,  which  will  become  necessary  in  a  few  months.  After  a  hard  win 
ter's  work  they  see  the  business  so  nearly  done  that  there  must  be  a  great  dimi 
nution  of  their  number.  One  is  very  busily  engaged  in  that  chief  of  all  pleas 
ures — courtship.  It  must  be  an  unusual  case  if  it  can  last  much  longer  without 
resolving  itself  into  coffee  and  toast  for  two. 

Of  a  clergyman  in  one  of  the  towns  of  Chautauqua  County,  whose 
acquaintance  he  had  made,  he  said  : 


1887.1  CHURCH   MEMBERSHIP.  329 

4 *  He  is  a  fast  admirer  of  General  Jackson,  and,  when  we  met  at  dinner  about 
the  4th  of  March,  I  said,  by  way  of  closing  a  rather  warm  discussion  on  politics, 
"  Well,  you  have  put  up  your  last  public  prayer  for  the  old  hero  1  " 

"  Yes,"  said  he,  "and  I  sincerely  regret  that  I  shall  not  hereafter  be  able  to 
continue  that  duty." 

"  Well,  well,"  said  I,  "  you  will  doubtless,  like  all  other  Jackson  men,  wor 
ship  the  rising  sun." 

"  No,"  said  he,  seriously  ;  "  I  have  been  thinking  on  that  subject,  and  I  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  I  shall  henceforth  omit  the  prayer  for  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  for  I  don't  like  Mr.  Van  Buren.  I  do  not  wish  him  prosper 
ity,  and  cannot  pray  for  it." 

I  remonstrated  with  him,  setting  forth  all  the  arguments  which  naturally 
present  themselves,  but  without  success.  He  did  omit  the  prayer,  and  his  is 
probably  the  only  Episcopal  church  in  the  country  which  does  not  every  Sunday 
pray  for  a  blessing  upon  "  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  all  others 
in  authority." 

Adverting  to  a  lecturer  who  was  expounding  some  extreme  theories 
of  abstinence  and  vegetarianism,  in  Auburn,  Seward  remarked  : 

I  hope  he  will  leave  common-sense  enough  among  the  people  there  to  qualify 
them  for  getting  the  small  portion  of  daily  bread  and  water  they  will  need,  even 
upon  his  plan.  What  strange  ideas  people  must  have  of  the  character  of  God  1 
Some  of  them  see,  in  the  faculties  with  which  he  has  endowed  us,  but  the  senti 
nels  of  alarm  and  terror.  Others  see,  in  our  tastes  and  appetites,  only  the 
traitors  of  our  souls  and  bodies ! 

Toward  the  close  of  March  he  wrote  to  Mrs.  Seward  : 

Sunday,  March  26*A. 

The  beautiful  little  poem  of  which  you  speak  strikingly  illustrates  the  benefi 
cence  of  the  Creator.  I  have  somewhere  read  that  he  who  contributes  to  extend 
among  our  race  the  knowledge  of  the  attributes  of  God  accomplishes  greater  good 
than  he  who  achieves  the  most  perilous  enterprise.  To  diffuse  a  knowledge  of 
the  works  of  God  is  the  task  of  philosophy ;  to  learn  from  the  knowledge  thus 
diffused  the  true  character  of  the  Deity,  is  its  chief  value. 

It  was  during  this  month  that  he  united  with  the  Episcopal  Church 
at  Westfield  as  one  of  its  members.  He  said  : 

I  received  this  morning,  not  without  fear,  but  I  trust  in  sincerity  of  heart, 
the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  the  communion.  I  was  alone  at  the  font.  Yet 
I  felt  that  it  was  a  duty  that  my  conscience  enjoined,  my  judgment  and  my  heart 
approved,  and  it  had  been  too  long  postponed.  I  thought  continually  of  yon 
and  my  boys,  and  our  child-angel  "  that  left  her  errand  with  my  heart  and  straight 
returned  to  heaven." 

The  news  from  Albany  that  a  proposed  general  banking  law  was  in 
danger  of  defeat  aroused  much  popular  feeling.  Public  meetings  urged 
its  passage.  One  was  held  in  Chautauqua  County,  and  Seward,  as 


330  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

chairman  of  the  committee,  drew  up  the  memorial  to  be  presented  to 
the  Legislature.  It  recited  the  financial  and  commercial  condition  of 
the  country  as  viewed  from  the  popular  standpoint,  closing  thus  : 

Your  petitioners  have  deemed  it  their  right  as  citizens,  and  their  duty  as  a 
portion  of  your  constituency,  to  present  to  you  the  true  condition  of  the  coun 
try,  and  the  existing  state  of  public  opinion.  They  abstain  from  all  discussion 
of  the  details  of  the  several  bills  under  consideration  in  the  Legislature.  It  is 
not  in  the  primary  assemblies  of  the  people  that  such  details  ought  to  be  matured. 
They  will  only  say  that  the  passage  of  even  the  most  imperfect  of  those  bills 
would  be  better  than  the  denial  of  all  relief. 

The  proposed  general  banking  law  was  referred  to  the  Attorney- 
General,  Samuel  Beardsley,  who  declared  it  to  be  unconstitutional,  and 
that,  if  passed,  such  a  statute  would  be  absolutely  null  and  void.  His 
party  sustained  this  view.  A  second  bill,  framed  to  meet  his  objec 
tions,  was  defeated  in  the  Senate.  So  the  projected  measure  of  relief 
failed,  and  the  financial  crisis  hastened  to  its  culmination. 

WESTFIELD,  April  3,  1837. 

On  the  other  page  is  the  memorial  I  drew  for  our  meeting  here.  I  deem 
myself  fortunate  in  being  out  of  the  contagious  atmosphere  of  Albany  when  the 
dark  scene,  I  in  other  times  foresaw,  is  drawing  over  the  land.  Even  here, 
among  business-men,  there  is  evidently  a  growing  alarm.  We  are  doubtless  to 
Buffer  now  the  consequences  of  blindly  following  blind  leaders.  My  heart  fails 
me  not,  but  I  mourn  that  the  good  and  the  wise  are  involved  in  the  punishment. 

April  10th. 

You  are  a  sad  fellow,  Uncle  Weed.  It  is  doubtful  whether  I  have  rendered 
you  any  kindness  in  recommending  the  history  of  the  Pickwickians  to  your 
perusal.  The  lives  of  those  illustrious  personages  are  to  be  improved  to  our 
advantage  by  reading  them,  not  imitating  them.  I  should  delight  to  know, 
however,  how  you  have  cast  the  dramatis  personce  in  your  club.  I  suppose  that 
Livingston,  in  virtue  of  his  accomplishments  as  a  presiding  officer  in  by-gone 
days,  is  P.  P.  P.  W.  0.  Cutting,  if  not  more  guarded  in  debate  in  the  club  than 
the  House,  must  frequently  be  compelled  to  apologize  for  violation  of  Pick 
wickian  etiquette. 

The  tide  of  popular  opinion  is  growing  fearfully  stormy,  and  it  finds  no 
longer  the  popularity  of  "  the  revered  chief  "  to  resist  its  force. 

The  country  is  yet  to  feel  the  pressure  that  seems  to  be  passing  over  New 
York.  The  first  payments  for  farms  in  this  universal  barter  are  generally  in 
arrear :  then  comes  the  pinch. 

Meanwhile,  the  commercial  panic  had  begun.  It  is  never  easy  to 
+-o<3e  pll  the  causes  of  a  period  of  financial  disorder,  since  each  of  its 
ejects  Decomes  in  turn  a  cause  of  fresh  disasters.  And  so  the  finan 
cial  storm  which  swept  over  the  country  in  1837,  bringing  in  its  train 
ruin,  bankruptcy,  and  beggary,  has  been  ascribed,  by  its  historians,  to 


1837.]  THE   CRASH.  331 

as  many  and  various  causes  as  there  were  shades  of  political  opinion 
or  mercantile  experience.  Now  that  it  is  all  so  long  past  that  the 
observer  can  look  back  upon  it  with  impartiality,  it  seems  to  have  been 
not  only  a  natural  but  an  inevitable  consequence  of  the  wild  period 
of  speculative  expansion  which  preceded  it.  Both  the  one  period  and 
the  other  owed  their  existence,  in  a  large  degree,  to  governmental 
action,  State  and  national,  undertaken  from  patriotic  motives,  but  with 
blindness  to  future  results.  The  national  and  State  governments  had 
determined  that  there  should  be  no  United  States  Bank,  with  vaults 
containing  the  national  treasure,  but  that  there  should  be  a  multitude 
of  local  banks,  among  whom  that  treasure  would  be  distributed.  Of 
course,  it  was  made  by  them  the  basis  of  vastly-expanded  issues  and 
credits.  Then,  having  thus  built  up  these  banks  in  the  commercial 
centres,  the  Government  proceeded  to  undermine  them  by  proclaiming 
doubts  of  their  solvency,  throwing  discredit  on  their  "  paper-money," 
and  requiring  specie  to  be  withdrawn  from  them  to  be  used  on  the 
Western  frontier.  Financial  credit  is  so  frail  and  sensitive  a  structure 
that  it  trembles  at  the  whispers  of  unfounded  rumor.  How  could  it 
fail  to  come  down  with  a  crash  at  the  blast  of  official  trumpets  ? 

Money,  during  the  winter,  had  commanded  exorbitant  and  increas 
ing  rates  of  interest,  amounting  to  three  and  four  per  cent,  a  month. 
Early  in  the  spring,  firms  in  the  cotton  and  sugar  line  in  New  Orleans 
suspended.  Immediately  similar  failures  occurred  in  New  York.  In 
April  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  leading  houses  had  stopped  pay 
ment.  By  the  close  of  that  month  there  was  a  run  upon  the  banks. 
On  the  3d  of  May  a  New  York  meeting  implored  the  President  to 
rescind  the  "  Specie  Circular,"  and  to  call  an  extra  session  of  Congress, 
giving  as  reasons  that  real  estate  in  the  city,  within  the  past  six 
months,  had  depreciated  more  than  forty  million  dollars;  that  stocks 
had  depreciated  as  much  more;  that  twenty  thousand  men,  depending 
upon  daily  labor,  had  been  turned  out  of  employment ;  "  and  that  a 
complete  blight  has  fallen  upon  the  community,  heretofore  so  active, 
enterprising,  and  prosperous." 

A  week  later  all  the  banks  in  the  city  suspended  specie  payment 
by  common  consent,  and  those  in  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  and  Boston, 
as  well  as  those  of  all  inland  towns,  as  fast  as  news  reached  them,  fol 
lowed  the  example. 

The  Federal  Government  itself  was  unable  to  pay  a  dollar,  for 
during  the  past  two  years  it  had  been  proclaiming  and  enacting  laws 
that  it  would  receive  and  pay  only  in  specie,  and  its  specie,  like  that 
of  individual  depositors,  was  in  the  vaults  of  the  suspended  banks. 

Writing  from  Philadelphia,  Seward  said  : 

No  adequate  conception  can  be  formed  of  the  pressure  in  New  York.  It  is 
sweeping  like  a  pestilence,  and  poverty  and  suffering  follow  in  its  train.  It  is 


332  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1887. 

a  season  of  perfect  prostration  of  confidence,  and  everybody  is  oppressed 
with  care.  One  after  another  all  my  "  rich  "  associates  fall  into  despondency, 
and  some  of  them,  I  fear,  into  real  trouble. 

I  arrived  in  New  York  on  Monday  morning,  spent  a  melancholy  day  amid 
the  gloomy  scenes  of  that  ill-fated  city,  and  then  came  here.  My  friends  in  the 
Chautauqua  purchase  are  now  all  here.  Sad  as  the  times  are,  our  business  will 
be  carried  through  the  pressure  without  shipwreck,  and  I  feel  cheerful  in  this 
result. 

I  have  fallen  in  with  Governor  Morehead,  of  Kentucky.  I  met  him  first  in 
New  York.  He  is  a  manly,  generous  young  fellow,  about  seven  feet  high.  It 
is  probable  he  will  accompany  me  to  Auburn  on  my  return,  if  I  do  return  this 
summer. 

Among  the  newspaper  announcements  of  the  spring  was  this  : 

The  French  frigate  AndromMe,  with  Louis  N.  Bonaparte,  has  arrived  at 
Norfolk.  The  prince  is  banished  to  America  for  an  attempt  to  excite  a  revolu 
tion  in  France. 

An  exiled  prince,  however,  was  not  so  uncommon  an  affair  as  to 
excite  great  public  attention,  especially  in  a  time  of  public  calamity. 
Visiting  one  day  at  Chancellor  Kent's,  Seward  met  there  "  Mr.  Bona 
parte,"  as  he  was  called  in  New  York.  Probably  it  would  have  sur 
prised  both  the  young  men  had  they  been  told  that  they  were  des 
tined  in  future,  not  only  to  direct  the  international  relations  of  their 
respective  countries,  but  to  come  into  collision  in  so  doing,  and  to 
have  the  joint  responsibility,  more  than  once,  of  casting  the  die  of 
peace  or  war  in  the  Old  World  and  the  New. 

On  reaching  home  after  this  expedition  Seward  found  Auburn  suffer 
ing,  as  all  the  larger  communities  were,  under  the  effects  of  the  commer 
cial  panic — merchants  and  manufacturers  embarrassed,  workmen  thrown 
out  of  employment,  business  stopped,  and  all  the  attractive  projects 
of  tbe  past  year — railroads,  canals,  factories,  avenues,  and  parks — 
brought  to  a  dead  stand.  Real  estate,  when  it  now  changed  bands, 
was  sacrificed  at  one-sixth  its  former  value  to  satisfy  creditors. 

The  Legislature,  just  at  the  close  of  its  session,  had  sanctioned  the 
suspension  of  specie  payments  by  the  banks  for  one  year,  thus  enabling 
them  to  avoid  going  into  liquidation  ;  but  it  had  failed  to  repeal  the 
law  prohibiting  tbe  circulation  of  bank-bills  under  five  dollars.  Unable 
to  get  specie,  and  denied  the  use  of  paper-money,  the  people  of  the 
State  found  themselves  unable  to  buy  or  sell  even  their  daily  food,  to 
pay  wages,  or  to  carry  on  tbe  most  common  transactions  of  civilized 
life.  There  was  no  help  to  be  hoped  for  from  government,  State  or 
national,  for  the  Legislature  had  refused  it,  and  adjourned  ;  the  Presi 
dent  had  called  an  extra  session  of  Congress,  but  it  was  not  to  meet  until 
September.  In  self-defense,  individuals  and  corporations  betook  them- 


1837.] 


"SHINPLASTERS.' 


333 


selves  to  currency  of  their  own  making.  It  was  an  era  of  "  shinplas- 
ters."  Village  trustees,  merchants,  manufacturers,  hotel-keepers,  and 
indeed  any  one  whose  name  and  credit  would  enable  him  to  put  them 
in  circulation,  issued  printed  promises  to  pay,  which  passed  from  hand  to 
hand  as  money  in  the  localities  where  the  names  they  bore  were  known. 
They  were  of  varied  form  and  size.  But  the  two  or  three  subjoined 
will  illustrate  their  character  : 


TONTINE     COFFEE-HOUSE. 

GOOD  FOB 

23    CENTS 
IN    REFRESHMENTS. 

Caldwell  tfe  Kenyon. 


ASTOR  HOUSE. 
Twenty-five    Cents. 


I  promise  on  demand  to  pay  the  bearer 

FOUR   SHILLINGS. 

ALEX.  WELSH. 


Good  for  One  Dollar. 

F.  BLANCHABD. 


Writing  the  next  week  to  Mr.  Weed,  he  said  : 

ATTBTJBN,  June  20, 1837. 

This  month  of  June  is  so  delightful ;  our  trees,  our  vines,  and  our  shrubs,  are 
all  so  green  and  grateful  to  the  eye ;  the  locust-flowers  produce  almost  a  satiety 
of  fragrance,  and  the  mellowed  light  that  makes  its  way  through  the  foliage 
seems  to  hallow  the  dwelling  for  repose.  All  this  is  perhaps  much  misplaced 
composure  when  the  community  suffers  around  us,  but  I  hope  you  will  find,  in 
my  long  and  vexed  absence  from  home,  some  kind  of  excuse  for  an  Jo  paean  on 
my  return  to  my  plain  and  unpretending  domicile. 

Auburn,  sooth  to  say,  is  beautiful ;  now,  in  this  hour  of  her  trial,  more  rich 
and  more  beautiful  than  ever.  As  yet  there  have  been  no  failures,  but  I  hear 
of  troubles  and  embarrassments  around  us  that,  if  not  relieved,  must  produce  all 
that  wretchedness  which  iu  other  times  we  predicted.  And  how  can  there  be 
relief,  and  when  ?  The  gloom  still  hangs  over  the  country,  heavier  and  blacker 
than  ever ! 

And  what,  you  would  ask,  do  I  think  of  political  feeling  as  it  develops  itself 


334  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1837. 

in  the  country.  I  see  now  nothing  but  a  subdued  and  dejected  people.  Every 
day  brings  home  to  these  the  bitter  instructions  of  a  necessity  before  unknown 
and  unlocked  for.  However  partisan  newspapers  may  deceive  their  readers,  it 
is  certain  that  the  mass  of  the  people  do  most  justly  feel  that  the  calamities 
which  have  fallen  upon  the  country  have  resulted  from  the  erroneous  policy 
of  the  Government.  The  mass  of  the  Jackson  party  feel  that  their  own  willful 
action  has  accomplished  our  ruin,  and,  instead  of  holding  "the  hero"  to  the 
responsibility  he  assumed,  they  mourn  their  own  infatuation.  I  believe,  not 
withstanding,  that  an  election  taken  now  would  reverse  all  the  majorities  ob 
tained  over  us  last  year. 

An  unfortunate  expression  in  the  columns  of  the  Administration 
organ  at  Washington,  the  Globe,  was,  "  There  is  no  pressure  which 
any  honest  man  should  regret."  This  declaration  added  bitterness  to 
the  popular  feeling,  and  was  promptly  caught  up  and  used  in  political 
arguments.  - 

The  financial  policy  of  the  Administration  had  been  cautiously  de 
scribed  as  an  "  experimental  "  one,  to  imply  that  it  would  be  changed 
in  case  it  should  be  found  to  work  injuriously  to  public  interests  ; 
but  unfortunately  the  projects  seemed  to  fail  one  after  another,  until 
the  public  clamored  for  a  cessation  of  experiments.  In  fact,  confi 
dence  in  the  wisdom  and  financial  skill  of  the  Jackson  party  had  now 
received  a  rude  shock.  The  supporters  of  that  policy  found  themselves 
put  upon  their  defense  at  public  meetings  and  in  the  press.  Less 
from  any  new-born  faith  in  the  doctrines  of  the  Whig  party  than  from 
daily-growing  distrust  of  those  of  the  Administration,  voters  fell  away 
and  transferred  their  allegiance.  At  the  charter  elections  in  Albany 
and  New  York  the  Whigs  had  achieved  successes  unexpected  even  by 
themselves. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

1837. 

Chautauqua  in  Summer. — Discourse  on  Education. — Washington  in  the  Extra  Session. — 
First  Meeting  with  Clay  and  Webster.— Calhoun's  Speech.— New  York  &  Erie  Kail* 
road  Convention. — Samuel  B.  Ruggles. — A  Political  Revolution. — Whig  Exultations. — 
Weed  and  the  Clerkship.— The  Canadian  "  Patriot  War."— The  Je/ersonian.—  Letters 
to  Children. 

IN  all  enterprises  of  amusement  or  travel  Seward  liked  to  be 
accompanied  by  those  who  could  share  his  pleasure.  He  not  only 
enjoyed  his  family  circle,  but  liked  to  have  it  a  large  one.  Fond  of 
traveling,  his  chief  regret  in  making  his  journeys  was,  that  he  so  often 
made  them  alone  ;  and  whenever  it  was  practicable  he  loved  to  trans 
port  with  him  the  surroundings  of  home.  When,  therefore,  this  sum- 


1837.]  A  FAMILY   JOURNEY.  335 

mer  it  had  become  necessary  to  return  to  Westfield,  he  proposed  and 
organized  a  family  excursion  thither.  Starting  from  Auburn  on  a 
bright  June  morning,  in  a  stage-coach  of  Sherwood's  well-known  line, 
designated,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  time,  as  an  "  exclusive 
extra,"  they  followed  the  western  turnpike  across  the  Cayuga  Bridge. 
His  letters  to  Mr.  Weed  described  the  trip  : 

WESTFIELD,  July  3,  1837. 

It  has  been  a  chasm  in  time  since  I  parted  with  you  at  Utica.  Your  perverse 
nature  has  led  you  to  take  shelter  behind  a  supposed  uncertainty  as  to  my 
whereabouts,  and  so  deprive  me  of  a  single  line  under  your  hand.  But  the 
plea  shall  avail  you  no  longer.  Know,  therefore,  thou  offender,  that  I  have 
safely  escaped  the  perils  by  flood  and  field,  and  am  once  more  in  my  proper  baili 
wick  of  Chautauqua,  where  I  shall  stay  at  least  long  enough  to  need  the  support 
of  your  letters,  and  yet  so  short  a  period  that  I  shall  speedily  call  you  to  account 
in  person  if  you  neglect  my  reasonable  requirements.  Monday  morning,  just 
one  week  ago,  we  set  out  in  an  extra  exclusive,  and  arrived  the  same  day  at 
Canandaigua.  There  we  found  Mrs.  Worden,  brought  her  and  her  daughter 
with  us  through  Avon,  Batavia,  and  Lockport,  to  Buffalo,  and  then  through  the 
"  Oattaraugus  Woods,"  where  the  roads  are  noted  as  being  the  worst  in  the 
country,  and  are  rendered  almost  impassable  by  mud  even  in  midsummer. 

At  Fredonia  we  went  to  look  at  Mr.  Hart's  garden,  situate  in  a  narrow  street. 
My  father  and  mother  remained  in  the  coach,  while  all  the  others  went  into  the 
garden.  The  driver,  in  attempting  to  tarn,  overturned  the  stage.  My  mother's 
arm  was  dislocated  at  the  wrist.  My  father  was  considerably  bruised,  but  he 
has  altogether  recovered.  My  mother's  wound  has  been  attended  to  with  all 
care  and  skill,  and  seems  to  be  doing  well.  We  are  all  here,  housed  in  my  domi 
cile,  or  rather  that  which  late  was  mine,  but  now  is  my  brother's.  A  delightful 
place  it  is  too,  as  we  all  hope  to  have  an  opportunity,  before  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments,  or  the  winter's  solstice,  to  satisfy  you. 

Our  parents,  notwithstanding  my  mother's  misfortune,  enjoy  greatly  the 
society  of  so  many  of  their  children  and  their  own  increasing  health.  Mrs. 
Worden  finds  comfort  and  convalescence  in  the  Chautauqua  air.  The  children 
are  right  glad  to  have  green  plots  and  groves  for  their  intervals  of  school-hours, 
and  I  am  once  more  altogether  free  from  care.  How  long  we  all  stay  here 
we  cannot  tell,  for  I  bar  the  question  among  ourselves  until  I  get  amends  for 
my  long  pilgrimage  at  the  East. 

John  0.  Spencer  and  Mark  Sibley  called  upon  us  at  Canandaigna,  and  my 
entire  evening  was  spent  with  them. 

I  had  but  a  hurried  interview  with  Fillmore.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gary  went  with 
us  to  Buffalo,  and  our  party  was  so  large  and  unwieldy  that  I  could  not  retard 
or  direct  its  movements,  except  straightforward. 

Everything  here  looks  well  and  improved,  as  I  knew  it  would  be  under  my 
brother's  administration.  The  pressure  seems  scarcely  to  have  reached  this  sec 
tion  of  the  country.  There  is  great  relief  in  getting  away  from  the  associations 
that  so  utterly  break  up  all  cheerfulness  at  the  East. 

Some  weeks  were  passed  in  the  "  Mansion  House  "  at  Westfield. 
Labors  at  the  land-office  continued,  but  did  not  prevent  him  from 


336  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1887. 

taking  the  whole  party  to  see  the  various  points  of  interest.  Visits 
were  made  to  the  lake-shore,  to  Fredonia,  and  the  wonderful  gas- 
spring  (an  avant  coureur  of  the  yet  undiscovered  petroleum-wells),  to 
Dunkirk,  whose  capacious  harbor  was  fondly  deemed  a  destined  entre 
pot  of  great  future  commerce,  to  Mayville,  with  its  county  magnates 
and  buildings,  then  down  the  beautiful  Chautauqua  Lake  in  a  little 
steamboat  just  large  enough  to  wind  through  the  thicket  and  forest 
lined  outlet  to  Jamestown,  whose  commercial  relations  were  with  the 
valley  of  the  Ohio. 

WESTFIELD,  July  10,  1837. 

Well,  I  am  here  for  once,  enjoying  the  reality  of  dreams.  "  Othello's  occu 
pation,"  although  not  absolutely  "gone,"  is  still  so  relieved  that  I  find  time 
abundant  for  all  things.  I  assiduously  perform  such  labor  as  I  have  before  me. 
I  read  much,  I  ride  some,  and  stroll  more  along  the  lake-shore.  My  wife  and 
children  are  enjoying  a  measure  of  health  which  enables  them  to  participate  in 
these  pleasures,  and,  despite  the  thought  of  returning  notes  of  hand,  protests, 
and  panics,  I  am  at  ease.  Now,  then,  if  you  were  here,  and  brought  no  "re 
ports  of  outrage  and  oppression  with  which  earth  is  filled,"  we  would  enjoy 
pleasures  that  would  have  seduced  Cicero  and  his  philosophic  friends  from  Tus- 

culum. 

July  I2tk. 

I  am  glad  you  had  a  patriotic  Fourth  of  July.  I  love  that  kind  of  celebra 
tions.  I  spent  mine,  however,  quite  pleasantly  here,  in  the  large  family  circle 
that  are  "  round  about  me."  I  went  to  church  to  hear  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  read  by  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  and  an  intemperate  temperance 
address  by  a  reclaimed  drunkard.  My  brother,  "  Mr.  Seward  of  Westfield,"  went 
to  Fredonia,  and  delivered  a  Sunday-school  address  to  the  Sunday-school,  where 
by  I  see  he  stirred  up  the  old  leaders  of  Tom  Paineism. 

I  have  read  with  much  delight  Stephens's  "  Incidents  of  Travel." 
Dudley  Marvin,  Fillmore,  and  others,  are  at  Mayville,  attending  the  Circuit 
Court.    I  had  a  good  long  talk  with  Fillmore,  and  have  had  some  opportunity 
with  Gardiner.     I  spent  an  hour  or  two  at  court.     By-the-way,  James  Mullet, 
here,  is  a  noble  fellow,  both  in  the  qualities  of  head  and  heart. 

WESTFIELD,  July  17,  1837. 

It  seems  that  the  speed  of  our  mails  is  in  the  inverse  ratio  of  the  improve 
ment  of  our  roads.  Yours  of  the  8th  has  just  come,  and  meets  me  on  my  return 
from  Jamestown  and  Warren,  in  Pennsylvania.  I  have  been  agreeably  disap 
pointed  in  the  condition  and  aspect  of  that  part  of  this  county,  which  I  have 
now  traversed  for  the  first  time. 

You  have  had  a  succession  of  enjoyments — Granger,  Kent,  and  Marryat.  I 
think  Granger  can  afford  one  year  of  absence  from  public  life,  and  doubt  not 
that  it  will  be  fortunate  if  his  friends  excuse  him.  I  envy  you  so  much  of  Kent's 
society  as  you  seem  to  enjoy,  and  I  am  glad  that  you  had  an  opportunity  to  make 
Captain  Marryat's  acquaintance.  I  always  covet  the  opportunity  to  compare 
the  real  man  with  my  estimate  or  standard  derived  from  his  writings. 

Fillmore  was  here  the  day  after  he  had  met  Webster  at  Buffalo.  He  says 
that  Webster  was  very  much  dejected  on  arriving  at  Buffalo.  He  began  to  feel. 


1837.]  DISCOURSE   ON   "EDUCATION."  337 

the  coldness  with  which  the  premature  demonstration  made  in  New  York  had 
been  received  in  all  the  West.  The  committee  expressly  avoided  the  suhject  ia 
their  address  to  him.  Nevertheless,  the  magnificent  and  imposing  ceremonies 
of  his  reception  at  Buffalo  inspired  him  with  higher  hopes  and  better  feelings. 

I  shall  certainly  go  this  fall  to  Washington.  Are  you  going  to  be  ready  to 
bear  me  company  ? 

WESTFIELD,  July  27,  1837. 

Last  Tuesday  the  principal  of  our  academy,  being  about  to  have  an  examina 
tion  and  exhibition  of  his  school,  called  with  the  trustees  and  requested  me  to 
address  the  people.  I  undertook  to  deliver  a  discourse  last  evening  on  educa 
tion.  I  set  myself  busily  about  my  preparations,  and  had  got  into  my  second 
copy  on  Friday,  when  Messrs.  Rathbone  and  Patchin  arrived.  On  Monday  I 
set  out  with  Rathbone  to  traverse  the  county,  and  returned  yesterday  morning. 
I  made  out  to  get  a  tolerably  readable  manuscript,  and  read  it  last  night  to  the 
whole  people  of  Westfield,  very  much,  if  I  may  rely  upon  their  expressions  of 
that  sort,  to  their  satisfaction,  and  much  more  to  their  satisfaction  than  my  own. 
This  long  story  about  a  village-school  exhibition  will  explain  why  you  have  not 
been  visited  with  the  infliction  of  a  letter  earlier  this  week.  To  finish  that  mat 
ter,  I  have  two  applications  for  a  copy  to  print,  both,  of  course,  made  by  per 
sons  who,  as  usual,  do  not  know  that  such  an  affair  appears  better  when  deliv 
ered  than  when  it  comes  addressed  (by  the  devil's  art  which  you  practise)  to 
the  eye.  I  have  the  matter  under  consideration. 

This  occasion  drew  to  the  academy  not  only  parents  and  relatives, 
but  many  distant  inhabitants  of  that  sequestered  region,  to  whom  pub 
lic  gatherings  were  pleasures  highly  valued,  because  of  their  rarity. 
The  throng  on  that  day  gave  unwonted  life  and  activity  to  the  little 
village. 

The  notable  characteristic  of  his  discourse  was  that,  in  dealing  with 
the  subject  of  education,  he  stepped  out  of  the  beaten  track  of  de 
scribing  its  individual  advantages,  social  benefits,  or  scientific  progress; 
and  perhaps  instinctively  or  unconsciously  treated  it  from  the  stand 
point  of  the  statesman,  studying  its  influence  upon  the  welfare  of  the 
State  and  the  perpetuity  of  the  Government. 

Taking  his  theme  from  the  volume  he  had  lately  been  reading,  he 
quoted  the  remark  of  Tacitus  in  regard  to  his  own  countrymen.  "  The 
people,"  says  that  historian,  "  always  politicians,  and  fond  of  settling 
state  affairs,  gave  a  loose  rein  to  their  usual  freedom  of  speech.  Few 
were  able  to  think  with  judgment,  and  few  had  the  virtue  to  feel  for 
the  public  good."  Proceeding  then  to  inquire  how  far  the  same 
remark  would  be  true  in  the  United  States,  Seward  described  the 
effects  of  our  too  hasty  and  careless  training  of  the  citizens  called  to 
deal  with  public  affairs  : 

Our  children  and  youth  are  generally  dismissed  from  the  schools,  after  some 
years  of  misimproved  time,  at  the  very  period  when  their  education  has  only 
been  fairly  commenced.     Popular  worki  upon  morals  and  government,  adapted 
22 


338  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

to  the  use  of  schools,  have  scarcely  a  circulation  in  the  country.  If  there  be  any 
truth  in  the  language  of  all  parties,  or  that  of  all  calm  observers,  falsehood  and 
error  often  pass  current  for  truth  and  wisdom  ;  passion,  prejudice,  and  local 
interests  are  often  appealed  to  —  and  not  always  without  success  —  instead  of 
generous  and  enlightened  motives.  And  our  elections  are  too  often  rather 
embittered  personal  conflicts  for  place  and  rewards  than  the  deliberate  discus 
sion  of  great  measures,  or  the  discerning  choice  of  honest,  enlightened,  and  com 
petent  men. 

Then,  turning  to  the  subject  (which  at  that  time  had  hardly  begun 
to  receive  the  popular  attention  since  bestowed  upon  it)  of  female  edu 
cation,  he  said  : 

There  remains  to  be  noticed  an  error,  scarcely  less  extensive  or  less  per 
nicious  than  any  I  have  mentioned.  It  is  that  which  limits  to  a  comparatively 
lower  standard  the  education  of  the  female  sex.  .  .  .  He  is  a  dull  observer  who  is 
not  convinced  that  they  are  equally  qualified  with  the  other  sex  for  the  study  of 
the  magnificent  creation  around  us,  and  equally  entitled  to  the  happiness  to  be  de 
rived  from  its  pursuit  ;  and  still  more  blind  is  he  who  has  not  learned  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  the  Creator  to  commit  to  them  a  higher  and  greater  portion  of 
responsibility  in  the  education  of  the  youth  of  both  sexes.  They  are  the  natural 
guardians  of  the  young.  .  .  . 

It  is  not,  as  is  generally  supposed,  the  female  sex  alone  who  suffer  by  this 
exclusion  from  their  proper  sphere.  Whatever  is  lost  to  the  other  sex,  of  the 
advantages  of  their  nurture  and  cultivation,  is  an  additional  loss  to  our  common 
race. 

Called  in  September  to  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore,  by  some  busi 
ness  affairs,  he  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  spend  a  few  days 
at  the  Federal  Capital.  Congress  was  now  holding  the  extra  session, 
convened  by  President  Van  Buren,  to  take  measures  with  reference  to 
the  financial  crisis. 

WASHINGTON,  September  Vlth. 

I  lodge  at  Gradsby's.  Sibley  and  Ogden  Hoffman  [both  M.  C.'s  from  New 
York]  live  here,  and  I  take  my  meals  in  their  parlor.  I  have  made  some  inter 
esting  acquaintances,  especially  that  of  Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  Mr.  Preston. 
The  House  has  not  been  in  session  since  my  arrival.  A  discussion  of  some  in 
terest,  however,  is  expected  to-morrow  in  the  Senate,  in  which  Mr.  Calhoun  will 
take  the  lead.  I  am  pleased  with  the  appearance  and  manners  of  Mr.  Clay  more 
than  I  had  anticipated,  although  I  was  prepared  for  most  favorable  impressions. 


Congress  seems  one  wide  scene  of  hurry,  confusion,  and  uselessness.  I  heard 
Mr.  Calhoun  on  Monday  make  his  long-  threatened  speech,  and  was  grieved  to 
see  one  more  of  the  great  names  I  have  venerated  as  superior  in  worth  and  mag 
nanimity  destroy  all  those  hopes  that  years  had  gathered  around  him.  When 
shall  I  close  the  long  experience  of  disappointed  expectations  concerning  the 
great  men  of  my  time  ?  Perhaps,  only,  when  I  fall  into  the  common  error  of 
old  age,  the  suspicion  of  my  race. 


UDASSTEISIL 


1837.]  CLAY,    WEBSTER,   AND   CALHOUN.  339 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  20,  1837. 

I  am  once  more  returned  to  the  city  of  right-angled  streets,  coats,  and  jack 
ets.  I  had  a  delightful  visit  at  Washington.  It  was  dashed  only  by  the  sorry 
spectacle  of  a  great  man  sacrificing  to  a  restless  ambition  the  accumulated  hon 
ors  of  years  of  patriotic  and  lofty  action  in  his  country's  service.  But  who 
could  expect  well-regulated  and  consistent  action  in  the  apostle  of  Nullification  ? 
His  speech,  all  of  which  I  heard,  served  to  let  him  down  at  once  from  the  proud 
and  enviable  distinction  of  the  compatriot  of  Clay  and  Webster. 

After  this  experience,  I  scarcely  dare  to  say  that  both  those  great  men  won 
upon  my  esteem  and  admiration,  more  than  I  had  supposed  was  possible,  after 
so  much  disappointment  in  men  to  whom  I  have  yielded  the  enthusiastic  devo 
tion  of  younger  days.  But  I  will  confess  that  I  was  impressed  with  the  plain, 
direct,  and  confiding  manner  of  Mr.  Webster,  not  less  than  the  dignified  yet 
ardent  and  fascinating  discourse  of  Henry  Clay.  My  whole  heart  was  open  to 
both  of  them,  as  men  with  whom  I  delight  to  labor  for  the  good  of  my  country. 
I  forgot  that  they  were  rivals,  and,  when  the  recollection  occurred  to  me,  it  did 
not  abate  my  veneration  for  them,  because  I  remembered  that  their  ambition 
was  generous. 

It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  just  now  what  will  be  the  extent  of  evil  result 
ing  from  Calhoun's  defection.  I  saw  many  gentlemen  from  the  South,  all  of 
;  whom  said  he  would  carry  only  two  members  of  Congress  with  him,  Mr.  Pickens 
and  another  from  South  Carolina.  Mr.  Preston  is  open  and  decided  against 
him.  But  you  have  seen  the  Richmond  Whig?  How  strange  that,  when  the 
Enquirer  pauses  in  support  of  Van  Buren,  the  Whig  should  go  to  his  rescue ! 

The  Conservatives  at  Washington,  from  New  York,  have  lost  the  power  to 
organize  by  waiting  for  an  increase  of  their  number.  I  told  them  I  thought 
their  case  like  that  of  the  poor  woman  in  the  story.  At  a  landing  on  the  Missis 
sippi,  a  steamboat  was  just  pushing  off,  when  a  little  old  Frenchwoman  with  a 
basket  ran  down  to  the  wharf  and  hailed  the  captain,  "  Monsieur  le  capitaine, 
arr6tez-vous  one  petite  minute."  "What  do  you  want,  good  woman? "  said  the 
captain,  as  he  backed  the  wheel  and  neared  the  quay.  "  I  have  got  'leven  egg," 
said  she,  "  and  ma  poulette  is  making  another ;  if  you  will  wait  a  minute  or  two, 
I  will  have  une  douzaine  pour  le  market !  " 

I  saw  Fillmore,  and  had  good  reason  to  believe  he  will  come  out  the  leading 
member  of  our  delegation.  Mark  Sibley  is  preparing  to  make  a  demonstration. 
He  will  succeed,  if  he  do  not  fall  into  the  error  that  has  been  unfortunate  for 
Wise.  Hoffman  is  a  noble,  generous  fellow.  I  just  saw  Ohilds,  and  that  was 
all.  I  dined  with  Clay  on  Monday,  and  received  an  invitation  for  the  same 
day  from  Mr.  Webster.  I  left  Washington  at  five  o'clock  on  Monday,  under  the 
excellent  management  of  our  old  friend,  "  the  Spy  in  Washington,"  whom  I 
came  to  like  more  than  ever. 

I  took  the  railroad-car  from  Washington  to  Baltimore,  and  arrived  at  that 
place  at  eight  o'clock.  A  hackney-coach  carried  me  to  my  friend  Dr.  McCaulay'8 
country-seat  the  same  evening.  It  is  a  delightful  spot,  two  miles  and  a  half  out 
of  the  city,  on  an  eminence  attained  by  a  winding  road,  and  embowered  with 
shade-trees  and  shrubbery.  Mrs.  McCaulay  had,  waiting  for  me,  a  broiled 
pheasant  and  hot  coffee.  We  passed  the  houre,  unconscious  of  the  night,  until 
one.  At  five  in  the  morning  I  rose,  and  after  a  nice  breakfast  rode  to  Baltimore, 
where  I  took  the  railroad,  and  as  you  see  by  my  date  I  am  here  once  more. 


340  LIFE  ^D  LETTERS.  [1837. 

You  recollect  how  long  and  full  of  various  incidents  was  our  ride  from  Bal 
timore  to  Philadelphia  two  years  ago  ?  Think  now  of  accomplishing  the  same 
journey  in  seven  hours !  This  morning  I  resumed  my  negotiation  with  the  much- 
abused  monstrum  horrendum  of  the  Jackson  party,  Mr.  Nicholas  Biddle.  It 
seems  to  be  going  on  to  a  successful  arrangement.  I  presume  it  will  be  brought 
to  a  close  to-morrow. 

And  now  came  on  the  election.  Congress,  when  convened  in  extra 
session  by  Mr.  Van  Buren,  had  been  urged  by  him  in  his  message  to 
adopt  some  measure  to  render  the  operations  of  the  Treasury  indepen 
dent  of  banks,  either  State  or  national  ;  each  having,  as  he  said,  been 
tried,  and  each  having  proved  a  failure.  But  the  members  of  Congress, 
like  the  constituencies  they  represented,  had  begun  to  distrust  finan 
cial  advice  which  counseled  such  frequent  and  radical  changes,  attended 
with  such  violent  fluctuations.  The  more  they  debated,  the  more  they 
became  divided  in  opinion,  and  the  Administration  was  no  longer  able 
to  command  the  support  of  a  majority  in  both  Houses. 

The  Whigs  denounced  the  message  as  a  fresh  attack  upon  the 
banks  and  the  credit  system.  The  session  closed  on  the  16th  of  Octo 
ber  without  agreement  upon  any  financial  measure,  except  the  issue  of 
ten  million  dollars  of  Treasury  notes.  Inspired  by  these  signs  of  the 
waning  strength  of  the  Jackson  party,  the  Whigs  in  the  various  States 
made  their  nominations,  and  entered  upon  the  campaign  with  fresh 
hopes. 

The  Cayuga  County  Whig  Convention  was  in  session  at  Auburn. 
Learning  that  Seward  was  again  at  home,  Colonel  E.  B.  Morgan  moved 
a  committee  to  wait  upon  him  and  invite  him  to  take  a  seat  in  the 
convention.  Accepting  the  invitation,  he  was  warmly  received  and 
solicited  to  address  them.  His  speech  summed  up  the  issues  of  the 
canvass,  and  contained  a  description  of  the  condition  of  the  country  : 

The  change  has  come.  We  no  longer  warn  the  people  against  impending 
evils  and  apprehended  danger.  The  evils  are  here.  .  .  .  Our  agriculture,  rich 
in  its  productions  beyond  all  preceding  experience,  languishes  and  is  crippled. 
The  commerce  of  our  great  cities  has  been  struck  down.  Our  manufactories 
are  paralyzed.  Our  works  of  internal  improvement,  of  paramount  importance, 
are  suspended.  Our  gold  and  silver,  no  longer  performing  their  function  as  the 
support  of  our  currency,  are  drained  from  us ;  and  the  enterprising  business-men 
of  the  country  are  falling  under  the  exactions  of  the  broker  and  the  usurer.  The 
Government,  but  recently  disposing  of  untold  revenue,  is  pledging  its  credit  by 
issues  of  "  continental  money  "  to  pay  the  salaries  of  its  officers,  and  carry  on  a 
war,  alike  inglorious  in  success  or  defeat,  against  a  miserable  handful  of  Indians 
in  the  swamps  of  Florida.  .  .  . 

The  remedy  must  be  effected  by  representatives  to  be  elected  by  the  people. 
On  one  side,  we  will  offer  to  the  people  men  who  have  had  no  participation  in 
the  causes  of  these  evils — men  always  careful  to  preserve  rather  than  to  destroy. 
On  the  other  side,  we  see  presented  a  divided  party — divided  between  leaders  of 


1837.]  A   RAILROAD   CONVENTION.  341 

two  classes — one  class  of  whom  allege  that  the  cure  of  these  evils  is  to  be  found 
in  renewed  "  experiments,"  and  another  class  who  falter  and  shrink  from  further 
prosecution  of  such  rash  and  dangerous  measures. 

He  wrote  to  Weed  : 

AUBURN,  October  9,  1887. 

The  county  convention  assembled  on  Saturday,  and  the  delegates  were  all 
willing,  most  of  them  pressed,  that  I  should  take  a  nomination  for  the  Assem 
bly.  I  firmly  declined,  for  reasons  which  I  think  you  will  understand  and  ap 
prove.  The  convention  invited  me  to  a  seat,  with  which  courtesy  I  complied, 
and  at  their  instance  T  addressed  them.  In  my  remarks  I  spoke  of  myself  as  I 
thought  was  expected.  Its  local  effect  will  be  good ;  but  I  have  had  to  reduce 
it  to  get  within  the  compass  of  the  Auburn  Journal.  So  it  will  not  be  worth 
copying. 

I  believe  I  shall  go  next  week  to  the  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  Convention. 

AUBUBN,  October  13, 1837. 

Reasons  "thick  as  blackberries"  remain  for  postponing  my  going  to  Chau- 
tauqua.  I  hope  Ruggles  will  come  this  way.  Although  I  have  been  three  days 
engaged  in  preparing  an  address  for  the  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  Conven 
tion,  I  feel  that  I  need  the  stimulus  his  arrival  would  give,  to  carry  me  there. 
He  must  not  decline  the  nomination  for  the  Assembly. 

I  have  been  again  sorely  tempted.  Our  friends  here  are  awake  to  the  im 
portance  of  carrying  the  Senate  district  and  the  county.  They  have  required 
me  to  consent  that  Maynard  shall  resign,  and  the  convention  be  reassembled 
and  nominate  me.  They  have  good  reason  to  believe  Maynard  will  gladly  re 
sign,  as  the  nomination  was  forced  upon  him.  But  I  have  resisted  the  devil 
and  driven  him  from  me.  I  fear  always  such  changing  of  front.  I  have  good 
hope  for  our  ticket.  It  is  not  quite  so  weak  as  the  other. 

I  shall  be  at  Elmira  on  Tuesday  and  Wednesday,  and  return  here.  Judge 
Miller  goes  with  me.  I  repeat  my  aspiration  that  Ruggles  will  come. 

This  letter  refers  to  an  effort  to  revive  a  great  enterprise  which  had 
been  temporarily  abandoned.  The  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  Com 
pany,  which  was  incorporated  in  1832,  had  its  route  surveyed,  under 
direction  of  the  Legislature,  in  1834,  with  satisfactory  results.  Its 
stock  was  then  largely  subscribed  for,  and  the  Legislature  in  1836  au 
thorized  a  State  loan  of  three  million  dollars  in  aid  of  it.  The  work 
had  been  commenced,  near  the  eastern  end  of  the  line.  But  the  great 
fire  in  New  York,  and  the  commercial  revulsion  which  followed  so  soon 
after,  had  embarrassed  and  ruined  many  of  those  who  had  subscribed 
to  it.  Corporate  and  individual  credit  were  alike  prostrated  ;  and  a 
failure  of  its  resources  compelled  the  railroad  company  to  desist  from 
its  operation.  But  now,  in  the  fall  of  1837,  as  there  began  to  be  signs 
of  gradual  revival  of  confidence,  it  was  deemed  a  favorable  moment  to 
renew  labors  in  behalf  of  the  enterprise.  A  convention  was  called  to 
meet  at  Elmira  on  the  17th  of  October  for  that  purpose,  and  Seward 
was  solicited  to  take  part  in  it,  and  prepare  its  address  to  the  public. 


342  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [183T 

Among  those  interested  in  the  project,  none  had  such  undoubting 
faith  in  its  success,  or  such  ability  to  demonstrate  it  by  facts  and  figures, 
as  Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  of  New  York.  The  kindred  views  entertained  by 
him  and  by  Seward  laid  the  foundation  of  an  intimacy  for  many  succeed 
ing  years,  closing  only  with  Seward's  life.  Whenever  questions  of  in 
ternal  improvement,  commerce,  and  finance,  were  under  discussion, 
Seward  felt  that  he  had  one  supporter  upon  whose  statistical  skill  and 
careful  judgment  he  could  rely  ;  and  his  "  lieutenant,"  as  he  styled  him 
self  in  that  cause,  was  as  ready  and  eager  to  plunge  into  the  requisite 
mathematical  studies  as  most  other  men  are  to  keep  out  of  them. 

AUBTTKN,  October  20, 1837. 

I  left  home  in  a  blaze  for  Tioga.  Ruggles  and  his  wife  reached  here 
Saturday  night.  They  met  here  Gary,  Lay,  and  Schermerhorn.  I  went  to  bed 
after  talking  with  them  until  two  o'clock.  Sunday  morning  my  chimney  took 
fire,  while  I  was  shaving.  I  had  this  affair,  and  Erie,  and  Chautauqua,  all  on  my 
hands  at  once. 

But  for  my  going,  the  convention  would  have  been  a  sad  failure.  I  stirred 
out  Charles  Humphreys  as  I  went  through  Ithaca.  He  served  as  president.  It 
was  three-fourths  "Regency,"  and  John  Murnford  espied  some  Federalism  in 
my  address ;  we  had  much  amusement  out  of  him.  All,  however,  went  off  well. 

Mr.  Humphreys,  here  referred  to,  was  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly. 
Delegates  were  in  attendance  from  Tioga,  Livingston,  Chemung,  Broome, 
Tompkins,  Cattaraugus,  Steuben,  and  Chautauqua.  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  report  an  address  and  resolutions.  Upon  Seward,  as  its' 
chairman,  fell  the  duty  of  drafting  them.  After  a  recess,  the  con 
vention  having  reassembled  in  the  court-room,  the  secretary  of  the  rail 
road  company  made  a  statement  of  its  condition,  and  Seward  read  the 
address,  detailing  the  history  of  the  corporation,  the  aid  it  had  re 
ceived,  the  embarrassments  and  difficulties  it  had  encountered,  the 
reasons  for  prosecuting  the  work  and  for  believing  that  such  a  railroad 
would  be  not  merely  of  local  but  of  general  benefit.  He  pointed  out 
that  it  had  two  objects :  first,  "  to  open  a  convenient  and  speedy  com 
munication  between  the  commercial  centre  and  an  extensive  and  fer 
tile  agricultural  region  of  the  State,  destitute  of  such  facilities  ;  sec 
ond,  that  of  creating  a  thoroughfare  for  the  trade  and  commerce  be 
tween  New  York  and  the  Western  States." 

That  opposition  to  such  improvements  arose  "  from  an  honest  but 
often  unwise  application  of  republican  economy "  he  conceded,  and 
added  : 

It  is  well  to  remember  that  the  experience  of  human  government  affords  not 
a  solitary  instance  in  which  a  state  or  nation  became  impoverished  or  subjected 
to  an  irredeemable  debt  by  works  of  internal  improvement.  Ambition,  revenge, 
and  lust  for  extended  territory,  have  been  the  only  causes,  and  war  almost  the 
sole  agent,  in  entailing  those  calamities  upon  nations.  Palaces  and  pyramids,  the 


1837.]  A   WHIG   TRIUMPH.  343 

luxurious  dwellings  of  living  tyrants,  and  the  receptacles  of  their  worthless 
ashes  when  dead,  have  in  every  country  but  our  own  cost  more  than  all  its 
canals  and  roads.  .  .  .  Egypt,  Rome,  Netherlands,  England,  and  France,  and 
«ven  our  own  peace-loving  country,  have  severally  disbursed  more  in  a  single 
war  than  was  required  to  complete  a  system  of  improvements  sufficient  to  per 
fect  their  union,  wealth,  and  power. 

And  in  conclusion  he  remarked  : 

The  work  will  proceed,  but  it  ought  not  and  must  not  proceed  alone.  The 
occasion  is  auspicious  to  the  revival  of  the  whole  system,  and  to  its  prosecu 
tion,  not  with  partial  support  and  convulsive  effort,  but  with  the  combined, 
wealth  and  united  energies  of  the  whole  people. 

Resolutions  of  similar  purport  were  adopted,  and  county  commit 
tees  appointed  to  promote,  explain,  and  defend  the  work.  Among  the 
members  of  these  were  Charles  Cook,  of  Chemung  ;  Daniel  S.  Dickin 
son,  of  Broome  ;  Erastus  Root  and  A.  J.  Parker,  of  Delaware  ;  Edward 
Suffern,  of  Rockland  ;  S.  S.  Seward,  of  Orange ;  John  Van  Buren,  of 
Ulster ;  Herman  M.  Romeyn,  of  Ulster ;  and  C.  D.  Chamberlain,  of 
Alleghany. 

These  well-known  residents  of  the  southern  counties,  though  not 
all  present  at  the  convention,  were  all  understood  to  be  favorable  to 
the  railroad.  The  convention  and  its  results  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the 
work. 

In  regard  to  the  election  Seward  now  wrote : 

ATTBUBN,  October  272A. 

I  begin  to  take  courage,  and  believe  there  is  a  day  of  retribution  at  hand  for 
the  long  proscription  we  have  suffered. 

If  Buggies  should  be  elected,  as  there  seems  no  doubt  he  will  be,  I  believe 
we  can  make  a  good,  I  will  not  say  successful,  demonstration  this  winter  in 
favor  of  internal  improvement. 

Mrs.  Seward  is  busy  with  the  trees  and  shrubs.  We  are  garnishing  our 
grounds,  preparatory  to  a  long  repose  of  otium  cum  dignitate.  I  pray  your 
pardon  for  the  Latin.  Freely  translated,  it  means  oceans  of  leisure  in  the  midst 
of  shrubs  and  flowers. 

I  am  preparing  for  a  long  withdrawal  to  Ohautauqua.  I  leave  as  soon  as  I 
shall  have  deposited  my  vote,  there  to  remain  until  after  the  holidays. 

I  go  to-morrow  to  a  Whig  meeting  in  Springport,  and  next  week  to  two  in 
Sempronius,  and  one  in  Geneva. 

In  the  State  of  New  York  the  election  this  year  was  for  members 
of  the  Legislature  and  local  officers.  As  soon  as  the  polls  closed  it 
was  evident  that  there  had  been  a  great  change  in  popular  sentiment, 
and  as  returns  day  after  day  kept  coming  in,  it  began  to  take  on  the 
character  of  a  revolution.  In  six  of  the  eight  Senate  districts  the 
Whigs  elected  their  candidates  ;  and  out  of  the  one  hundred  and 


344  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

twenty-eight  members  of  Assembly  they  elected  one  hundred  and  one. 
They  carried  a  similar  proportion  of  the  sheriffs  and  county  officers. 
Writing  from  Buffalo,  on  his  way  to  Chautauqua,  whither  he  was  pro 
ceeding  immediately  after  the  election,  Seward  said : 

There  is  such  a  buzz  of  "  glorious  Whig  victories  "  ringing  in  my  ears,  and  I 
am  surrounded  by  so  many  Whig  brethren,  that  I  have  hardly  time  to  think. 
The  overthrow  of  the  Administration  is  complete,  and  I  am  grateful  for  it,  for 
the  country's  sake.  God  grant  that  it  be  not  equally  destructive  of  the  victors 
as  of  the  vanquished!  We  are  yet  short  of  news  of  New  York,  and  have 
heard  too  much.  I  left  Auburn  on  Tuesday  morning,  and  my  progress  has  been 
through  crowds  of  happy  men.  Excitement  here  is  ecstasy.  Was  ever  such 
a  result  so  quietly  wrought  ?  What  will  be  the  course  of  the  Administration  ? 
Will  it  persevere  or  will  it  recede,  and  which  is  wiser  for  them  and  better  for  us? 

Writing  again,  he  misdated  his  letter  "Auburn,"  but  added  : 

WESTFIELD,  November  17,  1837. 

Where  the  heart  lingers,  there  the  thought  will  be.  I  have  had  to  strike  out 
the  lovely  village  and  insert  the  name  of  my  place  of  exile. 

I  knew  well  enough  that  you  were  thronged  with  happy  friends,  and  I  won 
dered  that  you  could  do  anything  with  the  paper.  I  found  my  own  time  as 
completely  absorbed  while  I  was  at  Buffalo,  and  the  excitement  was  unendura 
ble.  God  knows  that  they  who  delight  in  such  ecstasy  of  popular  feeling  are 
welcome  to  monopolize  it,  for  all  envy  of  mine. 

I  am  not  fearful  of  the  result  for  one  year.  And,  if  the  Administration  is 
not  more  wise  than  it  ever  was  or  will  be  permitted  to  be,  I  have  little  appre 
hension  for  the  next  presidency.  I  deem  it  now  certain  that  Mr.  Van  Buren 
can  never  again  be  elected  by  the  colleges.  I  believe  the  time  has  never  been 
when  he  could  have  been  elected  by  Congress. 

I  go  somewhat  reluctantly  to  Fredonia,  to  join  in  the  celebration  of  the 
Whigs  at  that  place.  It  is  unpleasant  to  me  to  go  into  partisan  feasts  after  a 
victory  in  which  the  country  rejoices  as  it  ought.  My  stomach  for  war  ends 
with  the  capitulation  of  the  enemy. 

Shall  I  confess  to  you  that  I  am  troubled  about  another  matter,  one  alluded 
to  in  your  letter  ?  You,  I  trust,  know  me  well  enough  to  know  that  I  borrow 
no  unhappiness  from  any  solicitude  about  the  nomination  for  next  year,  so  far 
as  it  is  an  object  of  ambition  or  desire.  I  cannot  affect  to  be  ignorant  of  the 
demonstrations  made  to  that  effect  by  many  of  my  friends,  or  those  who,  believ 
ing  that  such  will  be  the  result,  desire  to  be  so.  As  impossible  would  it  be  for 
me  to  forget  Granger's  position,  or  to  know  the  speculations  concerning  him. 
Now,  here  is  the  trouble :  You  know  the  respect  and  friendship  I  entertain  for 
Frank.  Both,  I  believe,  exceed  those  generally  expressed  for  him  by  most  of 
our  friends.  I  admire  him,  because  he  has  always  been  honorable,  manly,  and 
virtuous,  in  his  political  associations  and  actions  as  well  as  principles.  He  has 
been  just,  liberal,  and  true,  toward  me ;  I  will  not  consent  to  be  otherwise  tow 
ard  him.  I  would  find  delight  enough  in  the  exercise  of  magnanimity  toward 
him  to  compensate  me  for  any  sacrifice.  As  things  are  now  tending,  they  look 
Jike  arraying  us  against  each  other.  This  ought  not  to  be,  and  must  not  be. 


1887.]  GRANGER  AND   BRADISII.  345 

There  is  a  right  between  him  and  me — I  ought  to  defer  for  him,  or  he  for  me ; 
not  publicly  or  formally,  but  frankly  with  our  friends.  I  am  ready  to  do  so  for 
him  if  that  is  right ;  and  whether  it  is  right  I  am  willing  to  submit  to  you,  or 
any  others  of  our  friends  conversant  with  the  ground  and  enjoying,  as  you  do, 
equally  the  confidence  of  both.  At  all  events,  I  must  not  be  kept  in  position  a 
day,  if  it  is  due  either  to  him  or  the  party  that  he  should  be  preferred.  My 
friends  ought  so  to  tell  me,  and  I  solicit  the  communication.  On  the  other  hand, 
if  the  right  is  the  other  way,  then  he  ought  to  be  so  advised,  and  ought  to  act 
as  I  am  prepared  to  do. 

It  would  be  a  miserable  and  disgraceful  business  to  leave  this  bone  of  conten 
tion  for  "  Loco-focos  "  to  gnaw  upon,  aiding  those  who  hate  us  both,  and  seek 
the  ruin  of  both.  I  will  stand  or  fall  with  Frank,  not  divide  with  him. 

I  can  get  no  time  to  finish  this — so,  with  earnest  prayers  for  your  having 
strength  to  carry  you  through  the  new  responsibilities  before  you,  I  remain,  etc. 

Referring  to  a  movement  of  the  "  Conservative  "  allies  of  the  Whigs 
in  New  York,  in  relation  to  the  presidential  election,  he  said  : 

November  28d. 

I  have  your  letter  from  New  York,  and  am  rejoiced  that  you  were  there  to 
save  the  "  Conservatives  "  from  so  fatal  an  error  as  that  they  were  prepared  to 
commit. 

Strange,  is  it  not,  how  few  minds  are  formed  with  sufficient  stays  and  braces 
for  times  of  success  ?  If  croaking  ever  availed  anything,  or  if  it  were  not  decid 
edly  unamiable,  I  would  say  that  I  expect  you  will  be  continually  busy  in  avert 
ing  just  such  madness.  How  strong  a  propensity  men  have  to  dictate  public 
opinion !  When  I  was,  on  Tuesday,  at  Fredonia,  there  was  a  man  from  Hanover 
who  fastened  himself  upon  me  for  the  whole  day,  and  the  burden  of  his  dis 
course  was  the  presidential  nomination.  I  thought  he  ought  to  be  satisfied  when 
I  referred  the  whole  matter  to  his  better  judgment.  But  he  insisted  upon  my 
agreeing  with  him,  so  that  all  possible  disturbance  in  the  party  might  be  avoided. 
Having  at  last,  satisfactorily  to  all  parties — that  is,  to  him  and  myself — settled 
the  presidential  nomination,  he  proceeded  to  the  State  ticket  for  next  year,  and 
he  inflicted  upon  me  for  hours  his  views,  hopes,  and  fears,  in  relation  to  that 
subject.  The  passion  shows  itself  in  the  same  way  among  the  "  Conservatives," 
and  their  nomination  just  now  in  New  York  would  have  just  as  much  weight  in 
determining  our  nomination  two  years  hence  as  the  caucus  held  at  Fredonia  by 
myself  and  my  friend  from  Hanover. 

Your  "  small  bill "  article  was  right,  and  the  law  ought  to  be  introduced  the 
first  day.  We  have  Bradish  for  Speaker,  I  suppose,  and  hope. 

Your  letter  admonishes  me  to  a  habit  of  caution  that  I  cannot  conveniently 
adopt.  I  love  to  write  what  I  think  and  feel  as  it  comes  up.  You  will  do  well 
to  destroy  my  letters. 

WEST-FIELD,  November  26, 1837. 

I  sympathize  with  you  in  the  increasing  burden  of  your  responsibilities. 
The  little  patronage  our  friends  will  have  to  bestow  has  already  excited  much 
anxiety.  You  will  have  the  responsibility  heaped  upon  you,  I  am  sure,  since  I 
do  not  escape  from  it  in  this  very  secluded  nook. 

Take  note  that  I  commend  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  kind  consideration 


346  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

of  the  Whig  members  of  the  Assembly,  Mortimer  M.  Jackson,  Esq.,  of  New- 
York,  for  the  office  of  Clerk  of  the  House,  and  Jonas  M.  Wheeler,  Esq.,  of  Can- 
andaigua,  for  that  of  Sergeant-at-Arms. 

His  letters  home  also  alluded  to  the  results  of  the  unexpected  Whig 
triumph  : 

WESTFIELD,  November  18th. 

I  was  greatly  amused  by  your  account  of  the  incidents  of  the  evening  of  the 
Whig  celebration  at  Auburn. 

The  good  people  of  Ohautauqua  are  much  excited  and  are  preparing  for  a 
general  celebration  at  Fredonia  on  Tuesday.  I  have  a  most  urgent  letter  to  be 
present,  to  which  I  have  given  an  affirmative  answer.  What  is  expected  of  me  I  do 
not  know ;  but,  doubtless,  more  than  I  shall  have  the  ability  to  perform.  This 
invitation  was  followed  by  billets  printed  on  all  manner  of  gay-colored  paper, 
inviting  us  all  to  a  ball  at  the  Johnson  House  at  five  o'clock  p.  M.  If  they 
expect  any  of  us  to  discharge  any  active  duty  in  that  way,  I  think  they  will  find 
themselves  mistaken. 

Everywhere  I  find  overtures  and  demonstrations  indicative  of  an  expectation 
that  I  will  be  the  favored  (and  of  course  it  is  now  supposed  the  successful)  candi 
date  for  a  very  high  office  next  year.  It  is  by  no  means  an  indication  to  be 
relied  upon,  and  in  itself  by  no  means  affects  me.  But  I  have  discovered  that 
there  will  be  an  embarrassment  from  which  I  anticipate  no  pleasant  consequences. 
Granger's  candidacy  for  the  vice-presidency  is  understood  to  have  resulted  un 
fortunately  for  him — unfortunately  not  merely  in  the  failure  of  success,  but 
because  the  circumstances  seem  to  forbid  his  being  a  candidate  again.  Of 
course,  not  only  his  friends,  but  those,  whoever  they  are,  that  are  opposed  to 
me  personally,  would  delight  to  bring  him  forward  for  the  nomination  in  this 
State.  For  all  this,  as  far  as  it  concerns  the  result,  I  care  nothing ;  for  I  am 
disciplined,  and  will  quit  even  with  politics  as  a  candidate,  now  and  forever,  when 
I  can  with  the  fair  consent  of  the  majority  of  my  party ;  but  it  does  grieve  me 
because  it  threatens  to  bring  about  a  collision  between  Granger  and  myself.  I 
want  neither  to  enjoy  a  triumph  over,  nor  suffer  a  defeat  by,  him. 

WESTFIELD,  November  2Sd. 

The  Whigs  at  Fredonia  last  week  assembled  "  to  celebrate  the  deliverance  of 
the  Empire  State.*'  I  went  over  on  Monday  evening,  and  met  there  a  large 
gathering  of  the  Whigs  of  the  county,  graced  by  the  presence  of  the  newly-elected 
Whig  Senator,  Mr.  Mosely.  The  day  dawned  (as  all  such  days  must)  upon  a 
salute  of  I  don't  know  how  many  guns.  At  two  o'clock  we  sat  down  to  dinner. 
Then  followed  wine  and  sentiments.  I  was  drawn  out  for  a  speech.  I  of  course 
made  it.  I  was  conscious  that  I  labored  and  drawled,  for  my  spirit  flagged  with 
the  close  of  the  contest  at  Auburn.  But  the  people  all  said,  and  I  doubt  not 
believed,  that  it  was  a  good  speech  and  great,  and  nothing  will  satisfy  them  but 
that  I  write  it  out.  That  is  worse  than  all  the  rest.  In  the  evening  they  sent 
up  a  beautifully  illuminated  balloon,  which  ascended  in  fine  style.  Then  there 
was  a  ball,  and  a  splendid  one  it  was  too,  although  it  was  given  in  Chautauqua. 
There  were  some  seventy  or  eighty  ladies,  and  of  course  a  greater  number  of 
gentlemen.  I  made  my  bow  to  them  all,  and  at  eleven  o'clock  went  to  bed, 
wearied  so  much  that  the  noise  and  bustle  of  the  ball  scarcely  disturbed  me. 


1837.]  CELEBRATIONS.  347 

Yesterday  I  left  Fredonia  and  its  Whigs  with  their  reminiscences  of  the  glory 
of  the  celebration. 

Of  course,  there  are  divers  opinions  on  the  subject.  One  lady  told  Parson 
Smith's  daughter  that  she  approved  of  the  dinner  and  the  balloon,  but  she  was 
astonished  that  the  people  should  dance,  and  thought  that,  if  they  would  dance, 
the  ball  ought  to  be  opened  with  prayer ;  it  being,  as  she  said,  a  settled  thing  in 
her  own  mind  that  people  ought  never  to  do  anything  that  they  could  not  pray 
for  a  blessing  upon. 

Thus  much  for  the  Fredonia  celebration.  Last  night  was  ours.  We  illumi 
nated  our  village,  and  it  was  a  beautiful  scene.  You  can  have  no  idea  how 
pretty  the  cottages  appeared,  lighted  up  among  the  trees.  It  was  a  great  occa 
sion,  and  our  citizens  felt  that  they  had  a  responsibility  of  sustaining  the  honor 
of  the  westernmost  town  of  the  State.  I  threw  open  the  land-office,  and  it 
was  filled  with  a  large  and  happy  party,  who  spoke  and  sang  until  eleven 
o'clock. 

There  is  now,  I  hope,  an  end  of  celebrations.  I  have  heard  nothing  else 
since  I  left  home.  In  one  respect  the  demonstrations  of  that  kind  here  have 
been  exceedingly  gratifying :  they  have  shown  that  in  the  course  I  have  pur 
sued,  in  my  very  delicate  and  difficult  duties  in  this  county,  I  have  secured  the 
approbation  of  the  people,  and  have  not  embarrassed  our  political  friends. 

Next  week,  if  there  come  no  more  Whig  jubilees,  I  mean  to  commence,  in 
sober  earnest,  doing  what  I  have  to  do. 

There  was  no  immediate  cessation  of  them,  however,  for  in  a  letter 
of  the  next  week  he  remarked  : 

Well  I  I  am  here,  where,  if  there  were  a  corner  of  the  world  inaccessible  to 
the  thunder  of  the  Whig  victories,  I  should  be  allowed  some  repose,  but  in 
truth  I  am  wasted  and  worn  with  celebration,  exultation,  and  congratulation. 
Now,  as  I  believe,  my  philosophy,  both  in  success  and  defeat,  exceeds  that  of 
most  of  the  Whigi  in  the  world,  I  take  it  for  granted  that  those  who  are  in  the 
very  focus  of  the  blaze  of  Whig  victories  are  pretty  much  exhausted. 

WESTFIELD,  November  2,6th. 

A  violent  gale  occurred  on  Tuesday,  which  has  been  productive  of  extensive 
damage  at  all  the  harbors  on  the  lake,  and  of  wide-spread  destruction  at  Buffalo. 
The  number  of  bodies  found  thrown  up  on  the  shore  by  the  raging  waves  is 
already  fourteen  or  fifteen.  The  storm  closed  with  a  cold  northeast  wind,  which 
has  given  us  six  inches  of  snow. 

The  occasions  of  excitement  in  this  quiet  little  place  are,  as  you  know,  few 
and  far  between.  Our  whole  society  was  agitated  yesterday  and  the  day  previ 
ous  by  the  escape  and  recapture  of  the  prisoners  of  the  Mayville  jail,  who  made 
their  escape  with  chains  on  their  legs.  There  was  much  to  excite  sympathy  in 
the  case  of  one,  whose  family  live  at  Portland.  He  was  traced  to  his  house  by 
his  footprints  in  the  fresh  snow,  and  was  followed  by  the  same  clew  from  his 
house  to  a  neighboring  barn,  where  he  was  found  asleep. 

Referring  to  the  estimable'  clergyman  of  the  Episcopal  church  at 
Auburn,  he  said  : 


348  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

I  regret  to  learn  that  Mr.  Lucas's  salary  is  raised  with  difficulty.  Had  I 
known  it,  I  would  have  engaged  in  the  duty  while  at  Auburn.  I  added  some 
thing  to  my  own  subscription,  and,  hard  as  it  is,  would  do  more  if  needful.  I 
have  never  met  a  clergyman  whom  I  more  highly  respected  or  esteemed.  The 
catastrophe  of  the  country  has,  however,  been  severely  felt  at  Auburn.  Few 
towns  in  the  State  have  suffered  more ;  and  I  know  many  who  are  disabled 
from  doing  what  they  may  desire.  I  will  write  to  him.  T  find  myself  embar 
rassed  with  a  new  trouble.  The  business  of  the  office  is  so  nearly  closed  that  it 
requires  a  much  smaller  force  than  heretofore  ;  and  I  am  grieved  at  being  com 
pelled  to  throw  out  of  employment  so  many  young  men,  who  have  made  no 
calculation  for  the  future. 

I  have  letters  from  Weed,  who  is  involved  in  the  responsibilities  growing 
out  of  the  success  of  the  Whig  party.  Our  friends  in  New  York  would  overdo 
the  matter  of  rejoicing,  although  the  celebration  was  shorn  of  some  of  its 
pomp  and  ceremonial.  Then  a  heady,  thoughtless  portion  of  the  party,  or  rather 
portion  of  the  other  party  cooperating  with  us,  would  per  fas  aut  nefas  nomi 
nate  Mr.  Clay,  and  thereby  divide  and  distract  our  organization.  One  abuses 
too  much,  and  others  court  too  freely,  the  "Conservatives."  Then  a  dozen 
want  to  be  Clerk  of  the  Assembly,  and  expect  Weed  to  make  them  so,  while 
more  than  that  number  insist  that  he  shall  be  Clerk  himself,  to  whom  he  says, 
"  Get  thee  behind  me,  Satan."  As  many  more  expect  him  to  make  them  Ser- 
geants-at-Arms,  while  the  law  allows  but  one  officer  of  that  distinguished  rank. 
When  I  remember  his  trouble,  I  am  very  content  to  be  as  I  am  here,  so  far 
removed  from  the  entire  field. 

I  have  at  last  recovered  something  of  regularity  of  habit.  Marcia's  k<  blaek 
dwarf  "  wakes  me  at  six,  and  leaves  me  a  candle  and  a  cup  of  hot  water.  I 
arrive  at  the  breakfast-table  promptly  at  the  appointed  hour.  My  daytime  is 
spent  in  the  office.  I  return  to  the  house  at  seven  or  eight  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing.  There  I  pursue  some  grave  reading,  such  as  Bacon's  works,  until  nine 
or  ten,  and,  if  weary,  wind  off  with  lighter  matter.  I  am  delighted  with  the 
works  of  Bacon,  so  profound,  yet  so  brilliant,  so  universal  in  their  learning,  yet 
so  accurate.  But  what  do  you  think  is  my  light  reading?  I  stumbled  the 
other  night  upon  Dr.  Spring's  treatise  on  "Native  Depravity,"  and  read  it  all, 
every  word.  I  have  been,  moreover,  greatly  amused  and  somewhat  edified  by  a 
most  able  and  satirical  Presbyterian  review  of  "  Colton's  Reasons  for  preferring 
Episcopacy."  To-morrow  is  Thanksgiving-Day.  I  shall  dine  without  guests. 
I  have  had  so  much  of  celebration  and  excitement  that  I  am  desirous  of  solitude. 

Referring  to  the  unsuitable  marriage  of  a  friend,  he  incidentally 
observed  : 

It  may  be  a  selfish  and  pharisaical  remark  I  am  going  to  make,  but  I  will 
say,  notwithstanding,  that,  after  the  deep  commiseration  which  I  felt,  the  reflec 
tion  which  next  occurred  and  dwells  with  me  is  our  happiness  that  our  union 
it  not  cursed  by  the  dissimilarity  of  taste,  temper,  and  principles,  which,  when 
it  does  occur,  destroys  all  connubial  happiness. 

WESTFIELD,  December  3d. 

Saturday  night  is  a  tedious  season  in  my  solitude.  No  wife,  no  boys  to  en 
joy  the  relaxation  I  always  seek  after  the  labors  and  cares  of  the  week.  Sunday 


1837.]  WEED   AND   THE   CLERKSHIP.  349 

is  not  altogether  so  pleasant  here  as  it  would  be  with  you,  whether  I  shared 
your  more  serious  studies  on  that  day,  or  attended  you  to  church. 

Your  letter  of  the  29th  has  been  two  days  with  me.  If  it  would  afford  you 
pleasure,  I  am  sorry  you  do  not  see  the  Whig  newspapers.  The  proceedings  at 
Auburn  and  at  Aurora  contain  compliments  to  me  similar  to  those  received  at 
Batavia,  Buffalo,  Dunkirk,  and  some  other  places.  These  are  varied,  of  course, 
in  manner,  but  the  purpose  seems  to  be  the  same — that  of  expressing  a  partiality 
for  my  renomination  next  summer.  I  regard  this  as  a  matter  altogether  so  un 
certain,  and  of  so  little  consequence  to  my  happiness,  that  I  do  not  dwell  upon 
it  myself  enough  even  to  recollect  to  send  you  the  newspaper.  It  involves,  as  I 
have  before  hinted,  a  possibility  of  collision  with  Granger,  which  I  would  will 
ingly  avoid.  It  is  in  keeping  with  this  that  my  correspondence  swells,  and  the 
writers,  of  course,  are  seasonable,  and  not  over-modest  in  their  overtures.  You 
would  suppose,  to  look  at  my  bundle  of  letters,  that  I  have  the  entire  patronage 
of  the  Assembly. 

Your  letter  implies  a  query  why  Granger  should  not  have  that  higher  nomi 
nation,  which  would  be  but  a  renewed  expression  of  the  confidence  of  the  party. 
And  yet  I  do  not  know  that  you  take  interest  enough  in  politics  to  care  for  an 
answer.  It  may  be  stated,  however,  in  few  words.  It  is  important,  as  the  can 
didate  for  the  presidency  must  probably  be  a  Northern  man,  to  have  for  the 
second  place  one  whom  the  South  will  approve.  And,  of  course,  it  is  supposed 
a  Southern  man  would  be  preferred. 

Many  of  our  friends  maintain  that  Weed  should  have  the  office  of  Clerk  of 
the  Assembly.  He  thinks  he  ought  not  to  take  it.  I  have  written  to  him  free 
ly,  but  he  is  so  singularly  disinterested  that  I  fear  I  can  scarcely  get  from  him 
an  answer  in  which  he  will  do  himself  justice.  He  is  worn  down  with  the 
felicitations  and  exultations  of  his  friends. 

You  will  excuse  me  for  giving  you  the  caution  that  this  and  similar  letters 
should  be  destroyed  or  carefully  secured.  Although  I  write  nothing  that  I 
would  blush  to  see,  or  dying  recall,  yet  such  free  explanations  of  political  and 
personal  relations  are  sufficiently  exposed  in  Mr.  Kendall's  post-office. 

I  have  been  reading  Burr's  life,  the  second  volume.  It  is  a  crude  and  ill- 
concocted  mass,  yet  full  of  interest.  And  now  the  candle  sinks,  and  it  is  time 
for  me  to  retire. 

To  Weed  himself  he  wrote  on  the  same  subject  : 

I  confess,  most  candidly,  I  would  not  have  you  Clerk  unless  it  was  needful. 
Then  I  would  be  for  it.  I  want  something  better  and  higher  for  you.  Candid 
ly,  I  think  it  could  not  add  to  your  stature  to  be  Clerk,  and  it  might  detract 
from  that  of  the  House,  for  the  cry  would  be  universal  that  you  direct  the  move 
ments  of  the  House. 

Hitherto  the  obligation  of  the  party  is  to  you ;  let  us  take  care  how  it  be 
comes  reversed.  Now,  my  dear  Weed,  nobody  can  understand  all  this  better 
than  you ;  and,  fortunately,  you  are  so  constituted  that  your  judgment  will  not 
be  biased  in  favor  of  your  interest. 

If  you  can  only  muster  self-interest  enough  to  take  care  of  yourself,  the 
whole  difficulty  is  out  of  the  way.  You  know  my  feelings  about  it.  So,  now, 
think  wisely,  and  reckon  upon  me  at  an  hour's  notice,  and  give  the  grand  hail- 
ing-sign  accordingly. 


350  LI^E  AND  LETTERS.  [1837, 

Let  me  know  when  Granger  returns  home.  I  want  to  write  to  him.  Your 
article  about  the  National  Convention  is  right.  Stick  to  that. 

WESTFIELD,  December  6, 1837. 

It  would  he  ungenerous  in  me  to  leave  the  matter  of  the  clerkship  where  I 
thought  it  safe  in  my  last  letter  to  put  it.  I  have  been  pondering  the  subject 
since  that  was  dispatched,  and  really  I  begin  to  doubt  the  justice  of  the  dubita- 
tion  then  expressed.  Why  should  you  not  be  Clerk  ?  No  one  deserves  that  or 
any  other  office  a  tithe  so  much.  No  other  appointment  would  be  half  so  pop 
ular  with  the  Whigs,  and,  for  that  matter,  with  the  Van  Buren  men.  What 
harm  would  it  do  ?  For  the  life  of  me  I  can  believe  none,  except  to  contract 
for  a  season  the  space  of  the  broad  area  you  hold  of  public  opinion. 

And,  besides  all  this,  a  bird  in  the  hand  is  worth  two  flying,  unless  you  can 
shoot  more  steadily  than  most  political  marksmen.  Let  us  think  of  this  matter 
once  more,  therefore,  and  I  pray  you  think  of  it,  and,  if  you  can  make  up  your 
mind  not  to  have  it  made  up  until  I  can  reach  you,  write  me,  and  I  will  take 
up  my  march  to  Albany,  so  as  to  be  there  seasonably  to  consult  and  prepare 
all  necessary  action.  And  you  may  as  well  be  assured  of  what,  I  doubt  not, 
you  understand,  that  the  appointment  would  be  made  at  once,  and  with  unani 
mous  consent  by  the  members,  and  the  unanimous  approbation  of  our  friends 
in  the  State. 

Well,  I  am  heartily  glad  that  Congress  has  convened.  For  it  is  time  that  the 
junketing  should  cease.  I  would  have  preferred  there  should  be  no  feast,  not 
because  I  am  unwilling  to  eat  or  allow  others  the  luxury,  but  there  are  so  many 
silly  and  juvenile  conceits,  published  by  our  brethren  in  some  places,  I  would 
avoid  the  occasion  for  them. 

You  will  have  the  President's  message  before  this  time.  Have  you  rightly 
conjectured  Marcy's?  Will  it  offend  Flagg  and  Wright?  I  trow  not. 

So  the  New  York  banks  are  to  be  left  to  work  out  their  own  salvation.  I 
regret  this.  I  had  hoped  the  time  for  resumption  would  be  fixed. 

A  summary  stop,  however,  was  put  to  the  projects  of  Mr.  Weed's 
political  friends  for  his  advancement,  by  his  positive  refusal  to  be  a 
candidate.  His  letter  was  a  characteristic  one  : 

ALBANY,  December  4,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  SEWAED  :  I  am  equally  vexed  and  mortified  to  think  I  have  written 
so  loosely  as  to  leave  the  impression  on  your  mind  that  I  did  not  promptly  and 
peremptorily  reject  the  clerkship.  I  certainly  only  intended  to  let  you  know 
what  had  been  proposed,  and  declined ;  and  yet  this  was  so  poorly  done  as  to 
leave  an  apprehension  on  your  mind  that  I  only  half  put  the  thing  away.  It  is 
not  so,  my  good  friend.  There  are  a  dozen  different  reasons  for  the  course  which 
I  adopted.  I  would  not  touch  it  if  it  were  worth  twice  three  thousand  a  year. 
But  I  beg  that  you,  who  are  always  more  careful  of  my  interests  than  I  ever 
hope  to  be,  will  not  again  afflict  me  by  an  intimation  that  you  have  been  regard 
less  of  what,  since  I  had  the  happiness  to  secure  your  good  opinions,  has  been 
uppermost  in  your  mind.  But  enough  of  this,  which  has  occupied  too  much 
paper  already.  I  neither  want  nor  think  of  the  clerkship,  or  the  State  printing, 
until  objects  of  far  greater  importance  are  accomplished. 


1837.]  FUTURE  LIFE.  351 

After  Tea. — I  have  concluded  to  only  half  forgive  yon,  for  thinking  me  weak 
enough  to  grasp  for  a  paltry  office,  the  moment  that  one  came  within  the  juris 
diction  of  our  party.  I  have  seen  enough  of  that  infirmity  in  others  (about 
whom  we  have  so  often  talked)  never  to  become  the  victim  of  it  myself.  Why, 
Seward !  I  would  not  be  the  means  of  darkening  the  hopes  of  the  dozen  good 
fellows  who  want  it,  for  the  emolument  of  five  such  offices.  But  not  another 
word  on  this  subject. 

Seward,  in  reply,  said  : 

WESTFIELD,  December  \\tfi. 

So  I  am  left  without  excuse  for  attendance  at  Albany.  I  want  you  to  take 
notice,  Mr.  Weed,  that  I  do  not  go  into  the  lobby  upon  any  less  occasion  than 
to  secure  you  the  post  of  State  Printer,  or  that  of  Clerk  of  the  Assembly.  It  is 
by  no  means  certain  that  your  determination  is  wise  in  a  pecuniary  view,  but  for 
your  permanent  fame  and  self-respect  it  is  altogether  right.  .  .  . 

I  have  no  right  to  harass  you,  but  I  will  say  in  self-defense  that  I  don't  think 
the  way  in  which  the  matter,  about  which  I  wrote  some  time  ago,  is  left,  is  the 
most  comfortable  or  expedient.  "  Leave  it "  (say  you)  "  to  our  party  and  friends." 
They  must  be  a  wiser  party  and  less  censorious  friends  than  ever  I  saw,  if  they 
do  not  make  a  pretty  quarrel  about  it,  between  our  friend  Granger  and  myself. 

Be  firm  on  the  subject  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments. 

A  friendship  had  now  grown  up  between  him  and  the  Morgans,  of 
Aurora.  One  of  his  early  letters  to  Christopher  Morgan  ran  thus  : 

WKSTFIELD,  December  8,  1837. 

I  have  not  failed  to  remark  the  kind  recollection  of  myself,  at  the  Ledyard 
and  Genoa  celebration.  I  pray  you  make  my  grateful  acknowledgments  to  your 
brother  for  the  manly  and  generous  support  he  has  given  me,  in  the  recent  politi 
cal  events  in  Cayuga.  I  shall  have  somewhat  to  say  to  you  and  him  when  I 
meet,  which  may  not  properly  be  written. 

The  return  of  Sunday  naturally  enough  inspires  this  vein  of  reflec 
tion,  in  one  of  his  letters  home  : 

WESTFIELD,  December  lOtk. 

Another  week  has  passed.  The  lapse  of  time,  always  to  be  regretted  if  time 
possess  value,  is  generally  a  subject  of  rejoicing.  It  is  so  because  we  "  never 
are,  but  always  to  be,  blest."  My  little  boys  rejoice  because  we  have  approached 
a  week  nearer  to  Christmas  and  the  largess  of  St.  Nicholas — we,  or  I  at  least, 
because  our  reunion  is  a  week  nearer.  Can  it  be  that  this  succession  of  cherished 
and  various  hopes,  continued  through  a  period  of  four  thousand  weeks,  more  or 
less,  is  to  be  the  whole  of  human  life  ?  If  we  regard  the  desire  of  happiness  and 
the  constant  pursuit  of  it,  by  all  mankind,  as  indicative  of  a  destiny  of  happiness 
(and  not  to  regard  it  so  is  to  suppose  Providence  made  us  for  his  own  mockery), 
we  must  believe  that  there  is  a  state  of  happiness  beyond  the  grave ;  for  certain 
it  is,  this  desire  is  never  fully  gratified  here.  There  is  another  reflection  of  some 
weight  on  the  question.  The  human  mind,  in  all  its  anticipations  or  hopes  of 
good,  always  imagines  a  good  that  is  possible,  that  has  existed,  that  would  fall  to 
our  lot,  if  it  were  not  for  some  unlucky  obstacle  or  disappointment.  In  other 


352  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

words,  we  imagine  nothing  but  what  is  possible.  But  we  can  imagine,  we  can 
and  do  hope,  and  anticipate,  a  world  hereafter.  By  analogy,  then,  that  state  is 
possible ;  and,  with  God,  nothing  is  possible  but  what  is.  He  has  made  every 
thing  that  is  necessary  to  the  perfection  of  his  works.  Imperfect,  indeed,  must 
be  his  creation,  if  frail  men  can  conceive  an  improvement,  as  that  would  be, 
which,  being  possible,  yet  is  not,  in  fact  or  in  future. 

But  you  will  say  that  you  are  content  to  take  the  revelation  of  life  and  im 
mortality,  without  exploring  the  way  to  that  awful  truth  through  the  dark  path 
of  human  reason.  Happy  is  the  mind  that  is  so  constituted — happy,  doubtless,  in 
its  security  against  the  fatal  error  of  unbelief ;  for  experience  shows  that  the 
torch  of  human  philosophy  often  leads  us  into  skepticism.  Yet  I  delight  in 
these  reflections,  which  commend  revelation  to  my  credence. 

I  have,  however,  built  a  discourse  upon  a  mere  truism,  which  happened  to 
be  my  text,  because  it  was  the  first  thought  while  I  was  reducing  this  wretched 
quill  to  a  practicable  habit  of  recording  my  ideas ;  so  adieu  to  the  grave  ques 
tion  of  the  soul's  immortality. 

The  population  around  me  is  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  mail  with  impatient 
expectation  of  the  President's  message,  or  further  events  of  the  revolution  in 
Canada. 

The  message  here  alluded  to  was  President  Van  Buren's  annual 
communication  to  Congress.  He  devoted  it  largely,  of  course,  to  the 
financial  situation,  and  the  measures  for  its  relief.  Referring  to  the 
issue  of  Treasury  notes  as  judicious  and  necessary,  he  stated  with 
clearness  and  force  the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  sub-Treasury  system 
previously  recommended.  Not  unmindful  of  the  accusation  that  he 
was  waging  war  on  the  State  banks  and  on  the  credit  system,  nor  of 
the  manifestations  of  popular  discontent  in  the  recent  elections,  the 
President  took  occasion  to  disavow  any  such  hostility  ;  but,  returning 
once  more  to  the  old  object  of  attack,  he  pronounced  the  action  of 
the  United  States  Bank,  in  continuing  under  a  State  charter,  to  be  "  a 
fit  subject  of  inquiry."  On  the  issues  thus  presented  debate  in  Con 
gress  had  already  opened. 

"  The  revolution  in  Canada  "  to  which  the  letter  referred  was  the 
beginning  of  the  frontier  troubles,  afterward  to  assume  graver  pro 
portions.  The  "  Liberal  "  or  "  Reform  "  party  in  Canada  had  sought 
radical  changes  under  the  lead  of  Papineau  in  Parliament,  and  with 
the  aid  of  Mackenzie  through  the  press.  Failing  to  obtain  them,  they 
had  organized  a  popular  movement,  at  first  undefined  as  to  its  ultimate 
purpose,  but  rapidly  taking  on  the  character  of  an  insurrection.  The 
"  Patriots,"  as  they  were  styled,  had  held  a  revolutionary  convention 
at  Toronto  ;  had  issued  an  address  calling  on  the  Canadians  to  rise  ; 
and  had  gathered  a  military  force  to  make  a  demonstration  upon  that 
place.  But  this  having  been  checked  and  dispersed,  they  appealed 
to  sympathizers  across  the  frontier  in  the  United  States,  Mackenzie 
and  Papineau  themselves  coming  over  to  personally  aid  the  appeal. 


1837.]  THE   CANADIAN   "PATRIOTS."  353 

Numbers  of  unthinking  citizens  were  found  ready  to  respond  with 
alacrity  (as  usually  happens  in  such  cases),  stimulated  by  ambition  or 
love  of  adventure,  and  still  further  encouraged  by  the  strong  manifes 
tation  of  popular  sentiment  in  favor  of  Canadian  independence  or  an 
nexation.  Their  proceedings,  while  nominally  secret,  were  sufficiently 
open  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  Governments  on  both  sides  of  the 
line.  Proclamations  were  issued  by  the  Governors  of  New  York  and 
Vermont  exhorting  citizens  "to  refrain  from  unlawful  acts,"  and 
preparations  were  actively  made  by  the  Canadian  authorities  to  repel 
the  threatened  invasion. 

News  now  came  that  the  "  Patriots  "  and  their  American  sympathiz 
ers  had  seized  and  were  fortifying  Navy  Island,  in  the  middle  of  the 
Niagara  River,  a  few  miles  above  the  Falls,  and  that  Colonel  MacNab, 
with  a  body  of  loyal  militia,  was  posted  on  the  Canadian  shore,  directly 
opposite,  to  watch  and,  if  need  be,  to  repel  them.  Chautauqua  County 
was  so  near  to  the  scene  of  these  operations  that  a  lively  interest  was 
felt,  ^Jid  some  of  its  young  men,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  older 
heads,  had  gone  to  enlist  under  the  "  Patriot  "  banner. 

Again,  recurring  to  the  subject  of  the  political  prospects  of  the 
Whig  party,  Seward  wrote  : 

I  had  a  fine  letter  of  Friday  from  Weed ;  yet  it  is  all,  as  he  is  now,  all  made 
up  of  politics.  He  writes  that  he  has  had  a  free  conversation  with  Granger, 
that  Granger  was  anxious  to  have  the  nomination,  but  had  spoken  honorably 
and  favorably  of  me,  and  did  not  doubt  that  all  meant  what  is  right,  and  that 
what  is  right  would  be  done.  I  ought  to  add  that  Weed  says  I  ought  not  to  let 
the  matter  annoy  me,  but  leave  it  to  my  party  and  friends.  It  would  be  quite 
amusing  to  you  to  read  the  various  epistles  I  have  about  these  days  relating  to 
this  great  subject ;  greater,  it  seems,  in  the  estimation  of  my  correspondents 
than  in  my  own.  You  know  me  well  enough  to  understand  what  answers  I 
make. 

WESTFIELD,  December  \Uh. 

The  mail  nowadays  carries  about  half  the  letters  sent  me  some  distance 
into  Pennsylvania.  Your  letter  of  the  16th  of  last  month  has  just  returned 
from  an  excursion  of  that  kind. 

It  is  doubtless  a  great  vexation  to  have  your  servants  leave  you  at  unseason 
able  times.  But,  just  now,  I  am  suffering  a  trouble  of  the  directly  opposite 
character.  I  have  five  upon  my  hands,  each  of  whom  is  unwilling  to  leave.  I 
am  actually  unhappy  under  the  evil,  and  can  scarcely  summon  the  requisite 
firmness  to  dismiss  the  supernumeraries  on  the  1st  of  January. 

On  a  review  of  my  labors  during  the  last  eighteen  months  I  can,  with  some 
satisfaction,  contemplate  the  beneficial  results  of  much  that  I  have  done,  and 
recall  without  pain  the  motives  of  much  more.  In  all  this  you  have  been  a 
sharer  of  my  confidence  and  my  feelings. 

The  commercial  disasters  of  the  year  brought,  as  might  be  expected, 
urgent  appeals  from  the  sufferers,  to  those  who  had  barely  escaped  the 
23 


354  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1837. 

storm,  for  aid  and  relief — appeals  so  numerous  as  to  render  compliance 
with  a  tithe  of  them  impossible.  He  wrote,  December  17th  : 

I  am  almost  in  despair.  My  troubles  accumulate,  and  I  am  without  the 
power  of  doing  good.  I  have  to  dismiss  three  clerks ;  they  all  seem  near  to  me  as 
children,  and  are  almost  as  helpless.  I  am  engaged  in  correspondence  to  secure 
them  places.  One  of  my  friends  is  prosecuted  for  four  times  as  much  as  he  will 

ever  be  worth,  on  the  score  of  a  harbor  speculation.  Poor  B mourns  his 

approaching  dismission  from  a  position  he  had  supposed  permanent.  Then  Dr. 

H writes  me  that  bankruptcy  stares  him  in  the  face,  and  implores  me  to 

relieve  him.  M ,  in  the  plenitude  of  political  success  and  glory,  writes  me 

that  his  property  will  be  sold  on  execution  unless  I  relieve  him.  Every  other 

resource,  he  says,  has  failed.  Besides  this,  Z expects  me  to  melt  the  hearts 

of  his  creditors.  Alas !  I  could  not  do  it  without  a  stronger  galvanic  battery 
than  that  which  melts  rocks. 

The  pecuniary  embarrassments  of  the  country,  which  spread  so  much  desola 
tion  in  the  East,  have  reached  and  involved  this  secluded  region.  It  seems  as  if 
all  the  people  here  were  expecting  me  to  lend  them  money  ;  and  all  the  Whigs 
in  the  State  desiring  me  to  make  them  Clerks  in  the  Assembly.  My  heart  fails 
me  when  I  look  upon  this  hopeless  heap  of  anxiety  and  sorrow,  and  remember 
how  little  it  is  in  my  power  to  do  to  relieve  it.  I  become  sorrowful  and  grave 
daily;  and  not  a  little  disgusted  with  the  world,  in  which  there  is  so  little  suc 
cessful  accomplishment,  so  little  of  sincerity,  and  so  little  of  security. 

Letters  from  Mr.  Weed  now  announced  that  the  success  of  the 
Whigs  in  the  fall  election  had  encouraged  him  in  a  new  effort  to 
strengthen  the  party  and  disseminate  its  opinions.  This  was  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  weekly  "  campaign  "  paper  to  be  printed  at  the  Evening 
Journal  office  in  Albany,  and  to  be  called  the  Jeffersonian.  In  behalf 
of  the  State  Central  Committee  he  had  been  to  New  York,  and  ob 
tained  the  requisite  funds  to  commence  the  enterprise.  In  reply,  Sew- 
ard  wrote  : 

WESTFIELD,  December  24th. 

I  rejoice  in  the  success  of  your  mission  to  New  York  ;  complete  success  it  is 
not,  but  Benedict  can  render  it  so.  But  I  fear  there  is  a  part  of  the  system  not 
yet  perfected,  and  without  which  the  enterprise  will  fail.  I  mean  the  provision 
for  obtaining  readers,  non-paying  as  well  as  paying  subscribers,  if  this  impor 
tant  matter  is  left  to  the  unaided  action  of  our  friends  in  the  country.  Here 
and  there  the  prospectus  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  an  energetic  and  ardent  man, 
who  will  procure  fifty  or  a  hundred  subscribers  in  a  county,  most  of  whom  will 
pay.  Such  a  subscription  would  be  inadequate  to  your  great  purpose.  But  it 
is  all  you  may  expect  if  some  different  effort  is  not  made.  Let  me  illustrate, 
by  reminding  you  of  the  subscription  to  establish  the  Evening  Journal.  Our 
friends  required  two  thousand  dollars  in  all  Western  New  York.  I  sent  you  four 
hundred  from  Auburn,  and  all  you  got  from  all  the  rest  of  Western  New  York 
was  not  more  than  twice  that  sum.  Again,  I  have  made  an  effort  for  the 
Jeffersonian.  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find  Plumb  here  the  day  I  received  your 
prospectus.  He  fell  in  with  it,  of  course,  took  the  prospectus  to  Jamestown,  had 


1887.]  LETTERS   TO   CHILDREN.  355 

it  printed,  sent  me  back  twenty  copies,  retained  twenty,  sent  ten  to  Mayville, 
and  distributed  the  rest.  I  called  a  caucus,  and  subdivided  the  work  here.  We 
met  the  next  evening  to  hear  the  reports  of  our  committees.  At  the  adjourned 
meeting  we  had  twenty  subscribers.  Adjourned  to  next  night.  Then  had  fifty. 
To  the  next  night.  Then  sixty,  and  that  was  thought  enough.  I  insisted  upon 
more.  Adjourned  to  the  next  night  with  a  resolution  to  have  one  hundred. 
We  had  them.  Adjourned  again  to  last  night,  and  had  then  one  hundred  and 
fifty.  And  I  hope  to-morrow  they  will  have  two  hundred.  Now,  this  is  no 
more  than  we  ought  to  do  ;  but  it  is  not  more  than  your  plan  contemplates  as 
necessary  to  be  done.  Yet  it  has  been  accomplished  by  unusual  exertions.  I 
have  attended  every  evening,  and  have  made  the  subscription  to  the  Jejfenfonia/n 
the  chief  business  as  well  as  topic  for  a  week.  From  my  copies  sent  to  other  parts 
of  the  county,  I  have  no  return.  You  will  ask  me,  "  What  then?  "  I  answer, 
"  You  must  adopt  the  plan  pursued  by  the  sectarists  in  religious  controversies — 
send  missionaries."  It  was  that  which  carried  forward  the  temperance  reform. 
It  is  that  system  which  procures  from  a  people,  liberal  and  ardent,  the  supplies 
required  for  propagating  opinion.  The  people  delight  to  see  and  converse  with 
a  missionary.  They  place  more  confidence  in  his  statements,  and  he  comes  to 
them  imbued  with  an  enthusiasm  that  is  contagious.  I  respectfully  suggest  that 
you  modify  your  plan,  so  as  to  afford  sufficient  inducement  to  twenty  or  thirty 
individuals,  who  for  a  few  months  shall  visit  the  chief  towns,  and  procure  sub 
scriptions.  It  will  not  do  to  depend  upon  home  exertion.  There  are  few  who 
have  leisure  to  assume  the  duties  you  impose,  and  these  few  have  not  the 
requisite  energy. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  revelation  made  to  you  in  New  York,  of  your 
great  reputation  and  influence.  I  was  as  well  aware  that  you  were  unconscious 
of  both  as  I  was  of  their  extent.  Both  have  been  fairly  won,  and,  what  is 
better,  they  are  both  in  requisition  for  the  best  good  of  the  country.  I  should 
have  been  delighted  to  be  with  you — to  have  seen  the  paralysis  you  suffered  at 
the  Astor  House  dinner.  For  the  real  physically  induced  rheumatics  in  the  legs 
(such  as  you  had  at  Barnum's  in  Baltimore)  I  have  not  so  much  respect.  They 
don't  make  you  any  more  amiable  ;  when  the  fit  is  on,  at  least.  But  this  kind 
of  distemper,  that  comes  from  the  unexpected  disclosures  of  the  respect  and 
friendship  of  good  men,  has  a  marvelous  influence  in  reproducing  the  very 
kindness  in  others  which  causes  the  evil. 

There  were  many  affectionate  letters  to  his  children  in  this  holiday 
season.  An  extract  or  two  will  illustrate  their  half-playful,  half-in 
structive  tone : 

I  received  yesterday  morning  your  letter,  and  was  greatly  pleased  with  it. 

Black  kittens  mew  so  much  and  at  such  unseasonable  hours,  that  I  think  it 
will  be  necessary  the  next  time  we  purchase  to  select  one  of  a  lighter  color. 

I  am  glad  that  you  saw  the  Siamese  twins.  They  are  very  nice  young  men, 
as  I  am  informed.  Would  you  like  to  see  them  when  they  are  hunting?  I 
wonder  whether  they  both  fire  at  once  ? 

The  snow  I  suppose  has  all  wasted  away,  and  if  you  play  in  the  court-yard 
now  it  must  be  on  the  wet  grass.  All  winter  long  there  must  be  much  snow 
and  rain,  so  that  the  ground  will  be  wet  enough  for  plants  and  trees  to  grow 


356  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

next  summer.  Do  you  know  that  the  sap,  which  is  the  blood  of  trees,  and 
shrubs,  and  plants,  runs  down  into  the  roots  in  the  cold  weather  and  remains 
there  invigorating  the  roots  ?  In  the  spring,  when  the  warm  weather  comes, 
the  sap  ascends  into  the  trunk  and  branches,  and  then  they  begin  to  put  forth 
buds  and  flowers.  Sap  is  taken  from  the  maple-tree,  in  the  spring,  to  make 
sugar,  just  as  it  is  going  up  into  the  limbs.  The  sap  rises,  in  some  trees 
and  plants,  much  earlier  than  in  others.  If  you  look  at  the  lilac-bush  in  Febru 
ary,  you  will  find  that  it  will  already  be  covered  with  buds. 

I  hope  that  the  Indian  pony  proved  docile  and  fleet  in  the  harness.  Your 
ducks,  I  suppose,  will  furnish  eggs  and  ducklings  enough  to  pay  for  the  corn 
and  oats  you  have  so  liberally  provided  for  them. 

This  will  be  the  last  letter  I  shall  write  before  I  return  home.  But  your 
Christmas  sports  will  all  be  over  before  I  return.  I  shall  expect  to  find  that  my 
dear  boys  have  made  good  progress  in  their  studies.  Studies  are  the  chief 
business.  Sleighs,  ponies,  bells,  ducks,  gardens,  and  such  things,  are  only 
amusements  of  no  real  value ;  but  learning  is  an  abiding  and  useful  treasure. 
Adieu,  my  dear  boy. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1838. 

Auburn  &  Syracuse  Eailroad. — A  "Whig  Legislature. — Small  Bills  and  Specie  Payments. 
— An  Ice- Ad  venture. — Ruggles's  Canal  Report. — Charles  King. — Ocean-Steamers. — 
Over-zealous  Friends. — Granger  and  Bradish. 

THE  gloom  which  had  settled  upon  the  business  community  since 
the  great  revulsion  of  1837  was  partially  relieved  at  the  beginning  of 
1838  by  some  signs  of  the  coming  of  "  better  times." 

Auburn  was  rejoicing  this  year  over  the  opening  of  the  Syracuse 
Railroad,  though  with  much  less  enthusiasm  than  it  had  exhibited  two 
years  before  over  the  Auburn  &  Owasco  Canal.  But  if  its  anticipa 
tions,  in  the  one  case,  were  too  sanguine,  in  the  other  they  fell  short 
of  the  reality  of  the  benefits  to  the  village,  to  accrue  from  the  im 
provement. 

It  was  but  an  imperfect  structure,  even  yet.  It  extended  twenty- 
three  miles  to  Geddes,  where  it  struck  the  Erie  Canal.  One  of  the 
chief  reasons  for  the  inception  of  the  enterprise  had  been  the  desire  to 
put  Auburn  in  communication  with  that  great  thoroughfare.  The  rails 
were  wooden  ones,  and  the  cars  drawn  by  horses.  Colonel  J.  M.  Sher 
wood,  the  public-spirited  proprietor  of  the  stage-line,  aided  materially 
in  furnishing  the  "  rolling-stock  "  by  mounting  on  car-wheels  the  bodies 
of  some  of  his  stage-coaches,  and  furnishing  the  animals  to  draw  them. 
Iron  rails  and  locomotives  were  things  of  the  future.  Among  the  first 
passengers  that  accompanied  him  in  his  improvised  train  was  Seward, 
who,  with  his  family,  was  going  eastward. 


1838.]  AN   ICE   ADVENTURE.  357 

When  the  State  Legislature  met  at  Albany  in  January  it  was  evi 
dent  that  the  Whig  successes  at  the  election  in  November  had  not 
been  without  direct  results.  Luther  Bradish  was  elected  Speaker  of 
the  Assembly.  Governor  Marcy's  message,  while  following  the  lead 
of  the  national  Administration  in  behalf  of  an  independent  Treasury, 
recommended  a  general  banking  law  as  a  remedy  for  evils  growing  out 
of  the  pressure,  and  urged  the  completion  of  the  enlargement  of  the 
Erie  Canal.  The  Whigs  were  ready  enough  to  concur  in  the  last  two 
propositions  ;  and  were  zealously  bent  upon  a  third,  the  abrogation  of 
the  "  small-bill  law,"  which  had  added  to  the  general  distress  by  its 
prohibition  of  bank-notes  under  five  dollars,  and  had  led  to  the  flood  of 
"  shinplasters."  Having  a  majority  on  joint  ballot,  they  elected  Or- 
ville  L.  Holley  Surveyor-General,  and  Dr.  Barstow  State  Treasurer, 
and  filled  with  Whigs  the  positions  of  Clerk,  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and 
Doorkeeper  of  the  Assembly,  which  had  been  in  such  request.  Mr. 
Ruggles,  who  had  been  elected  a  member  of  the  Assembly  from  New 
York,  in  spite  of  his  own  declination,  was  assigned  by  Speaker  Bradish 
to  the  chairmanship  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  with  general 
concurrence. 

Pausing  at  Albany  only  long  enough  for  brief  conference  on  politi 
cal  affairs  with  his  friends,  Seward  started  for  New  York.  The  river 
was  frozen  but  half -across,  and  the  mild  weather  hourly  threatened  a 
break-up  of  the  frail  ice.  It  was  necessary  to  row  out,  in  a  small 
boat,  to  the  ice,  cross  it  on  foot  to  Greenbush,  there  take  the  stage  to 
Hudson,  and  thence  proceed  by  steamboat.  It  was  a  hazardous  experi 
ment. 

ASTOB  HOUSE,  Tuesday  Night,  January  9,  1838. 

I  should  have  written  to  you  yesterday  from  Hudson  "  if  I  could  have  sum 
moned  courage  or  resolution  enough,"  as  Charles  Lamb  said,  "to  dot  my  i's  or 
comb  my  eyebrows,"  on  such  a  dismal  day.  I  wanted  you  and  Harriet  here  to 
hear  us  descant  upon  the  perils  of  our  fearful  passage  across  the  Hudson.  It 
was  an  occasion  I  shall  never  forget.  Nothing  doubting  the  trustworthiness  of 
our  guides,  we  embarked  in  the  little  boat,  Frances  saying  in  a  melancholy  tone, 
as  she  pressed  my  hand,  "  We  are  all  together."  When  we  reached  the  supposed 
solid  ice-pavement  the  boat's  weight  pressed  it  several  inches  under  the  water. 
The  boat  on  sleds  was  ready  for  us,  but  no  persuasion  could  induce  the  mother 
to  take  passage  on  it,  while  her  children  were  left  behind  in  the  hands  of 
strangers.  At  this  moment  the  tremulous  motion  and  long  low  sounds  of  the 
crackling  ice  alarmed  our  guides,  and  they,  losing  all  self-possession,  hurried 
onward.  We  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore,  but,  looking  back,  saw  the  ice 
breaking  up  behind  us.  Heaven  forgive  me  for  bringing  into  such  peril  those 
who  ought  not  to  be  involved  in  the  hazards  of  my  irregular  life ! 

It  was  a  tedious  day  at  Hudson ;  but  the  boat  came  at  last,  and  we  arrived 
here  safely. 

PHILADELPHIA,  January  18,  1838. 

I  found  it  impossible  to  write  again  in  New  York  ;  it  was  an  unending  eddy. 


358  I^E  AND  LETTERS.  [1838. 

Besides  the  excitement  of  my  negotiations  here,  I  have  been  every  hour,  when 
unemployed,  and  some  of  them  were  most  unseasonable  hours,  too,  in  society. 
Messrs.  Duer  and  Macauley  have  been  partners  in  my  parlor. 

NEW  YORK,  Friday  NigU,  January  19,  1838. 

The  fog  last  night  kept  us  at  sea  until  five  o'clock.  We  came  here  in  a  heavy 
storm. 

It  will  be  time  enough  when  we  meet  next  week  for  me  to  tell  you  about  my 
negotiation  at  Philadelphia.  Suffice  it  now  that  it  assures  all  I  need. 

Philadelphia  is  developing  like  this  city  ;  decided  bias  toward  Clay,  Webster 
exists  not  there;  and  Harrison,  wherever  found,  covers  only  preferences  for 
Clay.  On  the  other  hand,  the  country  (as  I  learn  from  members  of  the  con 
vention)  is  all  for  Harrison.  They  urged  me  strenuously  to  see  that  delegates 
should  attend  at  Philadelphia  in  November. 

NEW  YORK,   Thursday  Evening,  January  25,  1838. 

New  York  is  suffering  beyond  measure,  beyond  conception,  from  the  press 
ure.  There  is  no  business,  no  money,  no  confidence,  besides  a  "  fearful  look 
ing  "  for  untried  evils  to  come.  In  this  emergency  both  capitalists  and  poli 
ticians  are  restlessly  engaged  in  seeking  out  expedients  for  temporary  relief. 
During  the  week  a  precious  effort  was  made  to  send  the  Whig  Assembly  into  a 
general  proscription  and  persecution  of  all  the  banks  in  the  State.  Better 
counsels,  encouraged  by  myself,  have  limited  the  assault  to  the  obnoxious  city 
banks. 

For  myself  I  believe  that  the  banks  ought  to  and  must  resume  within  the 
law,  nor  do  I  believe  there  is  any  relief  but  that  consequent  upon  the  resump 
tion  of  specie  payments,  the  resumption  to  be  made  easy  by  the  passage  of  the 
"  small-bill  law." 

The  excitement  in  relation  to  the  presidential  nomination  appears  to  have 
spent  itself.  All  of  the  parties  here  have  had  their  turn,  and  are  now  prepared 
to  fuse.  I  have  seen  many  here — Noah,  who  appears  right ;  Webb  and  Stone, 
who  are  right.  There  is  a  gentleman  of  much  capacity  for  mischief,  who,  I 
think,  is  disposed  to  make  that  article.  But  of  that  when  we  meet. 

Journeying  then  homeward,  he  wrote  : 

AUBURN,  February  22,  1838. 

Our  party  in  the  car  was  Wadsworth,  Duncan,  Schermerhorn,  Strong  and 
his  wife,  and  young  Ambrose  Spencer  and  his  wife.  '  We  were  hindered  by 
snow-drifts,  so  that  we  were  until  eight  o'clock  in  arriving  at  Utica.  There 
Kutger  B.  Miller  had  prepared  a  set  dinner  for  Wadsworth,  Duncan,  Schermer 
horn,  and  myself.  It  was  a  pleasant  party,  and  detained  us  until  twelve.  Mrs. 
Miller  (H.  Seymour's  daughter)  pressed  her  husband  to  be  as  honest  as  she  was, 
and  confess  himself  a  Whig. 

Agitation  among  our  opponents  but  develops  the  wide  difference  of  both 
opinion  and  interest  among  them,  and  hastens  what  might  otherwise  come  too 
late,  the  schism  in  which  their  ascendency  is  destined  to  be  lost. 

As  for  the  operations  of  President  and  Governor  making,  be  assured  it  would 
do  you  good  to  see  the  indifference  of  our  friends  to  the  discussion.  The  de- 


1838.J  THE   SMALL-BILL  LAW.  359 

bate  is  chiefly  among  idlers,  not  the  efficient  corps.     The  unparalleled  distress  of 
the  business  portion  of  the  people  excludes  such  profitless  discussion. 

Meetings  in  various  towns  in  the  State  were  held  in  encouragement 
and  approval  of  the  Whig  legislative  policy,  especially  in  relation  to  the 
odious  "  Small-bill  Law."  The  call  for  the  meeting  at  Auburn  was 
headed  with  the  name  of  William  H.  Seward,  and  many  of  the  others 
were  ascribed  to  his  direct  or  indirect  influence,  and  that  of  his  friends. 
In  an  address  at  the  town-hall  at  Auburn  in  February,  Seward  stated 
the  issue  between  the  people  and  the  Administration. 

The  newspapers  now  brought  important  intelligence  from  Albany 
and  Washington.  The  Whigs  in  the  Legislature  were  redeeming  their 
promise.  The  "  Small-bill  Law  "  was  suspended  for  two  years,  giving 
immediate  relief  to  the  community  from  "  shinplasters."  Samuel  B. 
Ruggles,  as  chairman  of  the  committee  in  the  Assembly  to  whom  the 
subject  of  internal  improvements  had  been  referred,  brought  in  a  pro 
found  and  exhaustive  report,  whose  conclusions,  though  demonstrated 
by  facts  and  figures,  seemed  almost  incredible.  He  showed  that  the 
immense  value  of  the  carrying-trade  of  the  State  and  the  West,  if 
secured  by  the  prosecution  of  works  of  internal  improvement,  would 
not  only  add  to  the  prosperity  of  the  community  at  large,  but  would 
reimburse  the  State  itself  for  all  advances  made  or  contemplated. 
Nay,  even  if  the  State  should  expend  forty  million  dollars  upon  those 
works,  a  quarter  of  a  century's  use  of  them  at  the  current  rates  of  toll 
would  pour  it  all  back  into  her  coffers.  Though  the  lapse  of  that  time 
has  now  demonstrated  the  accuracy  of  Mr.  Ruggles's  statistics,  and 
has  confirmed  his  reputation  as  a  leading  statistician  of  the  time,  yet 
his  report  was  then  received  by  his  political  opponents  with  incredulity 
and  derision  ;  and  the  Whigs,  under  whose  auspices  it  had  been  intro 
duced,  were  charged  with  attempting  to  saddle  a  "  forty-million  debt " 
on  the  State.  Nevertheless,  the  Assembly  passed  an  Internal  Improve 
ment  Bill,  almost  unanimously,  appropriating  four  million  dollars  for 
enlarging  the  Erie  Canal.  A  General  Banking  Law  was  also  passed 
by  a  large  majority. 

The  bill  to  repeal  the  "  Small-bill  Law  "  had  been  introduced  in  the 
Assembly  early  in  the  session,  by  Henry  W.  Taylor,  of  Canandaigua. 
That  body  passed  it.  In  the  Senate,  the  Administration  party  were  un 
willing  to  face  the  popular  displeasure  they  were  sure  to  encounter  if 
they  longer  withheld  "  small  bills."  Yet  they  could  not,  at  once,  give 
up  the  ground  they  had  occupied  so  long.  So  they,  by  a  party  vote, 
amended  the  bill  so  as  to  suspend  the  obnoxious  law  for  two  years. 
The  question  hung  between  the  two  Houses  for  a  time,  but  the  Assembly 
finally  concurred  in  the  Senate's  amendment.  The  Democratic  leaders 
claimed  that  their  party  had  met  the  popular  wishes,  and  at  the  same 
time  had  preserved  a  consistent  record.  The  Whigs  rejoiced  in  the 


360  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

fact  that  they  had  not  only  obtained  the  sanction  of  law  to  the  "  small- 
bill  "  circulation,  but  had  also  preserved  the  advantage  of  having  the 
popular  issue  of  repeal  to  fight  for  at  the  next  election.  Mr.  Weed  in 
one  of  his  letters  remarked: 

The  Jeffersonian  goes  on  finely.  There  are  over  eleven  thousand  subscribers, 
and  the  number  increasing  rapidly.  It  is,  so  far,  the  thing  we  want.  Ruggles  is 
overwhelmed  with  thanks  and  congratulations  for  his  most  admirable  report. 

The  "Patriot"  war  in  Canada  had  culminated,  and  apparently 
ended.  During  the  winter  its  events  had  been  exciting  and  important. 
Colonel  MacNab's  militia,  having  seized  at  Fort  Schlosser  the  supply- 
steamer  Caroline,  of  the  Navy  Island  assemblage,  had  set  fire  to  her, 
let  her  drift  down  the  rapids  and  over  Niagara  Falls.  Great  excite 
ment  was  produced  by  this  event,  and  the  stories  of  robberies  and  mur 
der  with  which  it  was  said  to  have  been  accompanied.  The  President 
had  ordered  troops  to  the  frontier,  and  in  his  message  described  it  as 
"  an  outrage  of  a  most  aggravated  character,  accompanied  by  a  hostile 
though  temporary  invasion  of  our  territory;  "  and  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Forsyth,  addressed  the  British  Government,  demanding  explanation  and 
redress.  Congress  had  passed  a  law  requiring  the  disarming  and  dis 
persing  of  the  "  Patriots."  A  warning  proclamation  was  issued  by  the 
Executive,  and  General  Scott  was  sent  to  the  frontier,  to  see  that  it 
was  complied  with.  Navy  Island  was  soon  evacuated,  the  arms  and 
munitions  of  war  taken  possession  of  by  the  authorities,  the  leader  Van 
Rensselaer  arrested,  and  the  "Patriot  army"  dispersed  and  scattered, 
for  the  time,  though  it  partially  reunited  for  subsequent  operations  on 
the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  lakes. 

There  were  rumors  and  reports  also  of  presidential  intrigues,  and 
of  congressional  disputes  and  duels,  with  incidents  partaking  both  of 
comic  and  of  tragic  character.  Alluding  to  these  various  items  of  news, 
Seward  wrote  to  Weed: 

WEST-FIELD,  March  IQth. 

Thank  you  for  an  early  adjournment,  if  it  was  advised  upon  grounds  of  gen 
eral  policy  for  the  party  ;  but  if  because  you  have  had  enough  of  the.  blessing  of 
a  majority  in  the  House,  why  then  I  thank  you  no  less.  For,  when  the  day  of 
your  deliverance  has  come,  I  shall  hope  to  see  your  scrawl  once  a  month. 

So,  so,  Mr.  Weed,  now  that  the  "Patriots"  are  dispersed,  the  leaders  divided, 
and  the  general  in  jail,  yon  are  becoming  quite  free  in  speaking  as  you  ought. 
I  trust  your  paper  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  Chancellor  Kent  and  his  family. 
I  had  scarcely  favor  enough  in  their  eyes  to  restore  you,  after  your  "  patriotic  n 
articles  in  the  commencement  of  the  affair. 

I  have  a  long,  good  letter  from  Childs,  all  on  the  subject  of  presidential  can 
didates.  He  thinks  all  prudent  men  are  settling  down  upon  the  name  of  Harri 
son.  A  letter  from  R.  P.  Marvin  coincides  exactly,  but  substitutes  the  name  of 
Clay.  Now,  I  suppose  that  both  are  equally  correct,  and  that,  after  all,  the  mem- 


1838.]  N.   P.   TALLMADGE.  361 

bers  of   Congress  will  have  less  to  do  with  the  subject  than  anybody  in  the 
country. 

I  am  about  worked  down  here.  I  shall  leave  for  Batavia  on  the  20th,  and 
shall  soon  thereafter  be  at  Auburn.  I  mention  this  as  an  important  item  for 
the  head  of  "  movements  in  fashionable  life  "  in  your  newspaper,  not  that  I 
would  be  understood  as  at  all  intimating  that  I  would  take  a  letter  out  of  the 
post-office  from  you.  No,  no ;  I  am  like  members  of  Congress.  I  hold  no  cor 
respondence  with  editors.  I  have  recently  been  fairly  converted  to  the  doctrine 
that  editors  are  not  gentlemen,  especially  Whig  editors  in  Albany  when  there 
is  a  Whig  Legislature  there. 

Referring  to  his  own  affairs  at  Westfield  and  Auburn,  he  remarked 

in  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Seward  : 

Sunday  Night. 

Rev.  Mr.  Huse  was  absent  to-day,  and  I  have  read  service  and  a  sermon  for 
him,  morning  and  evening.  I  had  a  respectable  auditory.  The  exercise  has  con 
vinced  me  that  clergymen  enjoy  no  sinecure  on  Sundays ;  and  I  always  knew 
they  did  not  on  secular  days,  if  they  diligently  prepared  their  sermons. 

Hurried  as  I  have  been  with  other  things,  I  have  on  my  hands  the  prepara 
tion  of  a  discourse  for  the  Young  Men's  Associations  at  Syracuse  and  Troy. 
One  must  answer  for  both.  It  must  be  finished,  and  it  is  yet  in  its  roughest 
shape,  and  but  half  of  it  written  at  all.  I  have  written  to  Granger  that  I  will 
be  with  him  next  week.  It  is  really  quite  a  relief  to  be  here.  I  hear  no  more 
of  politics  than  is  convenient,  and  what  I  do  hear  is  from  those  whose  informa 
tion  is  very  ancient. 

Saturday,  March  Vlth. 

I  propose  to  leave  here  on  Tuesday,  and  then  what  a  journey  I  have  before 
me !  Two  entire  days  to  Buffalo,  and  three  "to  drag  my  slow  length  along"  to 
Batavia  for  a  resting-place.  But  I  shall  set  out  with  more  pleasure  than  I  came 
here  with. 

I  think  I  shall  be  like  "  the  Needy  Knife-Grinder  "  when  I  meet  the  Young 
Men's  Association  at  Troy — I  shall  have  no  story  to  tell.  My  address  has  grown 
to  ten  pages,  and  then  was  hung  up.  When,  where,  and  how,  in  my  wanderings, 
shall  I  complete  it?  But  I  am  going  now  to  add  to  it  some  half  a  dozen  more 
stiff  sentences. 

I  have  been  not  without  fear  that  you  were  sick.  But  the  mail  is  now  a 
week,  making  a  funeral-like  progress,  and  I  will  believe  that  it  has,  somewhere 
in  the  sloughs  of  these  intolerable  ways,  a  letter  of  warm  feelings  and  your  own 
clear  and  calm  thoughts.  Weed  writes  me  a  brief,  but,  as  always,  a  calm  and 
satisfactory  letter.  A  letter  comes  from  N.  P.  Tallmadge  communicating  hopes 
and  fears,  and  asking  correspondence  on  political  matters.  So  strangely  do  things 
fall  out  in  politics ! 

Mr.  Tallmadge  had  occupied  a  seat  in  the  State  Senate  at  the 
time  of  Seward's  entrance  into  that  body,  and  had  been  elected  by  the 
Democrats  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1833.  He  remained  a  firm 
supporter  of  General  Jackson's  Administration  ;  but,  after  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  accession,  separated  from  the  party,  on  the  sub-Treasury  issue, 
and  thenceforward  acted  with  the  Whigs. 


362  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1838. 

A  letter  from  Granger,  written  before  he  received  mine,  says  he  is  to  leave 
on  the  22d,  but  that  a  day  or  two  would  make  no  difference.  I  suppose  that  he 

will  meet  Mr.  R ,  and  will  learn  enough  from  him  to  anticipate  the  time  when 

I  can  arrive  at  Oanandaigua.  For  reasons  good,  I  hope  he  will  wait  for  me. 

And  now  comes  news  that  the  u  Patriot  "  general-in-chief  is  imprisoned  in 
a  vile  debtor's  jail,  for  no  other  crime  but  raising  armies  in  one  country  to  burn 
and  pillage  the  people  of  another ;  a  fate  they  so  well  deserve  because  they  pre 
fer  to  live  under  a  government  of  settled  order,  instead  of  one  that  offers  the 
glorious  advantages  of  experiment.  And  Peter !  I  imagine  I  can  see  him  now, 
fresh  arrived  from  Clutes,  full  charged  with  rumors  that  the  "  Campbells  are  com 
ing  "  from  Navy  Island  and  marching  to  the  rescue.  How  voluble  he  must  be ! 
Little  ability  has  he  had,  I  trow,  to  practise  the  great  cardinal  virtue  he  so  much 
wants,  temperance,  in  such  exciting  times. 

Peter  Crosby,  here  alluded  to,  was  an  old  servant  of  Judge  Miller's, 
afterward  employed  by  Seward  in  the  care  of  horses  and  garden.  Very 
fluent  in  conversation,  he  had  an  apparently  inexhaustible  store  of 
reminiscences  of  his  adventures,  among  which  were  some  that  are 
popularly  supposed  to  belong  to  other  men.  He  was  a  great  favorite 
with  the  children,  who  used  to  sit  on  his  knee  in  the  kitchen  winter 
evenings,  and  who  learned  from  him  with  unquestioning  faith  that, 
before  he  buckled  on  his  sword  as  a  private  in  Captain  Seward's  artil 
lery,  he  had  fought  with  Napoleon  at  Marengo,  and  Austerlitz,  and 
Waterloo  ;  that  he  also  had  a  hand  in  the  skirmishes  of  the  "  neutral 
ground  "  in  the  Revolution;  that  he  was  a  sailor  once,  and  was  wrecked 
on  an  island,  but  was  providentially  saved  in  time  to  be  buried  alive 
by  a  savage  tribe,  into  whose  hands  he  had  fallen. 

If  not  steady  in  all  his  habits,  he  was  in  the  one  of  conviviality  on 
Saturday  nights.  This,  though  incurable,  was  overlooked  on  account 
of  his  years  of  faithful  service,  one  incident  of  which  had  been  his 
seizing  a  runaway  pony,  by  throwing  his  arms  around  its  neck,  just  as 
it  was  dragging,  apparently  to  death,  one  of  the  little  boys,  whose 
foot  was  caught  in  the  stirrup. 

He  was,  like  most  of  those  of  his  nationality,  a  warm  sympathizer 
in  the  projected  raids  of  the  "  Patriots  "  upon  Canada,  as  the  above 
extract  implies. 

The  Assembly  now  almost  unanimously  voted  in  favor  of  large  ap 
propriations  for  the  canals,  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  the  com 
mittee.  The  Senate,  however,  would  consent  only  to  the  four  millions 
to  be  expended  in  the  current  year  for  enlarging  the  Erie  Canal.  The 
General  Banking  Law  passed  the  Assembly  by  eighty-six  to  twenty- 
nine  votes,  the  Democrats  generally  voting  against  it.  The  bill  was 
amended  by  the  Senate,  which  finally  passed  it  by  twenty  to  eight. 
The  Legislature  voted  to  adjourn  on  the  18th  of  April. 

March  l$th. 

It  is  most  manifest  that  the  revolution  this  time  "  goes  no*  backward."    The 


1838.]  WHIG   SUCCESSES.  363 

town-meetings  this  spring  are  auspicious  of  a  more  complete  overthrow  of  the 
political  speculators  than  ever  occurred  in  this  country.  I  think  the  Whig  party 
goes  on  with  the  same  strength  and  power  that  distinguished  Mr.  Jefferson's 
complete  triumph. 

Do  you  know,  I  never  until  now  knew  exactly  the  justice  of  your  homage 
to  Charles  King?  I  have  just  learned  from  his  beautiful  and  manly  articles  in 
the  American  what  you  knew  so  long  ago. 

God  speed  the  Jeffersonian  !  I  like  every  word  in  it  right  well.  By-and-by, 
when  I  get  at  leisure,  I  will  put  a  shoulder  to  the  wheel  once  more,  and  the 
high  conception  of  thirty  thousand  subscribers  shall  be  realized,  to  Benedict's 
contentment. 

I  look  with  eagerness  for  Ruggles's  report.  I  know  it  will  be  good,  and  / 
shall  value  it  more  highly  for  its  enthusiasm  and  magnificent  conceptions.  Let 

it  come  soon. 

AUBURN,  March  27, 1838. 

I  am  rejoiced  to  see  that  the  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  bill  has  passed,  and 
with  so  great  unanimity,  and  with  the  very  opposition  it  received.  What  will 
be  its  fate  in  the  Senate  ?  How  can  they  refuse  to  pass  it  ? 

Thursday  Morning. 

I  am  so  little  accustomed  to  be  in  a  majority,  and  to  encounter  the  annoy 
ances  incident  to  my  present  position,  that,  but  for  your  judgment  or  feeling, 
I  should,  before  this  time,  have  thrown  up  my  hands  and  declared  I  would 
never  be  the  candidate  of  an  established  majority,  or  for  its  nominations.  Lit 
tle  credit  the  world  would  give  me  for  that ;  but  I  should  be  as  free  and  inde 
pendent  as  I  love  to  be  ;  and  I  should  possess  my  own  conscience  and  be  satis 
fied  with  my  own  place. 

Referring  to  a  sudden  change  of  Democratic  votes  in  favor  of  the 
"  Small-bill  Law  "  and  internal  improvements,  he  said  : 

AUBURN,  April  2,  1838. 

It  is  most  certainly  a  bold  change  of  front ;  but  I  was  not  unprepared  for  it. 
I  did  not  see  how  the  enemy  would  dare  go  into  the  next  campaign  under  the 
fearful  odds  arrayed  against  them.  I  will  not  tease  you  with  idle  questions 
about  the  details.  I  shall  see  you  sooner  than  you  can  give  me  answers  ;  but  I 
am  sure  our  policy  is  an  obvious  one,  and  is  just  and  sound. 

Our  town-meetings  are  supposed  by  us  to  be  looking  well  throughout  the 
county.  We  shall  certainly  have  a  great  triumph  here.  We  have  never  carried 
but  two  of  the  wards.  It  is  now  noon,  and  we  are  sure  of  three,  and  are  ahead 
in  the  Fourth ;  but  the  "  Fourth  Ward  "  here,  as  in  your  city,  is  the  stronghold 
of  the  enemy. 

AUBURN,  April  6, 1838. 

You  have  the  town-meetings.  Are  they  not  beyond  your  most  sanguine 
hopes  ?  We  are  even  more  successful  than  last  autumn,  and  what  makes  it  more 
satisfactory  is,  that  a  larger  vote  was  polled  than  at  any  previous  election.  The 
Connecticut  election  almost  turns  the  heads  of  our  people  here.  But  I  pray 
you,  if  you  can,  repress  the  exhibition  of  such  wild  joy  as  marked  the  last  fall 
triumph. 

Our  friend  Granger  made  a  beautiful  speech  in  New  York.    I  have  just  read 


364:  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

it,  and  doubt  not  it  was  well  received.  I  never  saw  anything  of  his  that  was 
better.  He  will  be  fortunate  as  before  in  being  present  at  the  rejoicing,  and  in 
being  the  bearer  of  the  intelligence  to  Washington. 

I  am  in  a  thousand  scrapes.  Every  man  thinks  I  am  a  bank,  and  that  I  can 
not  suspend  specie  or  other  payment.  With  scarcely  ready  money  enough  to 
plant  my  garden-seeds,  I  find  all  my  neighbors,  WhigB  and  Conservatives,  requir 
ing  my  name  and  my  money.  This  is  bad  enough  !  But  I  have  now  before  me 
two  letters,  one  from  Seneca  Falls,  and  one  from  Batavia,  from  good  political 
and  of  course  personal  friends,  praying  for  aid.  This  is  the  most  trying  case 
I  ever  found.  I  would  give  them  all  I  have,  but  that  would  be  nothing ;  and 
that  they  won't  believe. 

I  will  be  with  you  on  Tuesday,  though  I  had  rather  be  drawn  and  quartered 
than  expose  myself  at  this  juncture  to  the  jealousies,  and  curiosity,  and  imperti 
nence,  that  assail  me  wherever  I  go. 

Tell  Harriet  and  Maria  that  I  have  set  out  roses  and  woodbine,  and  planted 
bowers  for  them  to  enjoy  this  summer,  and  we  expect  them  to  come  and  enjoy 
them. 

A  few  days  later  he  wrote  home  from  New  York  : 

I  occupy  a  quiet  nook  in  the  American  Trust  Company's  office ;  bnt  how 
long  I  may  be  allowed  to  hold  absolute  possession  I  do  not  know.  The  world  is 
always  in  a  whirl  here,  and  I  am  always  in  the  thickest  of  it ;  and  just  now  it 
whirls  more  rapidly  than  ever.  I  am  making  some  headway  in  my  affairs ;  none 
of  my  associates  have  yet  arrived.  Granger  is  here  on  his  return  from  Washing 
ton.  The  Kents  are  all  well,  and  very  kind,  as  always.  Granger  and  I  went 
yesterday  to  Spring  Lawn,  and  spent  a  delightful  day  with  Mrs.  Webb  and  the 
Colonel.  Weed  is  here  for  two  days.  My  room  is  a  levee. 

April  26^. 

My  life  begins  to  be  a  little  more  quiet ;  but  I  have  not  dined  at  home  in  a 
week.  Sometimes  I  have  taken  two  dinners,  and  occasionally  a  supper.  On 
Monday  I  dined  with  Mr.  Charles  A.  Davis;  Tuesday  with  Mr.  Philip  Hone; 
Wednesday  with  Mr.  Grinnell ;  Thursday  with  Mr.  Foot.  To-day  I  dine  with 
Gulian  C.  Verplanck ;  to-morrow  with  Mr.  Jones,  and  on  Monday  with  Mr. 
Sidney  Brooks.  Last  evening  I  spent  at  Mr.  W.  S.  Johnson's. 

I  have  purchased  two  beautiful  figures  for  the  garden :  one  a  gardener  lean 
ing  on  his  spade  to  talk  with  the  visitor ;  the  other  a  flower-girl  with  her  basket. 
Where  will  you  put  them  ? 

To-night  I  am  to  go  to  the  Society  for  the  Diffusion  of  Useful  Knowledge, 
and  I  find  myself  gazetted  in  advance  with  Governor  Marcy,  Governor  Mason, 
and  Mr.  Bradish,  for  a  speech,  though  I  hardly  know  what  I  am  to  say. 

It  was  during  this  visit  to  New  York  that  he  found  himself  in  the 
midst  of  the  excitement  and  rejoicing  which  followed  the  announce 
ment  that  the  Sirius  and  the  Great  Western  were  coming  up  the  bay, 
thus,  as  one  of  the  daily  journals  said,  "satisfactorily  proving  the 
feasibility  of  performing  the  voyages  of  the  Atlantic  by  the  aid  of 
steam."  The  Great  Western  had  come  in  fourteen  days  and  a  half 


1838.]  THE   GREAT   WESTERN.  365 

from  Bristol,  and  brought  sixty  passengers.  Congratulatory  letters 
between  the  authorities  and  the  British  consul,  collations  and  festivities 
on  board  the  steamers,  commemorated  the  event  of  such  international 
importance  with  suitable  ceremonies.  Among  the  incidents  of  the 
time  was  a  dinner  given  by  the  Mayor  of  New  York  to  the  Court  of 
Errors,  at  which  the  chief  dish  was  a  chicken-pie  baked  at  Bristol  in 
England.  A  few  days  later  the  departure  of  the  Great  Western,  on 
the  7th  of  May,  on  her  return-trip,  was  a  gala-day.  Ten  thousand  people 
gathered  on  the  Battery  to  see  her  off.  The  bay  was  thronged  with 
all  kinds  of  craft,  the  shipping  gay  with  flags,  and  the  air  resounding 
with  patriotic  strains  from  the  various  brass  bands,  of  "  Hail  Columbia  " 
and  "  God  save  the  Queen."  The  Great  Western  herself  carried  an 
ensign  on  which  the  flags  of  the  United  States  and  England  were  com 
bined,  after  the  manner  of  quarterings  on  coats  of  arms.  A  large 
number  of  distinguished  guests  went  on  her  down  the  bay,  among 
whom  were  Governor  Marcy  and  Mr.  Seward.  The  Commercial  Ad 
vertiser  exultingly  announced  that  "  Neptune  himself  is  believed  to 
have  retreated  to  his  cave  in  despair,  as  he  was  not  seen  during  the 
day,  while  the  Tritons  held  fast  to  the  shad-poles  to  keep  from  being 
swept  away." 

NEW  YORK,  April  27,  1838— Friday  Morning. 

The  Baltimore  election  shows  that  the  tide  of  our  good  fortune  is  not  yet 
beginning  to  ebb.  I  congratulate  you  less  for  the  gain  we  have  made  than  the 
assurance  it  gives  of  continued  prosperity  of  our  cause.  Give  us  the  Fourth 
Ward,  and  I  ask  no  more  guarantee  for  the  State. 

"  Life  in  New  York  "  has  varied  little  with  me  since  you  left,  except  that  it 
has  become  a  trifle  more  tranquil.  The  unexpected  hazard  of  the  New  York 
election  brought  a  damper  upon  our  confidence,  and  forthwith  everybody  began 
to  give  good  reasons  for  the  defeat  we  were  to  suffer  in  Baltimore.  I  noticed 
that  you  exercised  your  ingenuity  in  the  same  way.  It  is  now  passing  strange 
that  we  have  succeeded. 

The  Great  Western  is  almost  worn  out  as  a  novelty.  When  you  come 
down  next  week  I  shall  be  able  to  go  on  board  with  you  quietly.  Hitherto, 
access  has  been  at  the  peril  of  life,  limb,  or  drapery.  I  have  an  invitation  to  go 
on  board  to-day  with  the  Common  Council.  But  I  have  an  engagement,  as  you 
know,  at  Verplanck's. 

I  had  a  long  visit  from  Tallmadge  after  you  left,  and  saw  his  brother  this 
morning.  Fortunately,  I  think  the  Conservatives  here  are  not  prepared  for  a 
bold  move,  else  they  would  precipitate  everything.  They  will  proceed  cautiously, 
and  will  call  a  convention  (after  both  the  others)  at  Herkimer. 

Mr.  Bradish  came  this  morning.  I  paid  my  respects  at  an  early  hour.  He 
appears  well.  I  regret  that  he  is  likely  to  remain  so  short  a  time. 

Seward  had  been  anxious,  as  his  letters  indicated,  to  relieve  the 
Whig  party  at  the  coming  canvass  of  any  embarrassments  on  account 
of  supposed  rivalry  or  antagonism  between  himself  and  Granger.  Ar- 


366  LIFE  ANI)  LETTERS.  [1888. 

rived  in  New  York,  he  found  that  those  who  were  accustomed  to  man 
age  and  decide  such  questions  had  made  up  their  minds  that  his  own 
nomination  was  desirable,  and  by  many  of  them  it  was  regarded  as  a 
sine  qua  non  of  success  at  the  election.  He  wrote  : 

As  Granger  came  here  last  Saturday,  and  Weed  on  Monday,  I  thought  the 
long-deferred  explanation  would  come ;  and  I  demanded  of  the  latter  that  I  be 
at  liberty  to  withdraw  if  Granger  was  not  inclined  to  do  so. 

The  explanation  was  had  between  them,  the  result  being  by  agreement  re 
ported  to  me. 

Other  conferences  followed,  the  upshot  of  which  was  that  Mr, 
Granger  and  his  friends  preferred  to  go  on  with  the  canvass  for  the 
nomination,  although  prepared  to  acquiesce  in  the  result  of  the  con 
vention  if  it  should  be  adverse  to  him,  as  they  did  not  apprehend  the 
loss  of  the  State  under  whatever  candidate,  and  believed  that  his 
(Granger's)  strength  with  the  people  rendered  it  advisable  to  continue 
their  efforts.  Seward  had  been  the  gubernatorial  candidate  of  the 
Whig  party  in  1834,  the  year  when  it  had  polled  its  highest  vote.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  was  urged  that  Granger  had  prior  claim,  having  been 
in  1830  and  1832  the  candidate  of  the  Antimasonic  party,  before  it  was 
merged  in  the  Whig  organization. 

Mr.  Bradish,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  was  talked  of  in  the  north 
ern  counties  as  a  candidate  for  Governor.  Like  Seward,  he  avowed  his 
readiness  to  withdraw  from  the  field,  if  in  so  doing  he  could  promote 
the  harmony  of  the  party  or  its  success.  In  view  of  what  had  already 
occurred,  however,  it  was  deemed  best  by  his  friends  that  he  should  not 
discourage  the  efforts  in  his  favor.  Other  candidates  began  also  to  be 
mentioned,  though  less  prominently  ;  among  them  Judge  Edwards,  of 
New  York.  The  Whig  State  Convention  was  called  to  meet  on  the 
12th  of  September,  at  Utica.  Seward  wrote  : 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  Bradish  has  set  his  heart  upon  what  warm  friends  of 
both  say  ought  to  be  my  point  of  ambition.  But  I  would  be  perfectly  satisfied 
if  he  and  the  community,  agitated  by  the  question,  could  only  know  that  in  this 
competition  I  am  compelled  to  sustain  a  part  by  the  wishes  of  those  whom,  as  a 
patriot,  as  well  as  friend,  I  am  bound  to  respect  instead  of  my  own  ambition  or 
selfishness.  I  am  already  so  wearied  in  it  that,  if  left  to  myself,  I  should  with 
draw  instantly  and  forever.  I  am  ill-fitted  for  competition  with  brethren  and 
friends,  although  I  lack  no  zeal  in  opposition  to  a  common  enemy,  or  firmness 
in  encountering  u  a  sea  of  troubles." 

The  promised  lecture  -  engagement  for  June  was  now  fulfilled. 
Writing  from  Albany  he  said  : 

I  went  to  Troy  on  Monday,  and  found  myself  welcomed  by  a  very  hospitable 
reception.  An  invitation  was  immediately  handed  to  me  to  a  public  supper  to 

\ 


1838.J  A   CANDIDATE'S   EXPERIENCE.  367 

be  given  me  by  the  Whigs  of  the  city.  My  lecture  was  read,  and  received  with 
somewhat  more  favor  than  I  anticipated.  I  had  a  large  and  highly-respectable 
audience,  filling  their  large  court-house.  This,  considering  the  intense  summer 
heat,  surprised  and  gratified  me.  I  made  a  call  at  Horatio  Averill's.  It  was 
impossible  to  leave  there  until  I  had  been  presented  to  the  good  Whigs  who 
called  upon  me  in  large  numbers  at  eleven  o'clock  yesterday. 

The  tedious  negotiations  begun  two  years  before  to  complete  the 
purchase  of  the  Chautauqua  lands  from  the  Holland  Company  were 
now  drawing  to  a  close.  Seward  and  his  co-partners  met  in  New  York 
and  made  the  final  arrangement.  One  of  the  partners  had,  in  view  of 
the  changed  financial  condition  of  the  country,  grown  anxious  to  re 
linquish  his  interest  in  the  enterprise,  and  be  released  from  its  liabili 
ties.  Seward,  desirous  to  overcome  all  difficulties  and  discords,  whether 
at  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Westfield,  or  Amsterdam,  agreed  to  take 
the  other's  share  in  addition  to  his  own.  This  business  kept  him  two 
or  three  weeks  in  New  York. 

Meanwhile,  the  canvass  throughout  the  State  for  the  nominations 
at  Utica  was  going  on  with  vigor,  and  not  without  asperity.  One  of 
his  letters  describes  his  own  experience  of  it  : 

NEW  YORK,  July  8,  1838. 

Politically  all  is  quiet  here.  The  excitement  I  lived  in  last  spring  has,  hi  a 
great  degree,  subsided ;  and,  except  the  officious  intrusion  of  the  subject  of  my 
nomination  on  all  occasions,  and  the  constraint  which  it  imposes,  I  am  without 
annoyance.  But  from  Auburn,  from  Albany,  from  Canandaigua,  from  Roches 
ter,  from  Buffalo,  and  from  Washington,  I  learn  continually  that  there  is  a  fierce 
excitement  directed  against  me,  and  that  friends  are  alarmed  and  rivals'  friends 
stimulated. 

These  reports  do  not  much  annoy  me.  Stories  are  in  circulation  absurd  and 
ludicrous  enough.  They  accuse  me  of  having  compassed  all  the  borders  of  the 
State,  personally  or  by  agents,  to  secure  the  honor  they  deem  so  great.  They  say 
that  the  "young  man  at  Niagara"  who  moved  my  premature  nomination  was 
three  days  with  me  at  Auburn.  They  accuse  me  of  an  unjust  conspiracy  to  de 
stroy  Granger.  They  allege  that  I  seek  the  empty  honor,  with  a  pertinacious 
determination  to  attain  it,  even  by  a  division  of  the  party.  They  represent  me 
as  a  speculator,  taking  advantage  of  the  sufferings  and  embarrassments  of  the 
unfortunate  to  enrich  myself.  They  allege  that  I  persecute  and  oppress  the 
settlers  in  Chautauqua,  that  I  edit  the  Evening  Journal,  that  I  regulate  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  and  that  I  control  the  movements  of  Henry  Clay !  But 
with  a  clear  conscience  and  greater  magnanimity  than  is  manifested  toward  me, 
I  shall  go  safely  through  all  this  storm. 


368  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

1838. 

The  Canvass. — Whig  Young  Men's  Convention. — Whittlesey. — Fillmore  and  Tracy. — The 
Episcopal  Diocese. — Whig  State  Convention. — Nomination  of  Seward  and  Bradish. — 
"  A  Speculator." — The  Antislavery  Interrogatories. — The  Election. 

A  WHIG  Young  Men's  State  Convention  met  at  Utica  on  the  llth 
of  July,  Peter  B.  Porter  presiding.  Among  those  who  took  part  in  it 
were  General  Leaven  worth,  Gabriel  Furman,  Robert  H.  Pruyn,  Mat 
thew  Vassar,  Harlow  S.  Love,  F.  H.  Ruggles,  John  H.  Martindale,  Pal 
mer  V.  Kellogg,  Cicero  Loveridge,  W.  A.  Sacket,  and  Jarvis  N.  Lake. 
The  resolutions  were  reported  by  Horace  Greeley,  "  the  editor  of  the 
Jeffersonian"  They  were  against  the  sub-Treasury,  against  experi 
ments  in  national  finance,  in  favor  of  internal  improvements,  the  credit 
system,  and  small  bills,  and  pledged  support  to  the  nominees  of  the 
coming  Whig  State  Convention  in  September  ;  the  object  of  the  Young 
Men's  gathering  being  to  stimulate  interest  and  enthusiasm  in  the 
cause,  but  not  to  express  preference  for  any  particular  candidate.  The 
Democratic  press,  however,  maintained,  and  not  without  show  of  reason, 
that  this  Young  Men's  Whig  Convention  meant  that  the  Whigs  should 
nominate  a  young  man — that  it  was  "  the  machination  of  a  clique,  con 
sisting  in  part  of  the  would-be  candidate  for  Governor,  and  his  fidus 
Achates  of  the  Evening  Journal,  to  forestall  public  opinion." 

The  sub-Treasury  debate  had  occupied  a  large  share  of  the  atten 
tion  of  Congress.  The  project  was  made  a  cardinal  point  of  the  Ad 
ministration  policy,  and  became  an  issue  in  the  coming  elections,  by 
the  Senate  passing  the  bill,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  laying 
it  on  the  table. 

Governor  Ritner,  of  Pennsylvania,  had  issued  a  proclamation,  re 
quiring  the  banks  of  that  State  to  resume  specie  payments  in  August. 
The  Bank  of  the  United  States,  having  reorganized  under  a  Pennsyl 
vania  charter,  had  come  to  the  relief  of  the  Government  by  placing 
two  millions  at  the  disposal  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  through 
a  purchase  of  its  own  bonds  at  par.  Referring  to  these  events,  Seward 
wrote  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  14,  1838. 

It  seems  to  me  that  "the  Monster  "  has,  in  the  last  move,  atoned  for  all  the 
folly  of  his  letter  to  J.  Q.  A.  Ritner's  proclamation  was,  as  you  will  conjecture, 
previously  understood,  and  all  is  agreed.  The  bank  resumes  on  the  26th  instant, 
and  a  full  explanation  (perhaps  better  omitted)  will  be  made.  If  it  be  as  wise 
as  Ritner's  proclamation,  all  will  be  right. 

AUBURN,  July  29,  1838. 

My  "  garden,"  with  its  fruits  and  flowers,  is  so  redundant  of  beauty  that  I 
have  been  constantly  hoping  you  might  be  again  transplanted  into  it  to  enjoy  it 


1838.]  WESTERN   NEW   YORK   WHIGS. 

with  me  before  my  departure.  I  have  good  promise  of  grapes,  and  will  try  to 
send  some  to  you  if  they  escape  Jack  Frost. 

By-the-way,  I  pray  you,  make  my  warmest  acknowledgments  to  H G 

for  that  beautiful  article  in  the  Fredonia,  Censor.  I  have  never  seen  anything 
better  timed,  or  hi  better  temper,  or  more  discreet.  I  started  from  my  chair  as 
I  read  it,  and  said  to  myself,  "  No  man  could  believe  that  this  was  written  by 
anybody  but  myself."  Its  temper,  manner,  and  the  very  facts  used,  seemed  to 
be  exclusively  mine  own. 

I  have  several  days  desired  an  opportunity  to  give  you  our  plan  of  organization 
in  Oayuga.  We  have  a  committee-room,  always  open  ;  and  a  clerk  who  spends 
all  his  time  there.  Every  morning  each  member  brings  all  his  newspapers, 
documents,  handbills,  etc.,  and  throws  them  upon  the  table.  Then  the  clerk 
puts  them  up,  severally,  in  blank  envelopes.  In  the  evening,  at  seven  precisely, 
the  committee  are  expected  to  meet.  The  chair  goes  to  the  most  punctual, 
rather  he  into  the  chair.  The  towns  are  called  in  order,  and  letters,  communi 
cations,  and  speeches,  are  read  and  heard  from  each.  The  more  extensive  and 
animating  the  correspondence,  the  more  the  committee-man  who  presents  it 
receives  the  approbation  of  the  meeting.  The  meetings  are  open  to  all  Whigs, 
and  they  soon  become  interesting  and  efficient.  We  have  twenty-two  towns, 
and  assign  each  to  some  one  individual,  who  is  efficient  and  knows  most  of  the 
people  in  it.  These  twenty-two  men  meet,  every  night,  in  the  committee-room, 
and  superscribe  and  address  the  newspapers,  documents,  etc.,  to  persons  in  their 
respective  towns.  This  done,  they  are  forthwith  carried  to  the  post-office. 
Finally,  the  same  committee-men  sit  down  and  each  addresses  a  letter  to  his 
town,  giving  the  information  received  that  night  in  committee,  and  soliciting 
further  intelligence,  thus  infusing  a  spirit  into  the  towns  which  returns  to  ani 
mate  themselves.  And  thus  we  draw  into  service  many  men,  in  every  town, 
who  would  otherwise  be  inactive. 

The  same  plan  is  carried  out  as  to  counties.  Eight  committee-men  are  ap 
pointed,  one  for  each  Senate  district,  who  make  report  in  the  same  way. 

If  you  think  favorably  of  this  plan,  have  it  as  extensively  adopted  as  pos 
sible. 

BUFFALO,  August  5,  1838. 

While  at  Canandaigua  I  made  a  call  at  Mr.  Greig's,  and  received  several  visits. 
Conversation,  now  consisting  chiefly  of  exciting  matters  in  relation  to  the 
political  question,  is  by  no  means  pleasant  or  healthful,  especially  when  it  turns 
on  the  hundred  suspicions  and  malicious  calumnies  that  such  a  time  brings  forth. 
I  thank  Heaven  that  trouble  will  end  soon. 

The  stage  called  for  me  at  3  A.  M.,  and  set  me  down  at  Rochester  at  9.  I 
found  earnest  friends  there  in  the  persons  of  F.  Whittlesey,  S.  J.  Andrews, 
T.  H.  Rochester,  and  some  others,  and  opponents  as  decided  and  spirited,  though 
scarcely  as  wise,  in  some  gentlemen  who,  at  present,  seem  to  control  the  affairs  of 
our  party  there.  Whittlesey  accompanied  me  to  Buffalo.  We  stopped  at  Albion, 
where  we  found  among  all  the  Whigs,  of  whom  A.  H.  Cole  is  chief,  the  most 
decided,  cordial,  and  unbroken  feeling.  We  landed  also  at  Lockport,  where 
there  were  many  fast  and  devoted  friends.  Our  next  stage  was  to  Niagara  Falls, 
by  railroad.  We  staid  there  during  the  night,  had  a  long  walk  over  the  forest- 
shore  and  Goat  Island,  made  a  brief  visit  to  Clifton  and  Table  Rock,  supped, 
and  slept,  and  the  next  morning  came  on  to  Buffalo. 
24 


370  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1838. 

I  parted  from  Whittlesey  in  the  afternoon  at  Black  Rock.  I  leave  for  West- 
field  to-morrow  morning.  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Fillmore.  He  affects  or  feels 
entire  neutrality,  hut  expressed  himself  as  both  bound  and  desirous  to  inform  me 
of  the  whole  ground  ;  says  that  he  believes  Seward  will  be  nominated,  and  has 
so  told  Tracy.  He  expects  that,  and,  if  I  do  not  read  him  wrong,  is  favorable  to 
it ;  but  the  circumstances  of  his  own  position  render  him  cautious,  and  he  will 
not  act. 

The  American  was  filled,  and  the  crowd  seemed  to  represent  the  whole 
country.  The  first  man  I  met  was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Shelton,  who  was  eloquent  on 
politics.  My  arrival  there  called  about  me  many  friends,  and  also  many  who 
had  but  ill-concealed  resentment ;  and  it  was  quite  obvious  that  it  would  not  be 
difficult  to  call  up  a  feeling  of  party  discord  there. 

Let  me  say  to  you  it  is  quite  fortunate  that  these  unprofitable  discussions  are 
soon  to  have  their  close. 

He  added  a  note  to  C.  Morgan  : 

Our  system  of  organization  will  be  adopted  forthwith  in  Ontario,  and  Mon 
roe  and  Seneca,  and  I  have  no  doubt  will  engage  the  attention  of  our  friends 
here. 

Let  our  friends  with  you  demonstrate  its  practicability  and  efficiency  by  a  vig 
orous  prosecution  of  the  system  both  in  the  towns  and  counties.  Write  to  Mr. 
Bishop,  Mr.  Frederick  Whittlesey,  and  Mr.  S  G.  Andrews,  Rochester ;  to  Mr. 
Fillmore,  M.  C.,  here ;  also  A.  H.  Tracy,  Esq. 

Two  or  three  days  later,  in  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Seward  from  Westfieldy 
he  wrote : 

Preferring,  as  you  know,  the  land  to  the  sea,  and  night  traveling  to  that  of 
these  heated  days,  I  left  Buffalo  at  half -past  ten  at  night,  and  arrived  here  at  one 
yesterday. 

It  is  a  bright  and  glorious  morning ;  the  scene  is  tranquil,  and  I,  relieved  from 
excitement,  have  commenced  already  the  arduous  labors  to  extricate  myself  from 
the  huge  undertaking  that  has  so  long  engrossed  so  much  of  my  care  and  atten 
tion.  I  suppose  it  is  an  idle  dream ;  but  it  often  seems  to  me  that,  if  we  were 
all  here,  I  might  enjoy  tranquillity  and  peace.  Yet  I  know  full  well  that  it  is  the 
mind  that  makes  peace  or  war ;  that  it  is  my  temperament  and  constitution  that 
attract  the  thousand  cares,  and  these  would  as  certainly  call  them  round  me  here 
as  elsewhere. 

My  good  friend  Plumb  is  with  me,  and  I  am  to  go  this  afternoon  to  May- 
ville  with  him,  and  then  on  board  "  the  splendid  and  fast-sailing  steamboat 
William  H.  Seward  "  to  Jamestown,  to  return  in  the  morning. 

WESTFIELD,  August  10,  1838. 

I  went  on  Tuesday  to  Jamestown  and  had  a  delightful  excursion  on  the  lake. 
The  boat  was  gayly  decorated  with  all  her  colors.  The  captain  and  passengers 
were  pleased  in  showing  me  this  gay  array  and  combination  of  my  name 
upon  her  sides  and  on  her  flags.  If  it  did  not  awaken  my  vanity,  it  did  excite 
in  me  no  small  emotion  of  satisfaction,  and  ought  to  have  excited  the  most 
grateful  acknowledgments  to  a  beneficent  God,  when  I  reflected  how  different 


1838.]  ST.   PETER'S  AT   AUBURN.  371 

are  the  circumstances  under  which  I  visit  this  country  now  from  those  which 
appertained  to  it  and  to  me  when  I  first  saw  it  in  1836. 

Last  evening  I  spent  at  Mr.  Reynolds's,  who  had  a  party  in  compliment  to 
various  friends  from  Buffalo.  One  of  the  ladies  told  rne  an  incident  illustrative 
of  some  peculiarities  of  social  life  here  that  may  amuse  you  as  it  did  me.  Mr. 

A married  a  widowed  lady  of  Buffalo.     He  had  at  the  time  a  servant-girl 

who,  after  the  first  Mrs.  A 's  death,  occupied  the  seat  at  the  head  of  the  table. 

When  Mrs.  A the  second  arrived  this  damsel  was  required  to  sit  lower  down, 

and  when  a  party  of  friends  visited  them  Mrs.  A availed  herself  of  the  oc 
casion  to  exclude  her  from  the  table  altogether.  The  next  Sunday  was  ths  com 
munion  service.  Mr.  A and  his  bride  were  there — the  latter  a  communicant, 

as  also  was  the  girl,  who  took  a  seat  directly  in  front  of  them.  Just  before  the 
chief  prayer  she  rose  and  audibly  pronounced,  "  I  desire  the  prayers  of  the  Church 

for  Mr.  A and  his  family.     I  should  think  the  present  Mrs.  A couldn't 

look  with  confidence  upon  the  sainted  Mrs.  A if  they  were  to  meet  here." 

The  clergyman  having  omitted  to  comply  with  this  affectionate  and  pious  request, 
the  girl  rose  again  after  the  long  prayer  had  been  closed,  and  said :  "It  was 
the  sainted  Mrs.  A 's  dying  request  that  her  husband  would  give  greater  at 
tention  to  religion,  and  her  dying  request  ought  to  be  attended  to." 

The  Convention  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  which  met  in  Utica  in 
August  this  year,  had  before  it  the  question  of  dividing  the  diocese — 
the  whole  State  of  New  York  as  yet  constituting  but  one.  Among  the 
clerical  delegates  were  the  Rev.  Drs.  Hawks,  Potter,  and  Whitehouse  ; 
among  the  lay  delegates,  Washington  Irving,  John  C.  Spencer,  and 
John  A.  King.  It  was  decided  at  this  convention  to  create  the  new 
Diocese  of  Western  New  York,  of  which  the  Rev.  Dr.  Delancey  was 
afterward  made  bishop.  Seward,  as  a  delegate  from  Auburn,  favored 
both  these  measures. 

St.  Peter's  Church  at  Auburn,  which  he  represented  and  had  always 
attended,  was  founded  in  the  early  part  of  the  century  as  a  missionary 
station.  During  succeeding  years,  as  the  town  increased  in  size,  the 
congregation  grew  in  numbers  and  prosperity.  The  first  building  was 
destroyed  by  fire,  but  was  replaced  by  a  larger  edifice  of  cut  stone, 
Gothic  in  architectural  decoration,  and  its  pulpit  was  occupied  in  suc 
cession  by  Rev.  Drs.  Rudd,  Lucas,  and  Croswell.  Seward's  pew  was 
on  the  right  of  the  chancel,  and  when  in  Auburn  he  was  always  to  be 
seen  in  his  seat  on  Sunday  morning.  He  uniformly  declined  to  take 
any  share  in  the  management  of  the  secular  concerns  of  the  church, 
and  would  not  accept  the  position  of  vestryman  or  church-warden. 
This  was  from  no  especial  dislike  to  such  duties,  but  was  in  accordance 
with  his  habit  of  declining  official  position  in  any  corporation, 
whether  religious,  financial,  educational,  or  municipal.  He  took  no 
part,  therefore,  in  any  dispute  over  clergymen  or  church  finances, 
though  always  ready  to  contribute  liberally.  On  several  occasions 
when  the  church  subscription  fell  short  of  the  required  amount,  he 


372  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1838. 

would  make  up  the  balance  from  his  own  pocket.  Of  the  cordial  re 
gard  that  subsisted  between  him  and  the  various  clergymen  who  at  dif 
ferent  times  filled  the  pulpit,  his  letters  contained  many  evidences. 

Sermons  he  usually  listened  to  attentively,  and  discussed  their 
themes  afterward  at  the  Sunday  dinner-table.  Of  course,  with  the 
ripening  development  of  his  own  intellectual  powers,  he  soon  came  to 
note  how  few  were  marked  by  original  thought,  and  how  many,  even 
by  estimable  and  worthy  preachers,  were  trite  and  commonplace.  He 
used  to  say  that  his  reverence  for  the  pulpit  had  been  so  carefully  cul 
tivated  in  early  life,  that  it  was  always  a  surprise  to  him  when  he 
found  that  the  clergyman  was  preaching  a  discourse  not  so  good  as  he 
could  write  himself. 

In  August  the  various  counties  commenced  choosing  their  delegates 
to  the  State  Convention.  The  Whig  Committee  in  Franklin  County 
published  a  circular  avowing  their  preference  for  Mr.  Bradish,  and  ad 
verting  to  the  other  persons  who  had  been  named  : 

Let  the  convention  meet,  and,  influenced  by  public  considerations  alone, 
make  a  nomination ;  and  whether  the  candidate  for  Governor  shall  be  Kent  or 
Spencer,  Duer  or  Ogden,  Verplanck  or  Hoffman,  Tallmadge  or  Root,  Granger 
or  Barnard,  Seward  or  Bradish,  or  any  other  suitable  man,  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Bradish,  at  least  so  far  as  we  know,  will  give  such  candidate  a  cordial,  firm, 
united,  and  vigorous  support. 

The  convention  met  on  the  appointed  day,  September  12th,  at 
Utica.  The  delegates,  on  assembling,  seemed  to  be  nearly  equally 
divided  as  between  Seward  and  Granger  ;  but  a  considerable  number 
from  the  north  avowed  their  first  choice  for  Mr.  Bradish.  Discussion 
developed  the  fact  that  the  nomination  of  Seward  would  be  one  very 
generally  acceptable  to  the  Whig  masses,  as  his  legislative  record  and 
vigorous  advocacy  of  internal  improvements  had  made  him  well  known 
throughout  the  State,  and  he  had,  in  1834,  polled  the  highest  vote  ever 
given  for  a  Whig  candidate. 

The  convention  organized  in  the  afternoon,  at  the  Court-House. 
Hugh  Maxwell  was  chosen  president.  Among  the  delegates  were  Mil- 
lard  Fillmore,  Alvah  Hunt,  Charles  E.  Clarke,  Chandler  Starr,  Fortune 
C.  White,  Albert  H.  Porter,  James  K.  Lawrence,  Robert  C.  Nicholas, 
Henry  Fitzhugh,  Day  Otis  Kellogg,  Henry  Van  Rensselaer,  John  May- 
nard,  D.  B.  St.  John,  and  many  others  since  prominent  in  public  affairs. 

The  friends  of  Seward,  believing  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the 
greater  portion  of  the  Whigs  throughout  the  State,  had  expected  to 
find  a  majority  of  the  delegates  outspoken  in  his  favor.  When  the 
convention  assembled,  however,  it  was  found  that  delegates  from  sev 
eral  localities  were  non-committal  in  their  expressions,  or  prepossessed 
in  favor  of  one  of  the  other  candidates.  On  the  first  informal  ballot 


1838.]  NOMINATED   FOR  GOVERNOR.  373 

the  vote  stood — Seward,  52  ;  Granger,  39  ;  Bradish,  29  ;  Edwards,  4  ; 
showing  that,  although  having  a  large  plurality,  Seward  fell  short  of  a 
majority  of  the  whole.  Animated  by  this  discovery,  the  friends  of 
Mr.  Granger  made  personal  appeals  in  his  behalf,  the  president,  Mr. 
Maxwell,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Stevens,  making  strong  speeches  in  his  favor. 
The  result  was  soon  seen  in  the  rapid  increase  of  Granger's  strength 
on  the  next  ballot,  which  stood  thus  :  Seward,  60  ;  Granger,  52  ;  Bra- 
dish,  10  ;  Edwards,  3.  On  the  third  ballot  Granger's  vote  ran  up  to  the 
highest  place,  thus  :  Granger,  60  ;  Seward,  59  ;  Bradish,  2  ;  Edwards, 
2  ;  blank,  1. 

Seward's  friends  saw  now  that  exertion  was  necessary  on  their  part, 
or  they  would  be  defeated.  A  formidable  element  of  Granger's 
strength  was  the  support  he  was  receiving  from  the  representatives  of 
the  region  interested  in  the  Chenango  Valley  Canal,  an  enterprise  in 
which  he  had  been  the  accepted  champion.  While  conceding  that 
Seward  might  be  a  stronger  candidate  in  the  State  at  large,  they 
adhered  tenaciously  to  the  one  most  prominently  identified  with  their 
favorite  scheme  of  local  improvement.  "Weed,"  said  Alvah  Hunt, 
"  tell  me  to  do  anything  else  ;  tell  me  to  jump  out  of  that  window,  at 
the  risk  of  breaking  my  neck,  and  I  will  do  it  to  oblige  you  ;  but  don't 
ask  me  to  desert  Granger  and  the  Chenango  Valley  Canal ! "  Never 
theless,  argument  prevailed.  Speeches  and  not  less  effective  conver 
sational  appeals  brought  back  the  votes  which  Seward  had  lost,  and 
the  tide  turned  again  in  his  favor.  Among  these  speeches  those  of 
Chandler  Starr  and  Day  Otis  Kellogg  were  especially  effective.  It 
had  now  become  evident  also  that  the  choice  was  narrowed  down  to 
the  two  leading  candidates,  and  that  the  next  ballot  would  probably 
decide  it. 

The  fourth  ballot  was  taken,  and  resulted — Seward,  67  ;  Granger, 
48  ;  Bradish,  8. 

This  settled  the  question.  The  convention  adjourned  till  morning. 
The  next  day,  on  reassembling,  the  nomination  of  Seward  for  Governor 
was  made  unanimous,  and  Bradish  was  unanimously  nominated  for 
Lieutenant-Governor.  The  president  and  vice-presidents  were  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  inform  the  candidates.  Samuel  Stevens,  as 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  reported  a  series  denouncing 
the  Democratic  party  for  "  tampering  with  the  currency,"  recapitu 
lating  the  war  on  the  currency  and  credit  system  by  the  removal  of  the 
deposits  and  the  building  up  of  the  "  money  power  "  of  local  banks, 
as  well  as  the  "  sub-Treasury  scheme,"  which,  it  was  charged,  aimed  to 
"  accumulate  overbearing  political  influence  "by  "  controlling  pecuni 
ary  interests."  The  true  issue,  they  declared,  was  a  "sub-Treasury  or 
no  sub-Treasury,  with  an  equal,  safe,  and  convenient  currency."  The 
abrogation  of  the  "  Small-bill  Law  "  was  indorsed,  as  well  as  the  finan- 


374  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

cial  policy  laid  down  in  Ruggles's  report  on  internal  improvements  at 
the  last  session  of  the  Legislature. 

The  resolutions  closed  by  denouncing  "  experiments  and  expedi 
ents  "  and  "  specie  circulars,"  and  declaring  that  the  Whig  party 
sought  "  the  restoration  of  the  currency,  of  commerce,  of  prosperity, 
and  tranquillity."  An  elaborate  and  carefully-drawn  address  was  also 
reported,  in  the  same  vein,  detailing  the  history,  situation,  and  pros 
pects  of  the  State,  political  and  commercial.  Speeches  followed  by 
Samuel  Stevens,  Millard  Fillmore,  and  Charles  E.  Clarke. 

The  result  of  the  convention  was  received  with  cordial  approval 
by  the  Wbigs  throughout  the  State.  Ratification  meetings  were  held 
in  the  various  counties,  the  meeting  at  the  Exchange  at  Auburn  being 
especially  enthusiastic.  The  Whig  press  throughout  the  State  gave 
the  nomination  an  unqualified  support,  and  in  a  few  days  a  letter  was 
published  from  Mr.  Granger,  saying  that  his  parting  request  to  a  dele 
gate  on  his  way  to  the  convention  was,  that  "  if  either  Mr.  Seward  or 
Mr.  Bradish  attained  a  majority  at  the  informal  balloting,  my  friends 
would  give  the  successful  competitor  their  united  support,"  and  that 
in  accordance  with  that  request  the  motion  was  made  for  the  unani 
mous  approbation  of  the  names  presented.  "  In  a  contest  like  ours," 
he  continued,  "  all  personal  feeling  should  be  merged,  and  every  Whig 
who  may  be  honored  with  the  public  confidence  of  his  party  is  to  take 
the  place  assigned  to  him  without  a  murmur,  and  to  apply  his  best 
energies  to  secure  a  triumphant  result." 

Mr.  Weed  wrote  to  the  candidate  this  characteristic  note  : 

Saturday,  September  15,  1838. 

"Well,  Seward,  we  are  again  embarked  upon  a  u  sea  of  difficulties,"  and  must 
go  earnestly  to  work.  You  have  heard  from  the  good  and  true  men  who  were 
at  Utica  all  that  occurred  during  the  canvass.  Let  us  now  remember  all  that 
was  fair,  and  forget  all  that  was  faithless. 

Maine  has  given  us  her  cold  shoulder,  but  we  shall  have  time  to  recover  and 
rally.  My  faith  in  Pennsylvania  is  still  unshaken.  But  even  should  Pennsylva 
nia  forsake  us,  I  will  not  doubt  the  Empire  State. 

Seward  wrote  on  the  same  day  to  him  : 

AuBtJKN,  September  15, 1838. 

The  members  of  the  convention,  from  the  west,  passed  through  this  place 
yesterday.  The  feeling  was  altogether  as  kind  and  harmonious  as  could  have 
been  expected.  H.  W.  T.,  J.  Q.  G.,  and  R.  0.  N.  and  T.  F.,  of  Batavia,  called, 
with  thirty  or  forty  others.  All  expressed  to  me  their  cordial  acquiescence,  and 
all  expressed  themselves  uniformly  in  the  same  way  to  everybody,  so  as  to  dis 
sipate  all  alarm.  M.  F.,  of  Erie,  also  exercised  a  happy  influence.  Hoxie  and 
Inglis,  and  Mr.  Corse  and  Mr.  Lawrence,  were  with  us.  After  two  hours  with 
me  at  home  I  went  to  the  hotel  and  dined  with  them. 

The  official  communication  was  received  last  evening.  I  have  sent  my  an 
swer  this  morning.  I  send  you  copies  of  both : 


1838.]  THE  DEMOCRATIC   CONVENTION.  375 

UTIOA,  September  13th. 
W.  H.  SEWARD,  Esq. 

DEAE  SIR  :  As  President  and  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Whig  Convention  assem 
bled  at  this  place  to  nominate  candidates  of  the  Whig  party  for  the  offices  of 
Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  at  the  ensuing  election,  we  have  been  directed 
by  the  convention  to  inform  you  of  your  nomination  by  that  body  as  their  can 
didate  for  the  office  of  Governor. 

This  nomination  was  unanimously  made,  and  we  have  the  honor  to  request 
that  you  would  signify  your  acceptance  of  the  same. 

Be  pleased  to  address  your  reply  to  Mr.  Maxwell,  New  York. 
We  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants. 

H.  MAXWELL, 

President  of  the  Convention. 

AUBURN,  September  15th. 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  commu 
nication  announcing  my  nomination  by  the  Whig  State  Convention,  recently 
assembled  at  Utica,  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  this  State. 

Be  pleased  to  make  known  to  the  members  of  that  body  that  I  accept  the 
nomination,  with  a  profound  sense  of  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  by  this 
renewed  demonstration  of  the  confidence  of  my  Whig  fellow-citizens. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  with  sincere  respect  and  esteem,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  H.  SEWARD. 

HUGH  MAXWELL,  Esq.,  President ;  and  ISAAC  LAOY,  LATHAM  A.  BURROWS,  VICTORY  BIBDSEYK,  and 
JEREMIAH  H.  PIERSON,  Esquires,  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Whig  State  Convention. 

AUBURN,  September  2%d. 

My  letters  come  thickly  upon  me,  and,  after  making  all  allowances  for  inter 
ested  motives  and  blind  adulation,  there  is  still  enough  to  turn  my  head  of  gratu- 
lation  from  the  good  and  the  pure. 

AUBURN,  September  27th. 

Has  it  never  occurred  to  you,  as  an  evidence  of  the  feeling  and  spirit  of  the 
party,  that  this  nomination  is  conferred  upon  our  candidate  without  any  one's 
asking  his  preference  for  President  ?  No  such  question  has  been  asked,  publicly 
or  privately,  although  the  nomination  has  been  seventeen  days  before  the  people. 

Do  not  adopt  the  measure  about  the  Chenango  matter  without  grave  reflec 
tion,  and  well  ascertaining  whether  there  is  absolute  necessity.  Mark  me !  The 
elevated  vantage-ground  we  hold  is  weakened  when  candidates  or  their  friends 
begin  to  explain  or  certify.  It  can  rarely  be  done  with  safety,  and  always  ought, 
where  it  is  possible,  to  be  avoided. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Herkimer  on  the  same  day 
that  the  Whigs  met  at  Utica.  It  renominated  Governor  Marcy  and 
Lieutenant-Governor  Tracy,  adopted  resolutions,  and  an  address  declar 
ing  adhesion  to  the  Democratic  principles,  but  containing  one  expres 
sion  which,  however  consistent  with  past  avowals,  was  unfortunate, 
and  ill-timed  for  present  effect.  This  was  a  sentence  to  the  effect  that 
the  Democratic  party  would  cooperate  with  the  general  Administration, 
in  efforts  to  suppress  the  circulation  of  bills  under  five  dollars. 


376  LIFE  ^ND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

The  returns  of  elections  in  other  States,  during  September  and 
October,  further  inspirited  the  Whigs  :  they  had  carried  North  Carolina, 
Kentucky,  Rhode  Island,  Indiana;  had  gained  in  Illinois,  and  had  re- 
elected  Governor  Ritner  in  Pennsylvania.  Personalities  constituted,  in 
those  days,  as  unfortunately  they  do  still,  a  staple  element  in  a  political 
canvass.  Seward's  connection  with  the  Holland  Land  Company  was 
thought  to  be  a  vulnerable  point  for  attack.  Newspapers  led  off  by 
saying  that  the  purchase  in  Chautauqua  was  "  one  of  the  specu 
lating  concerns"  with  which  Seward  "had  been  connected  and  for 
which  he  had  acted  as  agent,"  and  that  "  the  Bank  of  the  United  States 
afforded  facilities  for  the  scheme,"  winding  up  with  the  remark  that  if 
Seward  "  would  surrender  up  to  the  settlers  of  Chautauqua  the  gains 
which  he  draws  from  their  hard  earnings,  by  selling  their  bonds  to  a 
foreign  corporation,  he  might  with  a  better  grace  ask  them  to  vote  for 
him." 

Of  course,  this  attack  brought  out  an  indignant  reply  from  the 
Evening  Journal,  showing  that  Seward  "  had  not  drawn  a  dollar  or  a 
dime  from  the  hard  earnings  of  the  settlers,  but  on  the  contrary  stood 
between  them  and  their  oppressors  ;  that  he  took  upon  himself  the 
duties  of  pacificator,  and  put  an  end  to  the  system  of  extortion  pre 
viously  existing."  This  defense  was  supplemented  by  assurances  from 
Chautauqua  that  "  the  people  of  that  county,  without  personal  ac 
quaintance  with  Mr.  Seward,  four  years  ago,  gave  him  a  majority  of 
over  fifteen  hundred  for  Governor.  Now,  having  witnessed  the  ability 
and  integrity  of  his  administration  of  the  land-office  for  two  years, 
they  will,  in  November,  evince  their  estimate  of  him  by  a  majority  of 
two  thousand." 

The  accusation  of  being  a  "  young  man  "  was  also  renewed,  though 
having  less  weight  since  he  had  grown  four  years  older.  The  oppro 
brious  epithet  of  "  Locofoco  "  which  the  Whigs  bestowed  upon  their 
antagonists  was  retorted  to  by  the  pun  that  the  "  Small-bill  party  " 
would  not  be  content  without  "  a  little  Bill "  as  candidate  for  Gov 
ernor. 

Contrary  to  the  habit  of  his  life  in  regard  to  personal  accusations, 
Seward  himself  took  notice  of  the  charge  in  reference  to  Chautauqua, 
by  publishing  a  letter  to  the  citizens  of  that  county,  detailing  the  his 
tory  of  his  connection  with  the  Holland  Land  Company,  and  saying  : 

You  know  that  your  farms  and  firesides  have  not  been  put  in  jeopardy  by  me, 
but  in  so  much  as  a  deed  subject  to  a  bond  and  mortgage,  with  ten  years'  credit, 
is  a  more  safe  tenure  than  an  expired  and  forfeited  contract  of  sale,  they  have 
been  secured  to  you  ;  and  that  you  have  not  been  delivered  over  to  a  "  soulless 
corporation,"  but  that  your  affairs  have  been  arranged  to  secure  you  against  any 
possible  extortion  or  oppression. 

You  will  recollect  that,  in  all  the  settlement  of  the  estate,  no  cent  of  com- 


1838.]  ANTISLAVERY   INTERROGATORIES.  377- 

pound  interest  or  of  costs  has  gone  into  my  hands ;  no  man  has  ever  lost  an 
acre  of  land  which  he  desired  to  retain,  with  or  without  money — no  arrears 
have  been  prosecuted — no  foreclosure  instituted,  and  every  forfeiture  relin 
quished,  upon  an  agreement  to  pay  interest. 

He  closed  his  letter  by  saying  that  it  was  written  because  due  to 
their  welfare,  which  would  be  affected  by  discontents  about  the  titles, 
and  that,  however  willing  to  leave  his  own  conduct  to  the  test  of  time 
and  candor,  he  could  not  suffer  their  interests  to  be  put  in  jeopardy. 

There  is  a  class  of  men  who  go  before  a  great  reform  as  pioneers 
do  before  an  army.  With  undisciplined  strength  and  zeal  they  push 
eagerly  forward,  in  straggling  column,  hacking  and  hewing  at  what 
ever  comes,  and  so  clear  the  way  for  the  orderly  tread  of  the  disciplined 
battalions.  They  win  no  battles,  but  they  open  the  way  for  battles  to 
be  won.  They  wonder,  not  without  bitterness,  at  the  slow  movements 
of  the  general  who  insists  on  keeping  the  main  body  shoulder  to 
shoulder.  It  would  be  asking  too  much  of  human  nature,  perhaps,  to 
expect  them  to  comprehend  why  the  whole  army  cannot  be  pioneers. 
Such  a  class  were  the  ultra-antislavery  men,  and  such  were  their  feel 
ings,  during  most  of  his  life,  in  regard  to  Seward. 

The  Antislavery  Society,  now  grown  to  such  proportions  as  to 
be  able,  in  some  degree,  to  affect  the  result  of  the  election,  propounded, 
through  a  committee  composed  of  Gerrit  Smith  and  William  Jay,  in 
terrogatories  to  the  candidates  in  nomination.  These  interrogatories 
were  three  :  1.  In  regard  to  granting  fugitive  slaves  trial  by  jury ; 
2.  In  regard  to  abolishing  distinctions  in  constitutional  rights,  founded 
solely  on  complexion ;  3.  In  regard  to  the  repeal  of  "  the  law  which 
now  authorizes  the  importation  of  slaves  into  this  State,  and  their  de 
tention  as  such  during  a  period  of  nine  months." 

Seward,  as  the  whole  record  of  his  life  had  shown,  was  an  earnest 
opponent  of  slavery,  and  had,  furthermore,  the  sagacity  to  foresee 
that  to  precipitate  the  issue  prematurely  in  that  canvass  was  simply 
to  court  defeat.  He  accordingly,  in  a  calm  reply,  while  avowing  his 
firm  faith  in  the  trial  by  jury,  and  saying  the  more  humble  the  individ 
ual  "  the  stronger  is  his  claim  to  its  protection,"  and  declaring  his  op 
position  in  clear  and  definite  terms  to  "  all  human  bondage,"  neverthe 
less  refused  to  make  ante-election  pledges  as  to  his  action  upon  spe 
cific  measures,  until  they  should  actually  come  before  him  for  his  deci 
sion.  Of  course,  when  the  three  subjects  of  these  interrogatories  came 
up,  as  practical  questions  of  administration  or  legislation,  Se ward's 
action  was  all  and  more  than  they  had  asked.  But  his  replies  before 
election,  though  avowing  more  advanced  sentiments  than  the  bulk  of 
the  Whig  party  were  yet  prepared  to  sustain,  were  only  partially 
satisfactory  to  the  antislavery  leaders,  who  denounced  them  through 
the  press.  The  greater  part  of  their  followers,  however,  were  from  the 


378  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

Whig  party,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  vote  for  Seward  and  Bradish,  in 
preference  to  the  candidates  of  the  Democratic  party,  whose  senti 
ments  were  avowedly  hostile  to  their  own. 

As  the  election  drew  near,  the  usual  appliances  of  processions, 
meetings,  handbills,  and  mottoes,  were  brought  into  requisition.  Dem 
ocratic  handbills  flourished,  in  large  black  letters,  such  inscriptions  as, 
"  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments,"  "  Hard  Money,"  "  No  Bank  Rags," 
"Jackson  Forever,"  "An  Independent  Treasury,"  "W.  H.  Seward, 
the  Agent  of  the  United  States  Bank  and  Holland  Land  Speculators," 
"  The  Money  Power,"  etc.  Those  of  the  Whigs,  in  letters  equally 
black  and  large,  proclaimed,  "  No  Sub-Treasury,"  "  No  Government 
Shinplasters,"  "  No  Separation  of  the  Government  from  the  People," 
*'  No  Protests,  Experiments,  or  Mortgages,"  "  A  Sound  Currency," 
"  Seward,  the  Poor  Man's  Friend,"  "  Repeal  of  the  Law  against  Small 
Bills,"  "  Reform,  Retrenchment,  Education,  and  Internal  Improve 
ment,"  "  Prosper  Credit,  Prosper  Commerce,"  "  Small  Bills  redeemable 
in  Specie,  the  Poor  Man's  Currency,"  etc. 

A  Chautauqua  County  Convention  adopted  resolutions  denouncing 
the  statements  in  regard  to  Seward  as  unfounded  imputations  upon 
them,  which  they  were  called  on  to  repel  by  their  votes. 

By  a  happy  omen,  as  the  Whig  newspapers  said,  election  came  this 
year  on  the  anniversary  of  General  Harrison's  victory  at  Tippecanoe, 
the  7th  of  November.  The  three  days'  contest  was  an  exciting  one. 
The  polls  closed.  The  votes  were  counted,  and,  as  the  returns  came  in, 
the  Whigs  grew  more  and  more  elated,  till,  on  Saturday,  the  Auburn 
Journal  was  able  to  announce,  "  Go  ring  the  bells,  and  fire  the  guns, 
and  fling  the  starry  banner  out !  The  Empire  State  is  redeemed  ! " 

The  Whigs  of  Auburn  moved  in  procession  to  Seward's  dwelling, 
to  congratulate  him  upon  his  election.  They  fired  a  salute  of  one  hun 
dred  guns  in  his  honor  on  Saturday,  and  followed  it  up  with  another 
hundred  on  Monday,  when  the  news  came  in  from  Chautauqua  that 
that  county  had  given  Seward  twenty-two  hundred  majority,  more 
even  than  it  had  promised. 

Many  days  elapsed,  as  usual,  before  the  complete  returns  of  the 
State  were  received  ;  but,  when  they  were,  it  was  found  that  the  major 
ity  for  Seward  and  Bradish  amounted  to  over  ten  thousand. 

The  Evening  Journal,  at  Albany,  was  especially  jubilant.  One 
entire  page  was  covered  by  the  picture  of  an  eagle,  with  outspread 
wings,  bearing  in  his  beak  and  talons  such  mottoes  as,  "  As  goes  the 
Fourth  Ward,  so  goes  the  State,"  "The  Sober  Second  Thought  of  the 
People,"  "  Victory  !  "  This  bird  was  destined  to  play  a  part  in  all 
future  celebrations  of  elections,  being  claimed  by  the  Argus  as  a  trophy 
to  grace  its  columns  whenever  the  Democrats  achieved  a  victory,  and 
flying  back  to  its  original  perch  on  the  Journal  whenever  the  Whigs 
regained  success. 


1838.]  THE   GOVERNOR-ELECT.  379 

The  Whigs  carried  a  large  majority  of  the  Assembly,  though  not  yet 
enough  Senators  to  change  the  Democratic  complexion  of  that  body.  A 
majority  of  the  congressional  delegation  were  also  Whigs.  Among  them 
were  Francis  Granger,  Ogden  Hoffman,  Edward  Curtis,  Moses  H.  Grinnell, 
James  Monroe,  Christopher  Morgan,  Theodore  A.  Tomlinson,  Thomas 
Kempshall,  Harvey  Putnam,  Richard  P.  Marvin,  and  Millard  Fillmore; 
among  the  Democrats,  Gouverneur  Kemble  and  John  G.  Floyd. 

The  close  of  the  contest  brought  the  following  note  from  Mr.  Weed : 

Friday,  November  9th. 

Well,  dear  Seward,  we  are  victorious ;  God  be  thanked,  gratefully  and  de 
voutly  thanked! 

Judge  Miller  will  of  course  come  to  Albany  with  you.  We  want  the  aid  of 
his  experience  and  wisdom.  A  fearful  responsibility  is  upon  you.  God  grant 
you  the  light  necessary  to  guide  you  safely  through !  I  go  to  New  York  thii 
afternoon  to  temper  and  moderate  the  joy  and  rejoicings  of  our  friends. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

1838-1839. 

A  Busy  Season.— The  "  Kane  Mansion."— The  Inauguration.— The  Message.— A  Legisla 
tive  Dead-Lock.— State  Officers.— The  Oneidas.— Geological  Survey.— "The  Three- 
Walled  House."— The  "Atherton  Gag."— Horace  Greeley.— Spencer.— Dr.  Potter.— 
Canadian  Raids. — Secretary  Poinsett. — Foreigners. — Colonel  Worth. 

GREAT  were  the  Whig  merry-makings  and  festivities  over  the  result. 
It  seemed  almost  too  good  to  be  true  that  they  had  actually  gained 
control  of  the  State  government  at  last.  Eating  and  drinking  still 
occupied  a  prominent  place  at  political  assemblages — a  custom  doubt 
less  derived  from  England,  happily  since  fallen  into  disuse.  There 
were  festivals  and  suppers,  with  toasts  and  speeches,  at  Albany,  at 
Newburg,  at  Coxsackie,  at  Whitehall,  at  Batavia,  at  Florida,  and  at 
other  places.  Occasionally  these  gatherings  would  be  further  inspired 
by  the  reception  of  letters  or  toasts  from  the  party  leaders. 

While  his  supporters  were  thus  giving  themselves  up  to  merriment, 
the  newly-elected  Governor  had  plenty  of  anxiety  and  work.  The 
seven  weeks  which  intervened  before  entering  upon  the  duties  of  the 
gubernatorial  office  were  busy  ones.  The  house  at  Auburn  was  of 
course  thronged  with  visitors  at  all  hours,  seasonable  and  unseasonable, 
and  the  mails  brought  him  each  day  an  increasing  avalanche  of  letters 
in  regard  to  his  new  duties  ;  letters  of  congratulation  ;  letters  of  ap 
plication  ;  letters  of  solicitation  ;  letters  of  objurgation,  and  letters  of 
advice.  These  honors  (or  annoyances,  whichever  they  may  be)  are  the 
experiences  of  every  newly-chosen  chief  magistrate  ;  but  the  shower  of 
them  was  in  this  case  the  more  abundant  because  the  Whig  party  was 
now,  for  the  first  time,  realizing  its  long-deferred  hopes  of  power. 


380  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

The  patronage  at  the  disposal  of  the  Executive,  larger  then  than  now> 
was  sought  for  with  appetites  keen  from  long  fasting,  and,  as  every 
Whig  had  shared  in  producing  the  unexpectedly  successful  result,  nearly 
every  one  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  State  at  least  felt  himself  entitled  to 
say  how  the  fruits  of  the  victory  should  be  used.  Seward  subsequently 
said  that  he  received  in  the  Eighth  District  a  majority  equal  to  his  entire 
majority  in  the  State ;  that  during  the  short  interval  between  his  election 
and  inauguration  he  received  more  than  a  thousand  applications  for  office, 
and  of  these  applications  only  two  came  from  beyond  Cayuga  Bridge. 

There  was  an  abundance  of  conflicting  advice  from  a  legion  of  ad 
visers,  fearful  lest  some  misstep  might  lead  to  the  early  loss  of  the 
power  just  gained.  Never,  probably,  was  a  Governor's  message  sub 
jected  by  its  friends  to  such  severe  scrutiny  and  anxious  criticism,  al 
though  the  issues  of  public  policy  upon  which  the  election  had  turned 
were  clear  and  well-defined  ones. 

But  those  of  the  new  Governor's  friends  who  were  timid  were  fearful 
that  he  would  say  too  much,  while  those  who  were  sanguine  were  afraid 
he  would  say  too  little.  The  Governor-elect  prepared  a  complete  draft 
of  the  important  document  with  his  own  hands  in  his  study  at  Auburn 
before  submitting  it  to  others,  and  then  took  it  with  him  to  Albany  early 
in  December.  Chief  among  the  advisers  there  was  Mr.  Weed,  who  made 
a  few  judicious  suggestions  of  amendments,  all  of  which  were  adopted. 
John  C.  Spencer,  who  was  to  be  Secretary  of  State  under  the  new 
administration,  with  that  indefatigable  industry  and  precision  which 
characterized  him,  wrote  and  rewrote  paragraphs  enough  to  have  made 
an  entire  new  message,  of  which  only  a  small  part  could  be  accepted. 
Samuel  B.  Ruggles  was  relied  upon  to  furnish  the  figures  for  the  esti 
mates  cl  the  future  business  of  the  canals.  Dr.  Nott  came  over  from 
Schenectady  to  assist  in  conference  on  the  subject  of  education.  John 
H.  Beach  assisted  in  the  preparation  of  the  financial  statistics. 

One  of  the  paragraphs  referred  to  the  site  then  just  purchased  for 
the  State  Lunatic  Asylum  at  Utica,  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  valley  of 
the  Mohawk.  Some  one  raised  the  point  that  Seward's  description  of 
the  spot  was  too  ornate.  "  Yes,"  said  Judge  Miller,  with  whom  direct 
ness  and  brevity  of  speech  were  essentials,  "  strike  it  all  out ;  say  the 
site  is  well  selected." 

The  suggestion  was  adopted ;  but  three  weeks  later  Seward  had  a  laugh 
at  the  expense  of  the  proposer  of  the  amendment,  when  an  opposition 
paper  pointed  to  this  passage  as  being  especially  "  curt  and  ungracious." 

Upon  Mr.  Weed,  as  chief  adviser  in  all  their  party  councils,  the 
Whigs  had  already  bestowed  the  sobriquet  of  "the  Dictator."  A  letter 
to  him  said  :  Wednesday  Morning,  December  UTi. 

I  have  denied  myself  the  time  to  write  to  you.  My  correspondence  consumes 
two  hours  a  day,  the  message  the  residue.  It  begins  to  walk. 


1838.J  THE  KANE   MANSION.  381 

I  deny  everybody  I  possibly  can,  and  find  I  can  work  to  good  advantage  much 
better  here  than  even  in  the  closet,  where  my  imagination  might  dream  the  spirit 
of  Clinton  lingers.  Pray  tell  me  how  long  you  think  you  can  extend  my  fur 
lough  ? 

You  are  right  as  to  agriculture,  but  how  J.  C.  S.  would  be  surprised  to  see 
the  message  extended  into  an  encyclopaedia ! 

If  Marcy  required  six  months  to  move  into  a  house,  and  Croswell  six  months 
to  move  out,  I,  a  countryman,  may  be  indulged  three  weeks  to  get  into  mine. 

December  8th. 

V.  B.'s  message  is,  I  trust,  not  better  than  his  successor's  in  this  State  may  be; 
so  you  see  I  am  "  thanking  God,  and  taking  courage." 

I  am  so  busy  answering  letters  "  of  a  certain  description,"  that  I  scarcely 
have  time  to  write  to  you. 

Don't  decide  upon  the  proposition  of  inauguration  ceremony  until  you  see  the 
message.  The  character  of  that  may  not  be  conclusive  upon  the  proposition ; 
but,  if  it  is  a  failure,  don't  magnify  it  by  ostentatious  display.  I  incline  to 
believe  the  ceremony  better  dispensed  with. 

Friday  Morning,  December  lUh. 

I  had  no  idea  that  dictators  were  such  amiable  creatures.  It  reminds  me  of 
old  Hassan's  (Fatima's  father's)  expression,  "  My  dear,  terrible  son-in-law,"  in 
"  Bluebeard."  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  agree  with  Pruyn,  King,  and  Greeley,  in 
voting  you  down  as  to  the  emendation  of  the  St.  Nicholas  letter.  "  I  had  a 
son,"  said  the  old  man,  "  to  whom  on  his  setting  out  in  life  I  gave  this  good  ad 
vice  :  *  Now,  my  son,  there's  always  a  right  way  to  do  things,  and  a  wrong  one. 
One  or  the  other  you  must  always  take.  Be  sure  and  get  the  right  one.'  And 
don't  you  think,"  said  he,  afterward,  "the  fellow  was  so  stupid  he  would  not 
take  either  way !  " 

I  would  like  to  go  forthwith  to  Albany.  But  the  truth  is,  it's  no  easy  matter 
to  find  out  all  about  the  condition  of  the  State,  and  set  it  down  in  a  book  to 
satisfy  this  fastidious  generation  of  Whigs.  A  message  I  must  have  and  will 
have  before  I  leave  this  town ;  for  this  reason,  that  if  I  were  let  alone  at  Al 
bany,  I  couldn't  get  my  books,  papers,  and  habits,  fixed  before  the  1st  of  Jan 
uary  ;  and  as  to  being  left  alone,  how  could  I  shut  myself  up  in  a  house  that 
everybody  has  been  engaged  in  preparing,  and  therefore  knows  every  access  to 
it  and  every  hiding-place  in  it  ? 

I  devote  this  day  and  to-morrow  to  this  business ;  Sunday  to  church  for  the 
last  time  here ;  Monday,  to  funds,  finance,  domestic  arrangements,  etc. ;  and 
then  I  shall  reach  the  capital  early  or  late  next  week. 

One  of  the  first  cares  to  be  attended  to  in  Albany  had  been  to  choose 
a  suitable  residence  for  the  Governor.  Of  course  it  would  hardly  answer 
for  the  Whig  Governor  to  take  a  house  which  had  been  bought  for  his 
Democratic  predecessor,  and  which  the  Whigs  had  unsparingly  ridiculed 
as  "  three-walled."  Several  others  were  proposed,  but  the  decision  was 
finally  in  favor  of  the  "  Kane  Mansion,"  at  the  corner  of  Westerlo  and 
Broad  Streets — the  grounds  around  which  were  formerly  those  of  a 
beautiful  country-seat  of  that  family,  but  were  now  beginning  to  be 


382  LJFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1838, 

intersected  by  city  streets.  The  house  was  a  spacious  yellow-brick 
edifice,  with  broad  wings,  surrounded  by  a  grove  of  horse-chestnuts, 
hemlocks,  and  pines,  and  with  about  four  acres  of  grounds.  It  was  in 
all  respects  well  adapted  for  an  official  residence.  A  broad  hall,  fifty 
feet  by  twenty,  ran  through  the  centre,  making  an  admirable  reception- 
room  for  visitors,  with  a  suite  of  parlors  on  one  side,  and  family-rooms 
on  the  other.  One  wing  contained  a  dining  or  ball  room  as  spacious 
as  the  hall.  The  other  wing  nearest  the  street  contained  a  room 
suitable  for  a  library  and  business-office,  with  an  adjoining  room  for 
a  secretary. 

The  old  house  lacked  what  are  now  called  "  modern  improvements  ; " 
but  then  no  other  house  had  them.  Oil-lamps  graced  the  gateway 
and  the  stoop  without,  as  well  as  the  chandeliers  and  mantels  within. 
Candelabra  were  used  on  the  dinner-table,  and  no  one  dreamed  that 
there  could  be  any  light  of  more  splendor.  The  great  hall  and  the 
long  dining-room  each  had  one  of  Dr.  Nott's  newly-invented  coal-stoves, 
and  the  parlors  had  grates  to  burn  coal  imported  from  Liverpool. 
Wood-fires  heated  the  other  apartments,  or  were  supposed  to,  at  an  era 
when  rooms  were  not  expected  to  be  warm  except  near  the  chimney. 
Water,  clear  and  cold,  was  drawn  from  the  depths  of  a  great  well 
that  stood  behind  the  house.  The  kitchen  fireplace  and  brick  oven 
were  garnished  with  appliances  which  would  now  be  deemed  exceed 
ingly  primitive,  though  feasts  had  been  served  up  from  them  that  were 
considered  royal. 

The  house  had  before  been  occupied  by  Governors  Clinton  and 
Tompkins.  Some  of  the  black  servants,  who  had  appertained  to  the 
former  official  households  and  were  now  reemployed,  were  full  of  tra 
ditions  connected  with  the  domestic  life  of  those  Governors.  They 
pointed  out  the  stairway  where  De  Witt  Clinton  fell  and  broke  his 
knee-pan  ;  the  wine-cellar  where  Governor  Tompkins  stored  his  old 
madeira,  and  the  lonesome  dark  passage-way  through  which  wandered 
"  the  spooks  "  of  some  deceased  persons,  names  and  griefs  unknown. 

When  the  announcement  was  made  that  the  Governor  was  to  live 
in  the  "  Kane  Mansion,"  the  opposition  papers,  availing  themselves  of 
the  cue  given  by  former  Whig  denunciations,  proceeded  to  call  atten 
tion  to  the  fact  that  even  the  "  house  which  the  Whigs  called  a  '  mar 
ble  palace '  was  now  not  thought  good  enough  for  their  Governor  !  .  .  . 
He  must  have  a  palace,  with  park,  and  grounds,  and  avenues  !  "  The 
old  house  had  been  a  stately  mansion,  but  the  cutting  through  of  streets 
had  shorn  it  of  the  splendor  of  "  park  and  avenues ; "  so  the  Whigs 
were  able  to  defend  themselves  by  pointing  to  these  circumstances, 
and  to  the  fact  that  Governor  Seward  was  to  pay  the  rent  out  of  his 
own  pocket. 

To  furnish  this  house,  and  rent  it  for  a  single  year,  consumed  about 


1838.]  AT  HOME   IN  ALBANY.  383 

twice  as  much  as  his  salary  for  the  entire  term  ;  but  it  was  his  habit 
not  only  to  expend,  for  the  public  benefit,  all  that  he  ever  received 
from  the  public  Treasury,  but  as  much  more  from  his  private  resources 
as  they  would  bear.  Housekeepers  and  servants  were  at  once  em 
ployed,  and  the  household  speedily  organized.  Seward  went  down  to 
take  possession  ten  days  before  the  opening  of  his  official  term : 

ALBANY,  December  21,  1838. 

If  I  was  oppressed  with  labor  and  cares  at  home,  I  have  not  found  a  bed  of 
roses  here.  Augustus  and  I  came  very  pleasantly  along  with  much  less  of  salu 
tation  or  importunity  for  office  than  I  expected.  We  came  into  our  house  last 
evening  at  five  o'clock.  The  carpets  were  laid  in  the  nicest  manner,  the  stove 
was  heated,  the  lamps  soon  lighted,  and  some  fine  smoking-hot  brook -trout  were 
ready  for  our  supper.  After  tea,  Weed  came  in.  We  smoked  and  talked  away 
the  evening  until  twelve.  This  morning  every  wish  was  anticipated,  and  all 
our  cares  provided  for.  Thus  far,  although  I  have  had  company  in  abundance, 
the  house  has  been  quiet,  and  we  are  of  opinion  that  you  will  be  tranquilly 
located  when  you  come  here,  notwithstanding  all  the  cares  that  may  beset  me  ; 
there  is  so  much  luxury  in  space,  and  so  much  comfort  in  the  certainty  that 
those  you  depend  upon  for  the  duties  of  servants  understand  and  seek  faithfully 
to  perform  them.  Augustus  is  writing  you  a  geographical  account  of  the  estab 
lishment. 

A  day  or  two  later,  he  wrote  : 

I  am  beginning  to  see  my  way  through.  Mr.  Blatchford  is  making  a  fair 
copy  of  the  message.  Mr.  Gary  is  here,  domiciled  with  me.  I  expect  my  father 
to-morrow.  The  town  is  full.  They  stay  with  me  until  twelve  at  night.  After 
New-Year  I  shall  begin  to  clear  away  the  accumulating  correspondence.  I  have 
one  hundred  and  fifty  unanswered  letters  to-day.  We  shall  beat  Weed,  and 
keep  the  horses.  "  To  the  victors  belong  "  their  own  horses! 

This  alludes  to  a  question  which  had  arisen  as  to  whether  the  gray 
ponies,  capital  little  travelers  as  they  were,  were  sufficiently  "  stylish," 
as  well  as  sufficiently  strong,  to  draw  the  handsome  heavy  carriage 

which  a  Governor  must  ride  in. 

December  25th. 

Christmas  will  be  fully  honored  in  your  domicile.  Its  observance  has  been 
very  different  in  mine.  The  message  has  been  a  harder  duty  here  than  it  was 
in  Auburn.  There  I  enjoyed  the  fervor  and  glow  of  composition,  and  I  turned 
aside  the  less  impatient  friends  with  more  ease  than  I  can  here. 

The  ordeal  of  criticism  here  is  more  severe.  I  have  bestowed  no  considera 
tion  upon  any  thing  else.  It  will  be  ready  on  Saturday,  and  I  even  now  begin 
to  be  relieved.  I  have  had  some  friends  to  dinner  daily,  and  we  go  on  but  awk 
wardly,  in  some  respects,  for  want  of  your  presence  and  supervision. 

Mr.  Bradish  boards  at  Mrs.  Lockwood's.  His  vindication  of  his  course  on 
the  abolition  question  will  appear  in  a  few  days.  He  shows  it  to  Weed.  I  am 
proposing  to  invite  him  to  divide  the  honors  of  the  New-Year  with  me.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  I  can  find  time  to  tell  you  the  details  of  that  occasion,  but  I 
will  ask  Blatchford  to  do  it.  Granger  comes  on  the  15th. 


384  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1838. 

ALBAJTT,  Thursday,  December  27,  1838. 

If  you  happen  to  get  a  paper  that  shall  contain  the  Governor's  message  for 
1839,  you  may  read  it  with  safety.  It  has  been  subjected  to  such  criticism  that 
I  scarcely  recognize  a  paragraph  of  the  draft  I  read  to  you  at  Auburn,  and  yet 
there  is  not  a  sentence  in  it  which  is  not  my  own  handiwork.  It  is  yet  my 
morning's  study  and  my  "night's  entertainment." 

A  great  warfare  is  going  on  about  the  ponies.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  De  "Witt,  John 
Townsend,  Augustus  and  I  and  Nicholas,  agree  that  we  won't  sell  them  to  a 
hard-hearted  purchaser.  Weed  insists  upon  the  sacrifice  to  pride  and  vanity.  I 
don't  know  how  it  will  end.  The  calls  thicken  upon  me ;  they  have  been  about 
one  hundred  so  far,  to-day.  I  should  fail  in  the  attempt  to  give  you  an  inventory 
of  the  hams,  beef-tongues,  turkeys,  etc.,  for  New-Year's-day ;  they  are  all  being 
"  fixed  for  a  feast."  There  will  be  five  thousand  people  in  the  house  next  Tues 
day.  God  grant  us  all  a  good  deliverance ! 

Ten  Broeck  Van  Vechten  is  smitten  with  the  palsy  ;  his  hands  hang  lifeless 
at  his  side,  and  his  legs  are  useless.  He  is  Judge- Advocate-General,  under  Gov 
ernor  Marcy.  He  sent  for  me  to-day  to  signify  his  desire  to  hold  on,  under  me, 
his  classmate ;  and  is  actually  coming  to  attend  me  on  New-Year's-day,  in  a 
rocking-chair. 

The  Governor-elect  had  some  time  before  designated  Mr.  Samuel 
Blatchford  to  be  his  private  secretary.  Several  of  the  military  staff 
had  also  been  already  selected,  and  were  to  be  commissioned  by  the 
Governor  on  New-Year's-day.  They  were  : 

Rufus  King,  of  Albany,  Adjutant-General  ;  Jonathan  Amory,  of 
New  York,  Spencer  S.  Benedict,  and  John  F.  Townsend,  of  Albany, 
aides-de-camp ;  Robert  C.  Wetmore,  of  New  York,  military  secretary. 
Mr.  H.  G.  O.  Rogers,  of  Albany,  was  appointed  messenger  and  door 
keeper  of  the  Executive  Chamber. 

At  midnight  the  strains  of  a  band  of  music  from  without  announced 
to  the  Governor  the  commencement  of  his  official  term.  The  serenaders 
were  invited  into  the  hall,  and  so  began  the  first  reception  of  the  day. 

At  eleven  o'clock,  on  New- Year's  morning,  the  Governor  and  Lieu 
tenant-Governor  elect  proceeded  to  the  Capitol  to  be  sworn  into  office. 
The  ceremony  of  inaugurating  a  Governor  at  Albany  was  a  very  sim 
ple  one.  There  were  no  processions  or  speeches.  The  Governor  usu 
ally  entered  the  Executive  Chamber,  already  va.cated  by  his  predeces 
sor,  took  the  oath,  and  entered  at  once  on  his  duties.  On  this  occasion, 
however,  the  crowd  to  witness  the  ceremony  was  so  great  that  the  new 
Governor  took  a  place  on  the  landing  of  the  broad  staircase,  in  the  hall 
of  the  Capitol,  where  Chancellor  Walworth  administered  the  oath  of 
office. 

The  Legislature  met  on  the  same  day,  and  the  new  Lieutenant- 
Governor  proceeded  to  the  Senate-chamber,  to  enter  upon  his  duties 
as  presiding  officer,  for  which  his  imposing  presence  and  dignified 
bearing  admirably  fitted  him.  The  private  secretary  was  dispatched 


1839.]  THE   FIRST   MESSAGE.  385 

with  two  copies  of  the  Governor's  message,  to  be  delivered  to  the  two 
Chambers.  The  official  duties  of  the  Governor,  for  the  day,  were  now 
ended  ;  and  the  more  arduous  social  ones  began."  Before  taking  his 

carriage,  he  wrote  this  brief  note : 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  11  A.  M.,  | 
January  1,  1839.  \ 

MY  DEAR  FRANCES  :  We  are  here.  The  ceremony  is  over.  A  joyous  people 
throng  the  Capitol.  This  is  the  first  message. 

Returning  to  his  house,  he  found  there  a  rapidly-increasing  crowd 
of  several  thousands.  At  noon  the  doors  were  thrown  open,  and  the 
eager  throng  poured  in  to  shake  hands,  and  congratulate  the  new 
Governor,  who  stood  in  the  great  hall  surrounded  by  his  military  staff. 

The  old-time  custom  of  undertaking  to  feed  the  multitude  on  an 
occasion  of  public  rejoicing  was  still  in  vogue  at  Albany.  The  carpets 
were  all  taken  up,  long  tables  were  spread  with  a  collation,  and  re 
plenished  as  fast  as  the  surging  crowd  swept  them  off.  The  multitude, 
sans  cer&monie,  commenced  festivities,  orderly  enough  at  first,  though, 
as  the  day  wore  on,  and  the  graver  visitors  were  succeeded  by  others 
less  dignified,  taking  somewhat  the  air  of  a  saturnalia,  but  not  an  un 
friendly  one.  The  rooms  were  so  blocked  that  occasionally  a  move 
ment  of  the  dense  mass  would  bring  down  one  of  the  tables  with  a 
crash.  With  the  slender  police  force  then  in  existence,  it  is  only 
remarkable  that  so  few  scenes  of  confusion,  disorder,  or  riot,  marked 
these  tumultuous  assemblages. 

The  scene  was  enlivened  by  the  successive  visits  of  military  com 
panies  with  their  bands  of  music,  for  whom  fresh  tables  were  spread  in 
the  hall  above.  As  the  crowd  could  not  all  get  admission,  turkeys, 
hams,  etc.,  were  passed  over  the  heads  of  those  within  to  those  with 
out,  while  barrels  of  New-Year's  cakes  stood  by  the  door  and  were 
handed  out  to  all  comers. 

At  dark  the  doors  were  closed,  a  welcome  relief  to  the  Governor, 
who  had  shaken  hands  with  three  or  four  thousand  people,  and  left 
standing  around  the  house  as  many  more.  The  "banquet-hall  de 
serted  "  looked  desolate  enough,  but  no  serious  injury  had  been  done, 
further  than  the  attendants  in  the  course  of  the  next  week  could 
remedy. 

Meanwhile  the  Legislature  had  organized,  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
had  made  his  speech  to  the  Senate,  and  the  newly-elected  Whig  Speaker, 
George  W.  Patterson,  had  made  his  to  the  Assembly. 

While  the  Clerks  of  the  respective  Houses  were  reading  the  mes 
sage,  already  in  print,  it  was  dispatched  to  the  newspapers  east,  west, 
north,  and  south,  forwarded  by  special  engine  over  the  Mohawk  &  Hud 
son  Railroad,  and  sent  by  special  messenger  to  New  York. 

An  Executive  message  is  usually  understood  to  be  a  mass  of  dry 
25 


386  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839, 

statistics  and  drier  recommendations,  without  special  connection,  and 
forming  several  columns  of  very  dull  reading.  It  is  praised  by  all  the 
partisans  of  the  Executive  writer,  and  denounced  by  all  his  opponents,, 
but  little  remembered  by  either,  except  as  they  happen  to  approve  or 
disapprove  some  one  of  its  details.  Governor  Seward's  message  of 
1839,  however,  had  a  unity  and  coherence  of  plan  on  as  grand  a  theme 
as  that  of  one  of  Homer's  epics.  Whoever  studied  it,  if  any  did,  might 
have  predicted  his  future  course  on  political  questions,  for  it  contained 
the  groundwork  of  his  political  philosophy,  and  of  the  policy  that 
guided  him  throughout  his  entire  public  career.  In  substance  it  was 
this  : 

America  is  a  land  of  latent,  unappropriated  wealth  ;  the  minerals 
under  its  soils  are  not  more  truly  wealth  hidden  and  unused,  than  are 
its  vast  capabilities  and  resources,  material,  political,  social,  and  moral. 
Two  streams  that  come  from  the  Old  World,  in  obedience  to  great 
natural  laws,  are  pouring  into  it  daily  fresh,  invigorating  energies. 
One  of  these  streams  is  the  surplus  capital  of  Europe.  The  other  is 
the  surplus  labor  of  the  world.  Both  steadily  increase  in  volume  and 
velocity.  It  is  idle  to  try  to  roll  back  their  tide.  It  is  wise  to  accept 
them  and  to  use  them.  Instead  of  delaying  about  one  great  line  of 
communication  from  the  sea  to  the  lakes,  rather  open  three — through 
the  centre  of  the  State,  through  its  northern  counties,  and  through  its. 
southern  ones.  Instead  of  vainly  seeking  to  exclude  the  immigrant, 
rather  welcome  him  to  our  ports,  speed  him  on  his  Western  way,  share 
with  him  our  political  and  religious  freedom,  tolerate  his  churches, 
establish  schools  for  his  children,  and  so  assimilate  his  principles,  his 
habits,  manners,  and  opinions,  to  our  own.  In  a  word,  open  as  far  as 
possible  to  all  men  of  whatever  race  all  paths  for  the  improvement  of 
their  condition,  as  well  as  for  their  mental  and  moral  culture.  Can  we. 
ask  for  other  signs  than  we  enjoy,  "  that  our  race  is  ordained  to  reach- 
on  this  continent  a  higher  standard  of  social  perfection  than  it  has  ever 
yet  attained,  and  that  hence  will  proceed  the  spirit  which  shall  renovate 
the  world  ?  The  agency  of  institutions  of  self-government  is  indispen 
sable  to  the  accomplishment  of  these  sublime  purposes.  Such  institu 
tions  can  only  be  maintained  by  an  educated  and  enlightened  people." 

In  accordance  with  these  principles  as  a  basis,  his  recommendations 
in  detail  were  to  prosecute  the  work  on  the  canals  ;  to  encourage 
the  completion  of  railroads  ;  to  establish  a  Board  of  Internal  Improve 
ments  ;  to  encourage  and  extend  charitable  institutions  ;  to  give 
more  enlightened  care  to  the  reclamation  of  juvenile  delinquents  ;  to 
improve  the  discipline  of  the  prisons,  separating  the  male  and  female 
convicts  ;  to  elevate  the  standard  of  education  in  the  schools  and  col 
leges  ;  to  establish  school-district  libraries  ;  to  provide  for  the  education 
of  the  colored  race,  as  well  as  the  white  ;  to  reform  the  organization. 


1839.]  APPOINTMENTS   TO  OFFICE.  387 

and  practice  of  courts,  so  as  to  lessen  delays  of  justice,  especially 
in  chancery  ;  to  cut  off  superfluous  offices  and  unnecessary  patronage, 
executive  and  judicial ;  to  substitute  fixed  salaries  for  artfully-multi 
plied  fees ;  to  abolish  the  army  of  inspectors  "  who  hinder  the  agriculture 
and  the  commerce  they  profess  to  protect ; "  to  repeal  the  "  Small-bill 
Law,"  and  no  longer  embarrass  "  the  only  currency  which  can  be  main 
tained,  a  mixed  one  of  gold,  silver,  and  redeemable  paper  ; "  to  authorize 
banking  under  general  laws  instead  of  special  charters  ;  to  apply  rigor 
ous  safeguards,  especially  in  populous  cities,  for  the  purity  of  the 
ballot-box.  He  unhesitatingly  accepted  Ruggles's  estimate  that  the 
canals  would  more  than  reimburse  the  cost  of  their  construction  and 
enlargement,  paid  a  tribute  to  Clinton's  wise  forecast  in  founding  the 
system,  and  recommended  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  his  memory. 

This  message,  whose  predictions  have  now  been  verified  by  sub 
sequent  events,  and  whose  recommendations  have  in  a  great  degree 
been  adopted  in  the  statute-book,  was  thought  at  the  time,  even  by 
friends,  to  be  a  bold  one,  and  criticised  by  opponents  as  a  reckless  and 
visionary  one,  though  its  ability  was  on  all  sides  conceded.  It  is  need 
less  to  reproduce  here  the  newspaper  controversies,  or  the  legislative 
debates,  of  which  it  was  long  the  subject  as  an  exposition  of  the  doc 
trines  of  the  new  party  in  power. 

The  comments  of  the  opposing  press,  indeed,  were  varied.  They 
called  it  a  "  curious  piece  of  patchwork,"  "  the  labor  of  several  hands," 
"the  effusion  rather  of  the  sophomore  than  of  the  statesman,"  con 
taining  "the  visionary  schemes  of  theorizing  politicians,"  "magnificent 
plans  based  on  a  false  foundation,"  etc.,  etc. 

Now  began  a  season  of  unremitting  toil.  The  new  Governor,  as 
leader  of  the  political  revolution  which  had  taken  place,  became  the 
focus  upon  which  concentrated  the  wordy  war  of  legislation  and  the 
fierce  struggle  for  office.  Without  any  other  clerical  assistance  than 
that  of  his  indefatigable  private  secretary,  without  cabinet  counselors, 
with  a  Senate  politically  opposed  to  him,  with  judges  and  all  office 
holders  appointed  by  his  opponents,  he  had  only  the  support  of  the 
Whig  Assembly,  and  his  Whig  friends  outside  of  the  government,  to 
rely  upon. 

All  the  hours  of  the  day  were  not  numerous  enough  to  give  audience 
to  impatient  visitors. 

The  appointments  within  the  gift  of  the  Governor,  while  they  did 
not  comprise  the  cabinet  counselors  (which  the  head  of  almost  every 
other  government  is  accustomed  to  select),  yet  embraced  many  offices 
since  abolished  or  made  elective.  He  was  to  nominate  judges,  surro 
gates,  county  clerks,  masters  and  examiners  in  chancery,  inspectors  of 
prisons,  wreck-masters,  weighers  of  merchandise,  measurers  of  grain, 
cullers  of  staves  and  heading,  inspectors  ©f  fl®ur,  *f  lumber,  €>f  spirits, 


388  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

of  salt,  of  beef  and  pork,  of  pot  and  pearl  ashes,  of  green  hides  and 
calf-skins,  of  sole-leather,  of  fish  and  liver  oil,  etc.,  superintendents  and 
commissioners  of  various  sorts,  besides  the  port-wardens  and  harbor 
masters,  notaries  public  and  commissioners  of  deeds,  which  in  later  days 
form  the  bulk  of  his  patronage. 

Yet,  numerous  as  they  were,  they  were  not  enough  to  satisfy  one 
applicant  in  ten.  They  never  are.  And  the  most  embarrassing  feat 
ure  of  all  was,  when  personal  friends  and  political  leaders,  well  entitled 
and  well  qualified,  engaged  in  rivalry  which  made  it  impossible  to  satisfy 
one  without  disappointing  the  others.  Applications  came  through  every 
channel,  through  members  of  the  Legislature,  through  Whig  commit 
tees — through  meetings  and  conventions  organized  on  purpose  to  recom 
mend  them,  through  personal  visits  engrossing  the  Governor's  time, 
and  through  shoals  of  letters  amounting,  in  those  days  of  high  postage, 
to  no  small  tax  on  his  pocket. 

A  few  illustrations  will  serve  to  show  the  character  of  his  replies, 
as  well  as  the  rules  that  governed  his  action. 

To  Mr.  Beardsley,  of  Auburn,  he  wrote  : 

Whatever  power  I  have  to  make  appointments  to  office  is  altogether  un 
pledged,  and,  in  order  that  it  may  always  be  so,  I  in  no  instance  form  an  opinion 
for  myself  until  the  exigency  arrives  when  my  action  is  demanded.  When  that 
time  comes  I  seek  always  to  find  a  suitable  and  qualified  candidate  of  good 
character — one  whose  selection  would  most  promote  the  public  good,  and  whose 
appointment  would  give  the  most  general  satisfaction. 

To  John  B.  Murray,  of  New  York,  he  wrote  : 

Great  as  are  the  inconveniences  resulting  from  misapprehensions,  it  is  a  rule 
from  which  I  never  depart  that  I  cannot  discuss,  by  correspondence,  the  pre 
tensions  of  candidates  for  office.  An  acknowledgment  of  an  application,  when 
made  directly,  is  all.  I  make  this  statement  because  your  letter  desires  a  reply. 
I  am  always  willing  to  hear  the  views  and  wishes  of  applicants  and  their  friends, 
but  the  reasons  why  I  cannot  and  ought  not  to  answer  them  are  obvious. 

To  Seth  C.  Hawley,  of  Buffalo,  he  said: 

I  thank  you  for  the  evident  frankness  and  kindness  with  which  you  write, 
and,  as  it  is  both  improper  and  impossible  for  me  to  discuss  in  my  correspond 
ence  the  claims  and  pretensions  of  candidates,  I  can  only  say  this  in  reply. 

To  the  chairman  of  the  Whig  General  Committee  in  Brooklyn  he 
said : 

I  am  willing  to  receive  information  in  every  manner,  and  from  all  sources, 
in  regard  to  applications,  and  I  do  not  object  to  receiving  recommendations  from 
Whig  committees  and  county  conventions  where  such  bodies  deem  it  important 
to  address  me.  As  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  whole  people,  I  do  not  hold  such 
communications  entitled  to  authoritative  force,  and  from  long  observation  of 


1839.]  A   GOVERNOR'S   CORRESPONDENCE.  389 

their  practical  results  I  regard  them  unfavorably,  as  tending  to  convert  the 
appointing  power  into  an  engine  of  proscription  for  freedom  of  opinion. 

To  J.  L.  Chester  he  wrote  : 

I  cannot  be  a  party  to  an  agreement  whereby  one  individual  shall  resign  his 
commission,  that  another  shall  be  substituted  in  his  place.  To  enter  into  such 
a  stipulation  would  be  to  deprive  myself  of  the  right,  indispensable  to  an  honest 
and  proper  exercise  of  the  appointing  power,  to  inform  myself  of  the  merits 
and  claims  of  all  candidates. 

To  W.  Samuel  Johnson  he  remarked,  about  a  troublesome  case: 

I,  too,  wish  this  affair  were  out  of  the  way ;  but  it  is  a  part  and  parcel  of 
the  entire  burden  that  I  put  my  shoulder  under.  It  shall  be  in  good  time  dis 
posed  of,  with  a  sole  view  to  the  public  interests. 

To  one  who  proposed  to  resign  the  place  of  Supreme  Court  Com 
missioner  and  retain  those  of  Master  and  Examiner  in  Chancery,  he 
replied,  declining  to  advise,  and  saying: 

Far  from  being  desirous  that  my  power  shall  be  increased  by  the  recurrence 
of  vacancies  in  the  public  offices,  and  unwilling  by  previous  stipulations  to  em 
barrass  myself,  I  leave  this  and  all  similar  matters  to  the  natural  and  ordinary 
course  of  events. 

To  Andrew  Williams,  of  New  York,  who  had  written,  expressing 
surprise  at  receiving  a  commission,  he  answered  : 

I  can  give  no  better  apology  for  the  liberty  taken  with  your  name  than  that 
at  an  early  period  of  the  session  your  name  was  suggested  to  me  as  a  very 
suitable  one  for  nomination  to  the  office,  by  my  recollection  of  your  persevering 
diligence  and  success  in  your  profession,  and  your  ardent  and  eloquent  vindica 
tion  of  principles. 

The  correspondence  of  a  Governor  is  an  heterogeneous  one.  The 
pile  of  letters  upon  his  table  that  greet  him  every  morning  on  entering 
the  Executive  Chamber  are  of  every  size,  shape,  and  style.  One-third 
of  them  are  devoted  to  the  absorbing  subject  of  appointments  to 
office.  Then  there  are  official  communications  from  public  officers  in 
reference  to  pending  measures  or  accounts  ;  from  sheriffs  and  district 
attorneys  in  relation  to  criminal  cases  ;  from  the  various  State  insti 
tutions  about  their  needs  ;  from  brother  Governors  in  regard  to 
requisitions,  or  transmitting  legislative  resolutions,  and  the  like.  Be 
sides  these  legitimate  subjects  of  official  care,  there  are  others  not 
quite  so  regular.  There  are  missives  of  advice  on  all  sorts  of  subjects, 
from  all  sorts  of  persons,  most  oracular  and  positive  on  things  they 
know  least  about.  There  are  requests  from  people  he  has  never  seen, 
to  be  introduced  to  persons  he  does  not  know,  for  his  position  is  sup- 


390  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1839. 

posed  to  render  him  acquainted  with  everybody.  There  are  claims  and 
appeals  for  money,  some  piteous,  some  aggressive,  among  them  details 
of  cases  of  real  hardship  and  worthy  enterprises,  yet  amounting  in  all 
to  enough  to  drain  the  State  Treasury  as  well  as  his  individual  purse. 
There  are  invitations  to  attend  all  manner  of  commencements,  celebra 
tions  and  balls,  with  honorary  memberships  in  societies  of  fame  and 
note  in  metropolitan  centres,  as  well  as  obscure  ones  in  remote  village 
academies.  Then  there  are  authors,  artists,  and  inventors,  who  solicit 
examination  of  their  latest  work,  for  a  Governor  is  supposed,  ex-officio, 
to  have  more  taste  and  learning  than  other  men.  There  are  requests 
from  autograph-seekers,  most  of  whose  notes  betray  their  juvenile 
years.  Then  there  is  occasionally  a  letter  from  a  happy  father,  inform 
ing  him  of  a  new  namesake  who  is  expected  to  imitate  his  virtues  ;  but 
this  is  counterbalanced  by  half  a  dozen  anonymous  scrawls  accusing 
him  of  vice  and  crime.  Last,  and  most  painful,  and  most  persistent  of 
all,  are  the  daily  appeals  from,  or  in  behalf  of,  the  innocent  wives  and 
children  of  guilty  wretches  undergoing  punishment  and  wanting  to  be 
pardoned. 

Each  of  these  letters,  when  received  by  Governor  Seward,  had  a 
prompt,  courteous,  and  considerate  answer.  The  task  of  preparing 
these  answers  involved  more  than  ordinary  labor,  in  view  of  the  un 
usual  circumstances  of  the  time  in  which  he  came  to  the  charge  of  the 
Executive  office. 

An  applicant  for  a  place,  who  sent  with  his  letter  some  handsomely- 
bound  volumes,  received  them  back  with  this  note  : 

You  will  not  misunderstand  me.  I  by  no  means  suppose  any  impropriety 
was  intended  on  your  part,  and  the  present  of  a  literary  work  might,  under 
many  circumstances,  be  proper  and  right.  Yet  I  deem  it  necessary  to  adhere  to 
my  established  rule  to  receive  no  gifts  from  applicants. 

The  first  official  dinner  given  in  the  Executive  Mansion  was  to 
three  Indian  chiefs  who  had  come  from  the  Oneida  and  Stockbridge 
tribes  to  greet  the  new  "  father,"  and  lay  before  him  the  claims  and 
the  grievances  of  their  tribe,  at  that  time  under  State  protection.  The 
chief  of  the  Oneidas  said  : 

Father,  I  address  you  according  to  the  covenant  of  friendship  of  our  fore 
fathers.  After  your  race  had  increased  and  become  greater  than  mine,  your 
great  chiefs  were  to  be  fathers  to  my  people.  I  am  pleased  to  find  that  you, 
though  young,  and  just  raised  to  be  the  father  of  a  great  nation,  condescend  to 
notice  your  red  children  also.  You  kindly  invited  us  to  eat,  and  to  smoke  the 
pipe  of  peace  with  you,  which  we  have  now  done.  I  thank  the  Great  Spirit 
above  for  his  goodness  in  allowing  us  to  have  the  social  interview  at  this  time, 
and  for  inclining  your  heart  so  favorably  toward  us.  May  lie  be  a  Father  to 
you  and  assist  you  to  accomplish  satisfactorily  all  the  great  work  you  will  be 
called  upon  to  do  for  your  great  nation,  and  give  you  many  and  happy  days ! 


1839.]  VISITORS   AND   APPLICANTS.  391 

Father,  it  is  very  probable  that  I  ain  the  last  of  the  Muhheconnew  that  will 
ever  come  on  business  to  thig  place.  My  present  fireplace  is  so  far  removed 
toward  the  setting  sun  that  it  is  really  hard  to  come  here ;  but  I  hope  you  will 
not  suffer  me  to  come  in  vain.  I  wish  to  have  the  business  of  my  nation  with 
this  government  settled,  then  I  shall  be  satisfied  and  willing  to  bid  adieu  to  my 
fathers,  brothers,  and  the  land  containing  the  bones  of  my  forefathers.  This  is 
all  I  have  to  say. 

The  Oneidas  were  living  at  this  time,  a  part  of  them  on  their  reser 
vation  in  the  State,  and  the  rest  in  their  new  homes  in  Green  Bay, 
Wisconsin. 

Years  afterward  one  of  these  chiefs,  with  a  mournful  shake  of  his 
head  over  the  changes  of  the  times,  said,  "  The  big  kettle  was  always 
hanging  over  the  fire  for  the  Indian  when  Seward  was  the  great 
father." 

Social  life  in  Albany  at  this  period  has  been  so  fully  described  in 
the  letters  of  1831  to  1834,  that  it  is  hardly  necessary  again  to  advert 
to  it  here.  The  town  had  grown  since  that  time  in  population  and  in 
wealth,  and  there  was  an  influx  of  new  faces  at  and  about  the  Capitol, 
but  most  of  the  resident  families  were  the  same,  and  the  hospitable 
customs  continued. 

There  was  in  1839  no  such  well-organized  system  of  associations 
and  asylums  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  as  now  exist,  and  the  tax  upon 
the  compassion  as  well  as  the  pockets  of  the  charitable  was  in  winter 
an  onerous  one.  Fortunately,  the  art  of  swindling,  by  cases  of  pre 
tended  distress,  was  also  much  less  completely  organized  than  now. 
None  were  turned  away  empty-handed  from  the  Governor's  door  ;  and 
those  whose  appeals  came  by  mail  were  treated  with  like  liberality  and 
given  the  benefit  of  all  doubts,  although  both  classes  seemed,  instead 
of  being  relieved  by  the  bounty,  to  increase  by  it  in  number  and  impor 
tunity.  Later,  in  writing  to  a  friend,  he  remarked  : 

I  have  thus  far  yielded  to  these  applications  to  an  extent  which  neither  my 
public  compensation  nor  private  fortune  will  bear ;  and  I  find  it  necessary  in 
this  as  in  some  other  matters  to  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  consulting  impulses 
of  generosity. 

There  was  no  time  or  opportunity  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  their 
tales.  The  customary  aims  to  them  was  at  first  a  dollar  to  each,  but 
their  number  multiplied  so  rapidly  that  it  became  necessary  to  reduce 
it  to  half  or  even  a  quarter. 

Among  the  letters  was  one  from  Edward  Everett,  then  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  who  was  distributing  to  the  libraries  of  the  several 
States  a  publication  of  great  historic  value,  the  "  Journals  of  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts  "  during  the  year  that  opened  the 
Revolution. 


392  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839r 

On  the  very  first  day  of  legislative  session  the  Whigs  fulfilled  their 
promises  by  attacking  the  "  Small-bill  Law."  Mr.  Taylor,  of  Ontario, 
brought  in  a  bill  for  its  unconditional  repeal,  and  of  course  the  Whig 
Assembly  promptly  passed  it.  The  Democratic  leaders  showed  they 
were  now  not  ignorant  as  to  which  was  the  popular  side  of  this  question, 
by  introducing  a  similar  bill  into  the  Senate.  The  obnoxious  measure 
was  speedily  abolished  by  a  vote  almost  unanimous,  although  Colonel 
Young,  with  proverbial  consistency,  and  his  colleague,  Mr.  Spraker, 
adhered  to  it  till  the  last. 

As  the  Democrats  had  a  majority 'in  the  Senate,  they  determined 
not  "  to  advise  or  consent "  to  the  nominations  of  the  Whig  Governor 
except  in  cases  of  absolute  necessity.  All  removals,  in  order  to  make 
new  appointments,  were  thus  defeated  ;  and  even  officers  whose  terms 
had  expired  held  over,  the  Senate  declining  to  confirm  any  successors. 

In  the  midst  of  this  pressure  of  business  came  the  distressing  intel 
ligence  of  the  death  of  Seward's  only  sister,  Cornelia.  She  died  at  her 
home  in  New  Jersey,  of  a  sudden  attack  of  quinsy.  Beloved  by  all  who 
knew  her,  her  death  cast  a  gloom  over  the  household  at  Albany  and  at 
Auburn.  Writing  a  few  days  later  to  Mrs.  Seward,  he  said  : 

ALBANY,  January  \\th, 

I  begin  this  letter  with  little  hope  that  I  shall  be  suffered  to  proceed  through 
five  lines  before  I  am  called  away.  Ever  since  that  dreadful  bereavement  I  have 
been  unable  to  write.  I  could  not  write  on  that  subject,  and  it  was  treason 
against  nature  and  affection  to  write  on  any  other. 

Our  dear  sister  was  brought  to  Florida.  You  know  not  how  much  this  has 
soothed  my  grief.  Death  I  no  longer  look  upon  as  an  unmingled  evil,  and  the 
relief  of  its  circumstances  renders  it  less  horrible. 

On  the  26th  of  January  died  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  at  the  Manor- 
House  in  Albany.  He  had  been  formerly  Lieutenant-Governor,  and 
was  at  the  time  of  his  death  Chancellor  of  the  University,  President  of 
the  Canal  Board,  and  senior  major-general.  His  death  was  communi 
cated  to  the  Legislature  by  special  message  of  the  Governor,  and  both 
Houses,  with  the  State  officers,  attended  his  funeral. 

Among  other  communications  received  by  the  Governor  was  one 
making  inquiry  as  to  what  could  be  done  about  colored  seamen  in 
prison  under  the  laws  which  South  Carolina  had  now  seen  fit  to  enact 
in  reference  to  all  who  came  into  her  ports.  He  replied  : 

I  am  not  aware  that  there  could  be  any  objection  to  the  Governor's  submitting 
such  a  case,  when  it  occurs,  to  the  Legislature  of  this  State ;  and  I  certainly  agree 
with  you  that,  when  the  party  oppressed  is  unable  to  bear  the  expense  of  legal 
proceedings  to  recover  his  liberty,  the  State  ought  to  assume  the  burden. 

New  State  officers  were  now  to  be  chosen — the  terms  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  Comptroller,  Treasurer,  and  Attorney-General,  having 


1839.]  THE  STATE   OFFICERS.  393 

reached  their  expiration.  All  were  to  be  elected  by  the  Legislature. 
A  caucus  of  the  Whig  members  was  held  on  the  evening  of  the  31st  of 
January  to  nominate  these  officials,  as  well  as  a  candidate  for  United 
States  Senator.  As  the  Whigs  would  have  a  majority  on  joint  ballot 
of  the  two  Houses,  no  doubt  was  entertained  of  the  election  of  the 
caucus  nominees.  John  C.  Spencer  was  nominated  with  general  ac 
quiescence  for  Secretary  of  State,  his  talents  and  legal  ability  being 
acknowledged  on  all  hands.  Bates  Cook,  of  Niagara  County,  a  former 
member  of  Congress,  and  a  leading  Antimason  of  integrity  and  financial 
skill,  was  named  for  Comptroller,  it  being  conceded  that  the  Eighth 
District,  the  stronghold  of  the  party,  was  entitled  to  that  place.  That 
of  Treasurer  was  assigned  to  the  river  counties  ;  Jacob  Haight,  of 
Catskill,  formerly  a  "  Bucktail "  Senator,  and  subsequently  a  firm  fol 
lower  of  Adams,  was  selected.  Over  the  attorney -generalship  there 
was  a  contest  between  the  friends  of  Joshua  A.  Spencer,  of  Utica, 
Samuel  Stevens,  of  Albany,  and  Willis  Hall,  of  New  York.  The  high 
professional  standing  of  the  two  former  was  warmly  urged  in  their 
favor,  but  the  New-Yorkers  claimed  with  some  justice  that  their  locality 
was  entitled  to  one  of  the  offices,  and,  as  Mr.  Hall's  legal  learning  and 
talent  were  unquestioned,  the  nomination  was  accorded  to  him. 

Adoiiiram  Chandler  was  at  the  same  time  designated  as  candidate 
for  Commissary -General.  A  printer  by  profession,  he  had  served  in 
the  War  of  1812,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of  1838. 

Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge,  after  some  hesitation,  was  renominated  for 
United  States  Senator,  though  not  without  dissenting  voices  that 
claimed  an  original  Whig  should  be  put  in  nomination,  instead  of  one 
who  had  come  in  at  the  "  eleventh  hour."  Elected  to  his  seat  in  1833 
by  the  Jackson  men,  he  had  acted  with  that  party  until  after  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  inauguration,  when  he  broke  with  them  on  the  sub-Treasury 
issue.  Those  who  followed  him  out  of  the  Democratic  ranks  took  the 
name  of  "  Conservatives,"  and  under  his  lead  had  held  a  convention  at 
Syracuse  in  October,  at  which  they  formally  pledged  their  support  to 
Seward  and  Bradish.  In  view  of  the  effective  services  thus  rendered, 
and  his  confessed  qualifications  on  other  than  partisan  grounds,  the  ob 
jections  were  overruled,  and  he  was  nominated. 

On  the  4th  of  February  the  two  Houses,  having  gone  into  joint 
ballot,  elected  the  Whig  nominees  for  State  officers  and  Commissary- 
General.  The  next  day  was  set  down  for  the  election  of  United  States 
Senator.  The  Democrats  were  especially  hostile  to  Mr.  Tallmadge's  re 
election,  viewing  him  as  a  deserter  from  their  cause.  They  determined 
to  avail  themselves,  therefore,  of  their  control  of  the  Senate,  to  defeat 
action.  It  being  an  essential  preliminary  to  a  joint  ballot  that  each  House 
shall  first  separately  agree  upon  a  candidate,  the  eighteen  Democratic 
Senators,  instead  of  combining  their  votes,  scattered  them  so  that  no 


394  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

candidate  should  receive  a  majority.  The  thirteen  Whig  Senators,  of 
course,  voted  for  Tallmadge.  The  ingenious  plan  of  the  Democrats  once 
nearly  miscarried.  Two  of  them  having  voted  for  Samuel  Beardsley, 
the  Whigs  all  voted  for  him,  which  brought  the  Senate  within  one  vote 
of  a  choice.  Warned  by  this,  the  majority  refused  to  vote  any  further, 
and  took  the  ground  that  the  choice  ought  to  be  made  by  joint  resolu 
tion.  As  this  was  impossible,  the  election  of  Senator  was  blocked  for 
that  session. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  any  political  organization  ever  gains  by  such 
devices  to  thwart  an  opposing  majority  seeking  only  to  exercise  its  con 
stitutional  prerogatives  ;  for,  if  temporarily  successful,  they  usually 
react  upon  their  movers  with  damaging  force  at  the  next  election.  It 
was  so  in  this  case.  The  Whigs  had  an  advantage  in  being  able  to 
parade  in  the  next  campaign  a  "  senatorial  black  list  "  of  eighteen 
names  for  popular  condemnation. 

Replying  to  a  friend  who  deemed  one  of  the  newly-appointed  State 
officers  an  unwise  selection,  Seward  remarked  : 

ALBANY,  February  15th. 

The  cabinet  appointed  by  the  Legislature  is,  as  a  whole,  as  perfect  as  could 
be  expected  to  be  formed  at  once  by  any  party  coming  into  power.  Be  this  as 
it  may,  while  I  appreciate  your  motives  in  your  frank  explanation  of  your  views 
upon  this  subject  to  me,  I  am  sure  you  will  not  expect  from  me  a  discussion 
of  the  merits  of  the  appointment  in  reply.  It  was  my  duty  to  receive,  not  to 
make,  a  cabinet,  and  it  is  now  my  duty  to  secure  its  harmony  and  efficiency,  not 
to  prevent  them. 

The  cabinet  proved  an  able  and  effective  body  of  State  officers,  and 
entirely  harmonious  relations  prevailed  between  them  and  their  chief 
during  their  continuance  in  office. 

John  C.  Spencer  was  its  best  known  and  most  active  member. 
Rigid,  stern,  grave,  with  dark  hair  and  keen  eye,  his  appearance  com 
manded  respect ;  and  he  rarely  unbent  except  in  the  society  of  intimate 
friends.  By  them  he  was  esteemed  for  his  great  abilities  and  his  in 
domitable  industry  and  energy.  One  of  his  associates  said,  "  Spencer 
is  not  only  ready,  but  wants  to  do  all  his  own  work  and  all  of  every 
body  else's." 

On  the  18th  of  February  Samuel  B.  Ruggles  was  elected  by  the 
Legislature  as  Canal  Commissioner  to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the 
death  of  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer.  His  earnest  manner  and  wonderful 
memory  of  facts  and  figures  already  made  him  an  authority  on  all  canal- 
enlargement  questions,  and  he  had  a  happy  faculty  for  striking  illustra 
tions  to  adapt  mathematical  truths  to  popular  comprehension. 

There  was  hardly  a  day  in  which  the  Governor  and  Mr.  Weed  did 
not  meet.  Their  long  intimacy  and  close  political  connection  had  al 
ready  given  rise  to  the  designation  of  "  Weed  and  Seward  men,"  ap- 


1839.]  HORACE   GREELEY.  395 

plied  to  such  of  the  Whigs  as  were  supposed  to  be  especially  in  their 
confidence  and  support. 

A  story,  frequently  since  published  in  the  newspapers,  must  have 
originated  about  this  time.  It  was  to  the  effect  that  Seward  was  on 
one  occasion  riding  on  the  driver's  seat  of  a  stage-coach  to  enjoy  his 
cigar.  The  driver  casually  inquiring  his  name,  and  receiving  for  reply 
that  he  was  Governor  Seward,  thought  his  passenger  was  endeavoring 
to  hoax  him,  and  would  not  believe  it.  Finding  him  still  incredulous, 
the  Governor  offered  to  leave  it  to  the  landlord  of  the  next  tavern  to 
decide.  When  they  drove  up,  the  landlord,  a  personal  acquaintance  of 
the  Governor,  was  standing  in  the  door.  After  exchanging  salutations, 
the  question  in  dispute  was  stated,  and  Seward  said  :  "  Now  tell  him. 
Am  I  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York  or  not  ?  "  "  No,  certainly 
not  ! "  replied  the  landlord,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  driver. 
"  Who  is,  then  ?  "  queried  Seward.  "  Why,"  said  the  landlord,  "  Thur- 
low  Weed  ! " 

Though  the  incident  never  occurred,  the  story  was  so  accordant  with 
his  habit  of  riding  outside  to  smoke,  and  with  the  popular  understand 
ing  of  his  relations  with  Mr.  Weed,  that  it  was  generally  accepted  as 
true.  Seward  himself  used  laughingly  to  relate  it,  and  say  that,  though 
it  was  not  quite  true,  it  ought  to  be. 

Occasionally,  in  his  frequent  visits  at  the  Governor's  house,  Weed 
brought  with  him  a  slender,  light-haired  young  man,  stooping  and  near 
sighted,  rather  unmindful  of  forms  and  social  usages,  and  yet  singu 
larly  clear,  original,  and  decided,  in  his  political  views  and  theories. 
This  was  Horace  Greeley.  He  had  been  brought  up  to  Albany  by  Mr. 
Weed  a  year  or  so  before,  to  conduct  the  Whig  campaign  newspaper, 
published  under  the  auspices  of  the  State  Central  Committee,  and 
issued  once  a  week  from  the  Evening  Journal  office  during  the  year 
beginning  in  February,  1838,  and  ending  February,  1839.  It  was  a 
journal  of  eight  pages,  of  quarto  size,  and  began  its  career  with  the 
characteristic  declaration  that,  while  selecting  the  name  of  Jefferso- 
nian,  yet  "  in  doing  this  we  neither  seek  to  cover  any  errors  of  our 
own  beneath  the  mantle  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  nor  to  represent  him  as  es 
pecially  the  god  of  our  idolatry.  We  detest  man-worship  in  all  its 
forms  and  under  all  its  devices.  Error  would  find  no  shield  from  our 
opposition  even  under  the  great  name  of  Thomas  Jefferson." 

The  Jeffersonian  was  devoted  to  politics,  and  gave  what  no  other 
paper  at  that  time  sought  to  give,  an  accurate  r'esum'e  of  political  intelli 
gence.  The  editor,  with  the  indefatigable  industry  that  marked  his  char 
acter,  used  to  pass  one  or  two  days  of  each  week  at  Albany  to  make  up 
the  Jeffersonian,  and  the  remainder  in  the  larger  city,  where  he  was 
publishing  the  New  -  Yorker,  making  the  trip  between  his  two  fields  of 
duty  by  the  night-boat.  The  Jeffersonian  and  the  New  -  Yorker  were 


396  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

favorite  journals  in  Whig  families — the  one  for  its  vigorous  essays 
and  political  statistics,  the  other  for  its  admirable  literary  taste.  The 
editor  was  regarded  by  his  friends  as  having  great  ability,  great  in 
dustry,  much  eccentricity,  honesty,  and  singleness  of  purpose,  and  no 
political  ambition  save  in  his  profession. 

Much  interest  had  now  been  excited  by  the  debate  in  Congress  over 
the  "  Atherton  gag  "  and  its  adoption  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
in  December.  This  was  a  rule  imposed  by  a  Democratic  caucus,  and  pro 
viding  that  every  "  petition,  memorial,  resolution,  proposition,  or  paper, 
touching  or  relating  in  any  way  or  to  any  extent  whatever  to  slavery, 
or  the  abolition  thereof,  shall,  on  presentation,  without  any  further 
action  thereon,  be  laid  upon  the  table  without  being  debated,  printed^ 
or  referred."  It  was  an  impolitic  step  for  the  Democratic  party.  Mr. 
Clay,  speaking  in  the  interest  of  the  slaveholding  States,  counseled 
that  it  would  be  wise  to  receive  and  consider,  and  then,  if  need  be,, 
refuse  the  prayers  of  petitioners,  rather  than  provoke  a  popular  issue 
by  denying  the  right  of  petition.  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  followers,  how 
ever,  prevailed,  and  the  right  of  petition  became  an  issue  between  the 
Whigs  and  Democrats  in  the  Northern  States. 

The  Assembly  of  New  York  promptly  adopted  resolutions  denoun 
cing  the  "  Atherton  gag  "  as  a  violation  of  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  people  of  the  States,  protesting  against  its  continuance,  and  de 
manding  its  repeal. 

An  incident  of  the  debate  at  Washington  had  a  dramatic  interest, 
and  strongly  impressed  the  popular  mind.  A  chained  slave-gang,  by 
accident  or  design,  was  driven  past  the  Capitol  while  the  antislavery 
debate  was  in  progress  ;  and  a  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Slade,  of  Ver 
mont,  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  such  a  spectacle,  was  decided  to 
come  under  the  provisions  of  the  "  Atherton  gag,"  and  to  be  therefore 
inadmissible. 

Not  less  dramatic  was  the  sight  of  the  venerable  white-haired  ex- 
President,  John  Quincy  Adams,  who  now,  on  the  floor  of  the  House, 
"  in  season  and  out  of  season,"  was  leading,  animating,  and  encourag 
ing  the  supporters  of  the  right  of  petition  throughout  this  long  and 
stormy  debate.  It  was  during  its  progress  that  he  startled  his  hearers 
with  the  declaration  that,  in  case  of  war,  the  Government  would  have 
power  to  abolish  slavery,  in  order  that  the  nation  might  be  saved — a 
doctrine  so  alarming  that  barely  half  a  dozen  men  in  the  Chamber 
would  avow  agreement  in  it. 

The  geological  survey  of  the  State,  already  commenced,  found  an 
earnest  friend  in  the  new  Governor.  In  a  message  to  the  Legislature 
in  February,  he  communicated  the  progress  and  condition  of  the  work, 
and  the  reports  of  the  several  scientific  men  who  had  been  employed. 
He  remarked,  "  It  affords  me  great  pleasure  to  bear  my  testimony  to 


J83(».]  THE   STATE   GEOLOGICAL   HALL.  ;,'.»7 

the  ability  and  fidelity  with  which  the  duties  of  these  persons  have 
been  discharged  ; "  and  predicted  that  the  "  geological  survey  will 
abundantly  repay  the  munificence  of  the  State  by  numerous  and  lasting 
benefits."  He  suggested  that  suitable  arrangements  should  be  made 
for  the  preservation  and  exhibition  of  the  collection  of  specimens,  as 
the  whole  would  form  "  a  museum  of  the  highest  interest." 

His  sympathy  in  the  work  was  not  limited  to  his  public  messages, 
but  was  manifested  in  a  cordial  and  hearty  cooperation  with  the  sa 
vants  in  their  labors.  He  invited  them  to  his  house  for  frequent  con 
sultations,  severally  or  collectively,  audited  and  facilitated  their  ac 
counts,  advised  as  to  the  preparation  of  their  work  for  publication, 
and  promised  to  prepare  an  introduction  to  it — a  promise  afterward 
fulfilled  by  his  "  Notes  on  New  York."  The  geological  survey  was 
more  than  its  name  implied,  for  it  extended  as  well  to  other  branches 
of  natural  science.  The  State  was  divided  into  four  districts.  The 
geological  examination  of  the  first  was  assigned  to  Wm.  W.  Mather ; 
of  the  second  to  E.  Emmons  ;  of  the  third  to  Lardner  Vanuxem  ;  of 
the  fourth  to  James  Hall.  Dr.  Lewis  C.  Beck  was  to  prepare  a  re 
port  on  the  mineralogy  of  the  State  ;  Dr.  James  E.  DeKay  one  on  its 
zoo'logy  and  ornithology ;  John  Torrey  one  on  the  botany  ;  and  Tim 
othy  A.  Conrad  one  on  the  paleontology.  A  couple  of  draughtsmen 
were  employed  at  intervals  to  assist  in  sketching  animals,  plants,  and 
fossils.  This  was  the  working  force  to  whom  the  world  is  indebted  for 
the  elaborate  and  exhaustive  series  of  volumes  on  the  "  Natural  History 
of  New  York."  And  the  services  these  scientific  gentlemen  rendered 
were  compensated  at  a  rate  considerably  less  for  each  than  the  wages 
of  a  day-laborer  nowadays.  The  act  authorizing  the  survey  appro 
priated  only  twenty-six  thousand  dollars  per  annum  during  four  years, 
and  even  the  whole  of  this  was  not  used. 

The  survey  originated  in  a  desire  to  explore  the  mountains  of  the 
State  for  coal.  It  dispelled  all  the  illusive  hopes  that  a  supply  of  that 
mineral  existed  in  New  York.  But  it  resulted  in  a  thorough  examina 
tion  and  compilation  of  facts  in  regard  to  the  natural  history  of  the  State 
in  all  its  phases. 

There  was  on  the  corner  of  State  and  Lodge  Streets,  in  Albany,  a 
massive  old  yellow-brick  building  erected  many  years  previous,  and 
occupied  by  the  State  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their  official  functions. 
The  new  cabinet  were  installed  in  this  ;  but,  before  the  expiration  of 
their  terms,  the  more  modern  and  commodious  State-Hall,  on  Eagle 
Street,  was  completed  and  ready  for  their  accommodation.  The  old 
building  was  then  taken  as  a  repository  for  the  collection  of  zoological 
and  geological  specimens.  It  was  used  for  that  purpose  for  several 
years,  until  it  was  finally  torn  down  and  replaced  by  a  larger  structure 
devoted  to  the  same  object. 


398  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

There  was  another  building  in  Albany,  however,  which  at  this  time 
was  the  subject  of  much  greater  political  interest.  This  was  the  cele 
brated  "  Three-walled  House." 

The  Legislature  of  1837  had  passed  a  law  authorizing  the  purchase 
of  a  suitable  Executive  mansion,  and  appropriating  therefor  twenty- 
thousand  dollars.  Mr.  Edwin  Croswell,  editor  of  the  Argus,  and  a 
leader  of  the  Democratic  party,  had  held  for  fifteen  years  the  position 
of  State  Printer  ;  which,  it  was  alleged  by  his  Whig  opponents,  brought 
him  an  annual  income  from  the  State  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand  dol 
lars.  Though  these  figures  were  exaggerated,  yet  the  place  was  one 
whose  value  and  importance  rendered  it  a  subject  of  warm  contest 
between  the  two  parties.  The  Whigs  wanted  the  State  Printer,  and 
proposed  to  limit  the  office  to  a  fixed  term  of  years.  In  this  they 
were  unsuccessful,  having  control  only  of  the  Assembly,  and  the  Demo 
crats  in  the  Senate  were  able  to  defeat  any  law  looking  to  Croswell's 
removal.  It  was  charged  in  the  Whig  newspapers  that,  through  his 
agency,  the  State  had  been  induced  to  purchase  for  an  Executive  man 
sion,  at  a  cost  of  nineteen  thousand  dollars,  a  house  owned  by  him 
— one  of  a  row  of  dwellings  opposite  Academy  Park,  which  proved 
to  have  been  built  against  the  adjoining  one  without  an  additional 
party-wall.  It  was  claimed  that  better  houses  were  offered  to  the  com 
mittee  at  lower  prices.  As  the  block  in  which  it  stood  contained  the 
residences  of  several  of  the  Democratic  magnates,  it  received  the  nick 
name  of  "  Regency  Row." 

Endless  were  the  jokes  and  ridicule  about  this  "  Three-walled 
House."  One  will  suffice  as  a  specimen  : 

"  This  is  the  house  the  State  bought ; 

These  are  the  people  all  tattered  and  torn, 

The  '  cobblers  and  tinkers,'  once  held  up  to  scorn, 

Who  turned  out  the  '  Regency '  all  forlorn, 

Who  had  fattened  so  long  upon  the  corn, 

In  league  with  the  man  all  shaven  and  shorn, 

With  curls  and  cane  so  daintily  worn, 

Who  fingered  the  cash,  being  five  thousand  more, 

For  three  walls  only,  than  would  have  bought  four, 

Which  was  paid  for  the  house  the  State  bought." 

The  old  St.  Peter's  Episcopal  Church  was  still  standing  on  the 
northwest  corner  of  State  and  Lodge  Streets.  Its  congregation  with 
pardonable  pride  traced  its  origin  back  to  the  days  of  Queen  Anne,  and 
treasured  with  care  the  old  communion  service  which  she  had  bestowed 
upon  it  when  it  was  yet  a  missionary  station  among  the  Indians,  as 
well  as  the  tinkling  bell  sent  over  from  England  to  summon  the  little 
congregation  to  worship.  Grown  now  numerous  and  wealthy,  they 
had  called  the  Rev.  Horatio  Potter  to  be  its  rector.  Governor  Seward 
and  his  family  attended  there  during  his  residence  in  Albany. 


1839.]  THE   NORTHEAST   BOUNDARY   QUESTION.  399 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Potter  at  this  time  was  still  youthful,  tall,  thin,  with 
the  paleness  even  of  an  ascetic.  His  exceedingly  grave  and  earnest 
manner  rendered  his  sermons  solemn,  impressive,  and  often  pathetic. 
Yet  in  conversation  he  was  always  genial,  gentle,  and  humorous. 

The  Typographical  Society  of  Albany  invited  the  Governor  to 
their  anniversary  supper  in  March.  In  acknowledging  the  toast  in  his 
honor,  he  remarked  : 

Whatever  we  possess  of  philosophy,  of  literature,  of  liberty,  and  religion, 
seems,  if  not  to  have  been  produced,  at  least  to  have  been  diffused  among  all  our 
people  by  the  art  of  printing.  It  is  a  law  of  our  condition  that  we  are  constantly 
employing,  for  temporary  ends  and  immediate  advantage,  agents  whose  powers 
are  yet  but  partially  known,  and  whose  results  will  astonish  future  ages.  Of  no 
agent  is  this  more  true  than  of  the  press. 

There  had  long  been  an  unsettled  question  as  to  our  northeastern 
boundary,  involving  a  piece  of  territory  in  dispute  between  Maine  and 
New  Brunswick.  As  it  was,  for  the  most  part,  uninhabited  forest,  no 
serious  complication  had  grown  out  of  it,  until  a  party  of  lumber-men 
from  New  Brunswick  commenced  cutting  trees  there.  The  Maine  au 
thorities  sent  out  a  land  agent  to  disperse  these  trespassers,  but  the 
trespassers  captured  the  land  agent.  The  Governor  of  Maine  called 
out  the  militia  to  march  to  the  disputed  territory,  and  redress  the 
grievance.  The  Governor  of  New  Brunswick  ordered  out  troops  to 
repel  this  invasion.  Prisoners  were  reported  to  have  been  captured  on 
both  sides,  and  lodged  in  jail.  Great  excitement  arose  in  Maine,  and 
spread  to  other  States,  especially  those  on  the  northern  border.  Con 
gress,  before  its  adjournment  on  the  4th  of  March,  enacted  provisions 
of  law,  giving  the  President  additional  powers  for  public  defense,  and 
authorizing  the  appointment  of  a  special  minister  to  treat  with  Great 
Britain.  In  view  of  these  circumstances,  Governor  Seward  sent  a 
special  message  to  the  Legislature,  saying  that,  while  abstaining  from 
interference  with  the  duties  of  the  Federal  Government,  there  never 
theless  were  occasions  when  the  States  should  make  known  "  that  we 
are  a  united  people,  jealous  of  our  sovereignty,  and  determined  to 
resist  aggressions  upon  the  rights  or  territory  of  the  Union."  In  the 
present  emergency  he,  therefore,  recommended  an  expression  of  appro 
val  of  the  measures  adopted  by  Congress,  and  of  concurrence  in  the 
policy  of  the  General  Government. 

The  message  was  referred  to  a  special  committee  in  the  Assembly. 
Although  the  proposed  action  was  calculated  to  strengthen  the  hands 
of  the  national  Administration,  yet  there  were  some  members  of  its 
party  who  exhibited  a  preference  for  resolutions  savoring  more  of 
"  State  rights,"  denouncing  the  New-Brunswickers,  expressing  sym 
pathy  with  Maine,  and  proposing  to  make  common  cause  with  her. 


400  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

Ultimately,  however,  resolutions  concurring  in  the  sentiments  of  the 
Governor's  message  were  agreed  to  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  Assem 
bly,  and  transmitted  to  President  Van  Buren.  Under  the  judicious 
action  and  advice  of  the  respective  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  the  provincial  troops  and  State  militia  were  recalled 
from  the  scene,  the  prisoners  released,  and  so  the  war-cloud  blew  over, 
and  the  question  of  disputed  boundary  was  remitted  to  its  proper 
sphere  of  diplomatic  negotiation. 

The  official  titles  of  the  Governor  of  New  York  were,  "  Governor 
of  our  said  State,  General  and  Commander- in-Chief  of  all  the  Militia, 
and  Admiral  of  the  Navy  thereof."  The  popular  contempt  into  which 
the  State  militia  had  fallen,  and  the  fact  that  the  navy  never  existed, 
had  made  these  titles  subjects  of  more  mirth  than  respect.  A  story 
was  current  that  Governor  Tompkins  once  was  out  with  a  fisherman  in 
a  sail-boat,  in  New  York  harbor,  when  they  encountered  a  sudden 
squall.  The  fisherman  hastily  stepped  forward  to  lower  the  sail,  calling 
to  Governor  Tompkins,  as  he  did  so,  "  Quick,  put  the  helm  a-star- 
board  !  "  The  Governor,  hesitating,  called  out,  "  Which  way  is  star 
board?"  The  astounded  fisherman  stopped  short,  ejaculating  with 
indignant  surprise,  "  Gosh  !  Are  you  admiral  of  the  navy  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  and  don't  know  the  starboard  side  of  a  clam-boat  ?  " 

The  renewal  of  interest  in  the  militia  system  and  the  reforms  in  its 
discipline,  due  in  a  considerable  degree  to  Seward's  efforts  in  that  direc 
tion,  had  relieved  the  reputation  of  that  branch  of  the  service,  and 
brought  it  into  higher  esteem.  Uniformed  companies,  armed,  equipped, 
and  drilled  in  accordance  with  regulation  standards,  were  now  numerous. 

Many  Canadian  frontier  troubles  had  grown  out  of  the  "  Patriot 
War."  Various  raids,  more  or  less  successful,  had  been  attempted 
by  the  "  Patriots "  during  1838.  One  party  had  boarded  a  British 
steamer,  lying  at  an  American  wharf  on  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  and, 
doubtless  in  retaliation  for  the  Caroline  affair,  had  robbed  and  set 
fire  to  the  boat.  Another  party  had  surprised  and  captured  a  troop  of 
Canadian  cavalry.  In  November,  five  hundred  men  with  cannon  had 
crossed  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  attacked  the  town  of  Prescott,  and,  when 
repulsed,  had  taken  shelter  in  a  windmill,  where  they  were  surrounded, 
several  killed  and  wounded,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  captured.  Still 
another  party  of  four  hundred  had  landed  at  Sandwich,  Upper  Canada, 
burnt  a  steamboat,  and  set  fire  to  barracks,  but  were  routed,  and  many 
were  taken  prisoners.  Another  proclamation  was  now  issued  by  the 
President,  warning  the  persons  engaged  in  these  raids  that  they  must 
not  expect  any  interference  of  the  Government  in  their  behalf.  The 
Canadians,  who  had  been  expected  to  rise  and  join  the  misguided  in 
vaders,  rose  only  to  repel  them.  Many  had  been  captured,  some  exe 
cuted,  and  others  transported  to  the  penal  colonies. 


1839.]  "PATRIOT11   RAIDS  IN   CANADA.  401 

The  popular  sympathy,  which  was  actively  excited  by  their  punish 
ment,  however  deserved  it  might  be,  gave  rise  to  apprehensions  of  new 
outbreaks.  Seward  was  called  upon,  during  the  early  months  of  his 
administration,  for  the  exercise  both  of  his  civil  and  military  functions 
in  regard  to  them. 

He  communicated  to  President  Van  Buren  information  received 
from  Major-General  St.  John  B.  L.  Skinner,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
New  York  militia  at  Plattsburg,  of  outrages  committed  at  Alburg, 
Vermont,  and  at  Rouse's  Point,  and  requested  information  in  regard  to 
the  rumored  withdrawal  of  United  States  troops  from  that  region. 
There  came  an  answer  from  the  Secretary  of  War  (Joel  R.  Poinsett), 
saying  : 

I  beg  to  assure  your  Excellency  that  this  department  entertains  no  such  inten 
tion.  The  troops  of  the  United  States  now  there  will  not  be  withdrawn  from 
the  Canada  frontier  in  any  event.  Their  presence  and  unremitting  exertions  to 
preserve  the  public  peace  will,  however,  be  unavailing,  unless  aided  by  the  efforts 
of  those  who  have  it  in  their  power  to  exert  a  salutary  influence  over  public 
opinion  on  that  border.  The  President  is  fully  aware  of  the  great  importance 
of  your  Excellency's  aid  in  maintaining  the  good  faith  of  the  Government,  and 
relies  with  confidence  on  your  cooperation. 

To  this  Seward  replied  : 

Sincerely  desirous  of  preserving  the  relations  of  peace  and  harmony  so  indis 
pensable  to  the  prosperity  of  this  State  and  the  whole  country,  no  duty  resting 
on  me  in  that  respect  will  be  omitted. 

In  another  communication  he  asked  that  the  officers  of  the  United 
States  might  be  directed  to  give  him  the  earliest  information  of  any 
conjunction  which  should  seem  to  render  it  expedient  that  arms  should 
be  furnished  to  the  militia.  Poinsett's  answer  was  a  promise  of  imme 
diate  compliance,  and  the  army  officers  were  instructed  accordingly. 
An  active  correspondence  at  once  began  between  those  officers  and 
Governor  Seward  and  his  Adjutant-General,  Rufus  King.  Colonel 
Worth,  who  was  then  in  command  of  the  United  States  troops  on  the 
frontier,  reported  the  force  subject  to  his  orders  and  their  disposition, 
and  suggested  the  propriety  of  placing  a  portion  of  the  State  arms  in 
charge  of  the  United  States  garrisons,  to  be  issued  to  the  militia.  The 
suggestion  was  at  once  complied  with  :  three  thousand  stand  of  arms 
were  sent  to  Vergennes,  three  thousand  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  three 
thousand  to  Fort  Niagara. 

The  measures  thus   taken  were  effective.      If   any  further  move 
ments  had  been  contemplated  by  the  misguided  "  Patriots,"  they  were 
.seen  to  be  hopeless,  in  view  of  the   combined  action  of  the  State  and 
Federal  Governments. 
26 


402  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839, 

The  next  step  to  be  taken  was  one  of  humanity — an  effort  to  save 
some  of  the  victims  from  the  consequences  of  their  own  folly.  To  this 
Seward  now  addressed  himself,  and  ultimately  the  Canadian  authorities 
acceded  to  his  representations.  The  Provincial  Secretary  of  Upper 
Canada  wrote  to  the  New  York  Secretary  of  State  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that,  on  the  receipt  of  your  answer  to  my 
communication,  in  which  you  so  forcibly  express,  on  the  part  of  Governor  Sew 
ard,  the  high  value  which  his  Excellency  attaches  to  the  act  of  clemency  in 
tended  to  be  exercised  toward  the  younger  portion  of  the  banditti  captured  in 
the  recent  attempt  to  invade  this  province,  his  Excellency,  Sir  George  Arthur^ 
instantly  determined  to  carry  that  merciful  measure  into  immediate  operation. 
...  I  am  accordingly  instructed  to  acquaint  you,  for  the  information  of  Gov 
ernor  Seward,  that  orders  have  already  been  issued  to  the  sheriffs  for  the  libera 
tion  of  all  whose  names  were  transmitted  on  the  28th. 

Some  of  the  unfortunate  men  had  been  transported  to  Australia. 
Efforts  were  made  by  Seward  in  their  behalf  also.  He  wrote,  among 
others,  to  Joseph  Hume,  then  a  member  of  Parliament,  whose  acquaint 
ance  he  had  made  in  London,  in  1833.  He  remarked  in  regard  to  one  : 

Among  the  unfortunate  individuals  who  were  made  prisoners  in  Upper  Can 
ada,  and  are  now  in  Newgate,  is  one  named  Linus  W.  Miller.  He  has  written 
to  his  parents  desiring  to  be  furnished  with  letters  certifying  his  reputation  and 
circumstances  at  home.  They  have  applied  to  me  for  that  purpose.  Your  name 
is  so  well  known  in  this  country,  as  a  friend  of  liberty  and  a  philanthropist,  that 
I  have  not  hesitated  to  solicit  your  counsel  and  sympathy  for  the  unhappy  young 
man. 

The  letter  then  proceeded  with  further  details  about  Miller,  who 
was  a  young  lawyer  from  Chautauqua  County.  The  interposition  in 
his  behalf  was  effective,  but  not  until  after  he  had  reached  Australia. 
He  returned  home,  and  subsequently  published  a  volume  descriptive  of 
convict-life  in  Australia. 

The  first  veto  of  a  chief  magistrate  is  apt  to  be  a  subject  of  some 
solicitude,  as  he  is  usually  accused  of  throwing  down  the  gage  of  battle 
for  a  controversy  with  the  legislative  body.  Seward's  first  veto,  how 
ever,  was  not  of  this  sort ;  but  was  to  no  one  more  acceptable  than  to 
the  originators  of  the  bill.  In  the  haste  of  preparing  and  passing  a 
law  for  a  turnpike-road,  they  had  forgotten  to  state  where  the  road  was 
to  commence,  or  whither  it  was  to  go  !  When  the  bill  was  laid  before 
the  Governor  for  his  signature,  he  discovered  that,  though  it  secured  to 
the  corporators  the  right  of  taking  toll  on  the  road  when  made,  it  did 
not  secure  the  right  of  making  it  anywhere  in  particular.  He  returned 
it  with  these  objections ;  and  the  Legislature  amended  it  accordingly  so 
as  to  give  the  Masonville  Turnpike  "  a  local  habitation  and  a  name." 

The  business  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  had  so  largely  increased 


1839.}  A   LEGISLATIVE   DEAD-LOCK.  403 

that  a  law  was  passed,  in  March,  1839,  authorizing  the  appointment  of 
a  Vice-Chancellor  in  the  Eighth  District,  and  an  assistant  Vice-Chan 
cellor  in  the  First.  In  April  Murray  Hoffman  was  nominated  for  the 
place  in  the  First  District,  and  Frederick  Whittlesey  for  that  in  the 
Eighth. 

Although  much  time  was  spent  in  each  branch  of  the  Legislature, 
in  the  discussion  of  internal  improvements,  no  important  results  were 
achieved,  owing  to  the  dead-lock  between  the  Senate  and  Assembly. 
The  Whigs  claimed,  and  believed  they  had  proved,  that  steady  increase 
of  canal-tolls  would  pour  back  into  the  coffers  of  the  State  all  the 
money  expended  upon  the  enlargement.  The  Democrats  denied  that 
this  was  proved,  and  charged  the  Whigs  with  attempting  to  saddle  a 
"  forty-million  debt  "  on  the  State.  The  Whigs  said  no  burden  was  to 
be  imposed  on  the  tax-payers,  while  the  Democrats  insisted  that,  if  the 
expenditures  were  persisted  in,  the  money  would  have  to  come  out  of 
the  tax-payers'  pockets.  Accepting  the  recommendations  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  and  the  expositions  of  an  able  report  by  Gulian  C.  Verplanck, 
in  the  Senate,  the  Whigs  had  passed  through  the  Assembly  laws  look 
ing  to  the  prosecution  of  the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Canal,  the  con 
struction  of  the  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad,  and  other  similar  projects. 

But  these  measures,  on  reaching  the  Senate,  were  promptly  defeated 
or  laid  on  the  table,  by  the  majority  in  that  body,  who  were  fortified  in 
their  position  by  the  report  of  Comptroller  Flagg,  on  his  retirement 
from  office,  which  showed  that  the  work  on  the  enlargement,  compar 
ing  the  present  calculation  of  the  commissioners  with  the  loose  esti 
mates  formerly  made,  would  cost  ten  or  twelve  millions  more  than  had 
been  contemplated. 

Colonel  Young,  who  led  the  opposition  to  internal  improvements,  as 
he  had  that  to  banks,  declared,  with  evident  sincerity  as  well  as  con 
sistency,  that  "  bank -paper  is  a  stupendous  system  of  fraud,  falsehood, 
crime,  and  suffering  ; "  that  "  the  system  of  internal  improvements  is  a 
system  of  utter  folly,  absurdity,  and  wickedness  ;  "  and  remarked  that 
"  the  Pyramids  of  Egypt  possessed  one  advantage  "  over  our  internal 
improvements,  because  it  would  cost  no  further  sacrifice  to  keep  them 
in  repair;  "  and  so  they  would  not  impose  a  perpetual  tax,  like  profli 
gate  railroads  and  pauper  canals." 

When  the  Democrats,  in  their  turn,  introduced  measures  to  reduce 
the  size  and  cost  of  the  canal  enlargement,  they  encountered  the  same 
dead-lock,  preventing  them  from  making  any  progress,  except  in  the 
Senate. 

This  antagonism  between  the  two  Houses  extended  to  all  other 
political  questions.  Of  the  various  measures  which  the  Governor  had 
recommended,  only  the  "  Small-Bill  Law,"  the  partial  curtailment  of 
fees  of  clerks  of  court,  and  a  few  provisions  in  aid  of  common  schools 


4:04  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

and  the  purity  of  elections,  were  able  to  pass  the  ordeal  of  the  Senate. 
The  other  legal  reforms,  the  changes  in  the  terms  of  officers,  the  reduc 
tion  of  patronage,  the  improvement  of  prison  discipline,  the  bill  to 
secure  trial  by  jury  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  the  resolution  for  the  divis 
ion  of  the  surplus  revenue,  all  had  a  hearty  support  by  the  Assembly, 
but  all  came  to  naught  in  the  Senate. 

So  in  regard  to  appointments  :  the  Senate  refused  to  confirm  the 
Governor's  nominations,  even  where  the  terms  of  incumbents  had  ex 
pired,  and  the  Whigs,  who  had  anticipated  a  lavish  distribution  of 
patronage,  were  balked  by  the  tantalizing  spectacle  of  the  Democratic 
office-holders  still  remaining  in  place.  This,  however  annoying  to  indi 
viduals,  was  on  the  whole  an  advantage  to  the  party  ;  for  it  is  the 
hope  of  patronage,  rather  than  the  possession  of  it,  that  conduces  to 
party  strength. 

One  of  the  removals  from  office  proposed  by  the  Governor,  and 
shown  by  special  message  to  the  Legislature  to  be  needed,  was  that  of 
the  inspectors  of  Sing  Sing  Prison,  who  had  been  shown,  by  a  legis 
lative  investigation,  to  be  lax  in  their  supervision,  and  to  have  per 
mitted  cruelty  and  inhumanity  in  the  discipline  of  the  prison,  result 
ing,  in  some  cases,  in  the  death  of  convicts.  In  his  message  the  Gov 
ernor  said  : 

It  is  quite  certain  that  such  inhumanity  was  never  contemplated  by  the 
founders  of  our  penitentiary  system,  nor  has  it  been  generally  known  by  the 
people  that  it  was  practised. 

If  our  system  of  imprisonment  with  silent  dormitories  and  social  labor  cannot 
be  maintained  without  the  infliction  of  such  punishments  as  are  disclosed  by  this 
report,  then  it  was  established  in  error,  and  it  ought  to  be  immediately  aban 
doned.  But  such  is  not  the  case.  Human  nature  has  some  generous  and  virtu 
ous  motives  left  in  its  most  depraved  condition.  Equality  and  justness,  kindness 
and  gentleness,  combined  with  firmness  of  temper,  would,  with  very  few  excep 
tions,  secure  the  cheerful  obedience  of  even  the  tenants  of  our  State-prisons.  .  .  . 
There  is  a  constant  tendency  among  those  who  are  invested  with  power  over 
their  fellow-men  to  exercise  that  power  capriciously  and  tyrannically. 

Among  the  vexatious  cases  arising  under  the  refusal  of  the  Senate 
to  act  upon  nominations  was  that  of  the  judges  in  Fulton  and  Mont 
gomery  Counties.  The  new  county  of  Fulton  had  been  set  off  from 
Montgomery,  and  in  it  resided  the  judges  nominated  by  Governor 
Marcy,  though  not  yet  confirmed.  The  Senate  would  confirm  no  new 
nomination  by  Governor  Seward  for  Fulton,  and  the  judges  declined 
to  act  in  Montgomery,  though  they  would  not  resign  their  commissions, 
as  this  would  enable  the  Governor  to  fill  the  vacancies.  By  this  dead 
lock  both  counties  were  left  that  year  without  county  courts. 

The  law  for  school-district  libraries  was  passed  in  April.  The  law 
of  the  previous  year  had  appropriated  fifty-five  thousand  dollars,  and 


1839.]  FOREIGN-BORN   CITIZENS. 

fifty-five  thousand  dollars  more  were  raised  by  the  counties.  By  the 
act  of  this  year  the  trustees  of  each  district  were  authorized  either  to 
purchase  themselves  such  books  as  they  deemed  suitable,  or  to  request 
the  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools  to  select  the  library  for  them. 
On  the  18th  of  April  occurred  the  semi-centennial  anniversary  of 
Washington's  inauguration  as  President.  The  New  York  Historical 
Society  held  a  celebration  of  the  day,  and  invited  ex-President  Adams 
to  be  their  orator.  Regretting  his  inability  to  be  present,  Seward 
wrote  them  : 

The  fame  of  Washington  can  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished ;  but  his 
principles  may  be  more  deeply  impressed  upon  the  nation.  The  celebration  you 
propose  is  among  the  means  of  reviewing  our  original  Constitution  or  of  drawing 
the  Constitution  back  to  its  first  principles. 

On  Saturday  night,  April  20th,  a  bright  blaze  in  the  direction  of 
the  river  betokened  a  fire,  which  had  broken  out  in  a  stable  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  city.  It  soon  spread  into  a  disastrous  conflagra 
tion,  destroying  the  Methodist  Church  on  Herkimer  Street,  and  shops 
and  dwellings  throughout  an  area  of  two  acres.  Numbers  of  poor 
families,  thus  suddenly  turned  out  of  their  homes,  sought  refuge  at  the 
Governor's,  who  with  his  household  spent  that  night  and  the  following 
day  in  finding  them  shelter  and  food,  and  in  making  search  for  lost 
children  who  had  'become  separated  from  their  parents  in  the  panic. 

Of  course,  Seward's  views  in  regard  to  foreigners  gave  rise  to  much 
discussion,  lasting  throughout  his  administration,  if  not  throughout 
his  life.  Most  men  are  patriotic,  but  patriotism  by  many  is  held  to 
include  a  large  degree  of  prejudice  against  other  nations.  Seward's 
philosophy  about  foreign  citizens  was  difficult  for  them  to  comprehend. 
Many  of  his  opponents  really  believed  him  an  artful  demagogue  seeking 
to  cajole  foreign  votes  by  flattery.  It  was  not  half  so  ingenious  a 
scheme  as  they  supposed.  One  simple  leading  idea  governed  the  whole 
of  it.  This  was,  that  the  American  na  ion,  having  been  born  of  Euro 
pean  immigrants  and  their  descendants,  would  probably  continue  to 
grow  and  thrive  by  increase  of  the  elements  to  which  it  owed  its  origin. 
It  seemed  to  him,  therefore,  the  duty  of  a  statesman  to  accept  the 
fact  as  he  found  it,  and  to  endeavor,  by  the  influence  of  republican 
education,  to  fit  the  people,  who  are  certain  to  come,  for  the  respon 
sibilities  they  are  certain  to  have.  His  answers  to  the  various  letters 
addressed  to  him  by  representatives  of  different  nationalities  about  this 
period  illustrate  his  habits  of  thought  in  this  regard. 

To  a  German  association,  who  informed  him  of  his  election  as  an 
honorary  member,  he  wrote  : 

I  trust  that  the  labors  of  your  society  may  be  eminently  beneficial  m  con 
tributing  to  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  German  immigrants  who  seek  the 


406  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

advantages  afforded  by  the  free  institutions  of  our  country.  Such  associations 
may  be  very  useful,  not  only  in  maintaining  those  institutions  in  this  country, 
but  in  diffusing  the  knowledge  of  democratic  principles  in  Europe. 

To  the  Scotchmen  inviting  him  to  attend  a  St.  Andrew's  day  supper 
he  said  : 

I  owe  a  debt  for  Scottish  hospitality,  which  I  should  be  most  happy  to  ac 
knowledge  at  your  festival.  I  honor  your  countrymen,  alike  for  the  enterprise 
which  leads  them  to  seek  the  advantages  of  fortune  in  other  lands,  and  for  the 
veneration  for  their  native  country,  to  cherish  which  is  one  of  the  objects  of 
your  association. 

To  the  descendants  of  the  Dutch  settlers,  inviting  him  to  a  feast  in 
honor  of  St.  Nicholas,  he  said  : 

The  assiduity,  the  love  of  peace,  of  order,  of  justice  and  equality,  and  the 
devotion  to  religion  of  the  Dutch  colonists  of  this  State,  were  invaluable  elements 
in  forming  the  character  and  manners  of  a  republican  people.  The  history  of  the 
Netherlands  is  full  of  instruction  to  mankind.  Holland  has  been  the  rival  of  the 
greatest  states  in  arts  and  arms.  She  was  fortunate  in  the  proud  distinction 
she  attained,  and  more  fortunate  in  her  failure  to  obtain  complete  superiority. 

To  the  Englishmen  inviting  him  to  the  celebration  of  St.  George's 
day  he  replied  : 

Be  pleased  to  express  to  the  society  my  acknowledgments  for  this  mark  of 
their  respect  and  kindness,  and  my  sincere  congratulations  upon  the  prospect  of 
a  continuance  of  the  relations  of  peace  and  friendship  between  America  and 
England — relations  indispensable  alike  to  the  prosperity  of  both  countries,  and 
to  the  general  improvement  of  the  condition  of  mankind. 

To  the  Irishmen  he  said  : 

As  our  forefathers  have  done  before  us,  so  would  I  freely  admit  the  people 
of  all  countries,  and  thus  increase  the  moral  and  physical  strength  of  our  new 
and  growing  country.  I  would  provide,  as  they  did,  for  the  security  of  repub 
lican  institutions,  and  the  ascendency  of  republican  principles ;  not  by  imposing 
new  prohibitions  upon  any  class  of  citizens,  but  by  establishing  institutions  for 
universal  education.  I  would  plant  free  schools  in  the  city,  accessible  to  the 
children  of  the  most  humble ;  and  I  would  open  their  doors  by  the  sides  of  our 
railroads  and  canals.  This  is  an  adequate,  and  will  prove  to  be  the  only,  safe 
guard  of  liberty. 

To  adopted  citizens  in  Philadelphia,  of  various  nationalities,  he 
wrote  : 

It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  enough  of  national  interest,  of  national  ambition, 
and  of  national  pride,  in  this  country,  to  enable  us  to  banish  all  sectional  feelings 
and  all  hereditary  prejudices.  I  feel  that  I  cannot  err  in  inculcating  philan- 


1839.]  THE   BIBLE.  407 

thropy  even  broader  than  patriotism,  and  a  love  of  liberty  as  comprehensive  as 
human  society. 

News  now  came  from  Auburn  that  at  the  town-meeting  this  spring 
the  village  had  given  a  Whig  majority  of  353.  This  marked  the 
transition  from  the  time  when  it  was  a  stronghold  of  "  Jackson  "  senti 
ments  to  the  period  during  which  it  adopted  those  advocated  by  Sew- 
ard — a  period  thenceforth  continuing  for  thirty  years. 


CHAPTER  XXILL 
1839. 

A  Levee  in  New  York.— The  Bible.— Habits  of  the  Letter-Basket.— J.  P.  Kennedy.— Hamil 
ton. — First  Diplomatic  Question. — A  Canal- Journey. — Visit  to  the  Prison. — Future 
Railroads. — Animal  Magnetism. — Van  Buren's  Progress. — Fourth  of  July  with  Sunday- 
School  Children. 

THE  Legislature  adjourned  on  the  7th  of  May.  Released  from  daily 
attendance  at  the  Executive  chamber,  Seward  was  now  able  to  make  a 
brief  trip  to  New  York.  It  was  in  the  line  of  official  duty  to  person 
ally  visit  the  different  State  institutions  there.  The  Whig  leaders  in 
the  city,  somewhat  discouraged  by  the  untoward  result  of  their  char 
ter  election,  welcomed  the  prospect  of  an  Executive  visit  to  stimulate 
the  drooping  spirits  of  their  followers. 

It  happened  that  his  arrival  in  New  York  was  at  the  time  when  the 
American  Bible  Society  was  holding  its  anniversary  meeting  in  the 
Broadway  Tabernacle,  John  Cotton  Smith  presiding.  Learning  that 
he  was  in  the  city,  the  officers  of  the  society  sent  a  committee  to  the 
Astor  House  to  urge  his  attendance.  He  complied  with  their  wish, 
spent  a  part  of  the  day  on  the  platform,  and  made  a  few  brief  remarks 
in  response  to  a  call  for  a  speech — closing  them  by  saying  : 

I  know  not  how  long  a  republican  government  can  flourish  among  a  great 
people  who  have  not  the  Bible.  But  this  I  do  know,  that  the  existing  govern 
ment  of  this  country  could  never  have  had  existence  but  for  the  Bible.  And 
further,  I  do  in  my  conscience,  believe  that,  if  at  every  decade  of  years  a  copy 
of  the  Bible  could  be  found  in  every  family  of  the  land,  its  republican  institu 
tions  would  be  perpetual. 

On  the  ensuing  day,  in  accordance  with  what  has  been  the  custom 
of  Governors  before  and  since,  he  passed  the  morning  at  the  Govern 
or's  Room  in  the  City  Hall,  surrounded  by  the  portraits  of  his  prede 
cessors,  and  received  there  a  throng  of  visitors.  Among  them  were 
personal  and  political  friends,  besides  the  usual  gathering  of  those  who, 


408  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839, 

from  mingled  motives  of  patriotism,  vanity,  and  curiosity,  always  want 
to  shake  hands  with  a  Governor  or  a  President.  Although  his  name 
had  now  become  a  familiar  one  to  the  public,  his  face  was  as  yet  by 
no  means  universally  known.  While  the  crowd  was  passing,  one  of 
his  friends,  a  large,  fine-looking  man,  stood  by  his  side  conversing  with 
him  several  minutes.  Every  stranger  that  came  up  during  that  time 
passed  by  the  slender,  youthful  Governor,  shook  hands  with  his  portly 
friend,  and  went  off  entirely  satisfied.  Seward  used  laughingly  to 
refer  to  this  incident,  as  showing  that  a  portly  figure  and  imposing 
presence  were  decided  advantages  to  a  public  man,  such  attributes 
being  unconsciously  associated  in  the  popular  mind  with  the  dignity 
which  befits  a  ruler.  "  And  these  were  advantages,"  he  used  to  say, 
"  that  Granger  and  Fillmore  had  over  me  from  the  start." 

The  levee  over,  he  spent  an  hour  at  the  Mercantile  Library  rooms, 
and  in  the  evening  attended  a  concert  of  the  pupils  of  the  Institution 
for  the  Blind,  at  Chatham  Street  Chapel.  This  asylum,  as  well  as  that 
for  the  deaf  and  dumb,  was  always  a  subject  of  special  interest  to  him. 
"  The  philanthropy  of  our  age,"  he  remarked,  in  one  of  his  messages, 
"  seems  gifted  with  powers  almost  divine.  It  brings  to  the  deaf  and 
dumb  the  joys  of  conversation  ;  to  the  blind  the  knowledge  and  uses 
of  external  relations  ;  calls  back  erring  reason  to  its  throne  ;  and  even 
reclaims  the  guilty  from  ways  of  transgression." 

The  next  morning  he  returned  to  Albany,  encountering  there  "  a 
swarm  of  letters  "  which  had  accumulated  during  the  latter  days  of  the 
session.  It  was  his  rule  that  every  correspondent  was  entitled  to  an 
answer,  and  a  courteous  one.  But  at  this  period,  as  well  as  often  in 
later  years,  letters  came  in  such  numbers  that  to  answer  each  as  it  was 
received  became  simply  impossible.  Accordingly,  they  were  thrown 
each  day  into  a  large  basket,  and  then  the  first  day  that  could  be 
spared  from  public  questions  or  cares  was  devoted  to  them,  beginning 
at  the  top  of  the  basket  and  going  down  to  the  bottom,  answering  the 
letters  seriatim. 

"  But  this  is  wrong,"  said  one  of  his  assistants  ;  "  the  last  letter  will 
get  answered  first,  and  the  first  last.  Let  me  turn  the  basket  upside 
down." 

"  No,"  said  Seward,  "  begin  at  the  top  ;  then  half  of  the  letters 
will  have  a  prompt  answer,  and  the  other  half  an  apology  for  the  de 
lay.  But,  if  you  begin  at  the  bottom,  the  reply  to  every  one  will  be 
behindhand." 

Many  of  his  correspondents  were  doubtless  mystified  as  to  why 
their  communications  were  so  long  unattended  to,  and  yet  were  always 
answered  ultimately  ;  but  his  intimate  friends  knew  the  habits  of  the 
letter-basket.  It  stood  by  his  writing-table,  held  about  a  bushel,  and 
"was  often  heaped  to  overflowing. 


1839.]  EXTRADITION   QUESTIONS.  409 

Among  those  written  during  this  week  of  comparative  leisure  was 
one  to  John  P.  Kennedy,  of  Baltimore,  afterward  widely  known  by 
his  literary  works,  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  during  the  Administra 
tion  of  President  Fillmore.  He  was  then  in  Congress,  and  had  made 
a  great  speech.  Seward  wrote  him  : 

ALBANY,  May  17,  1839. 

Your  speech  on  the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  civil  and  diplomatic 
service  is  a  just,  fearless,  and  eloquent  exposition  of  the  principles  brought  by 
General  Jackson  into  the  administration  of  the  Government,  and  the  character 
and  temper  of  that  extraordinary  man.  You  have  done  the  country  service  in 
the  philosophical  view  you  have  presented  of  the  causes  of  General  Jackson's 
success,  and  of  the  influence  that  success  has  exerted  upon  the  Constitution. 

Another  letter  was  to  a  Whig  committee,  representing  one  of  the 
movements  already  on  foot  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Clay  and  of  General 
Harrison.  Declining  to  take  part  in  any  controversy  about  men,  while 
prepared  to  support  whoever  should  be  the  Whig  nominee,  he  wrote  : 

ALBANY,  May  IT,  1839. 

I  am  satisfied  that  you  will  agree  with  me  in  the  opinion  that  I  shall  best 
advance  the  ultimate  success  of  Whig  principles,  and  most  effectually  promote 
the  harmony  upon  which  that  success  depends,  by  leaving  the  discussion  of  the 
nomination  without  interference  on  my  part. 

In  the  same  spirit  he  wrote  to  Josiah  Randall,  of  Philadelphia  : 

In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  20th  I  can  only  say  that  I  neither  write 
nor  speak  on  the  subject  of  the  presidential  election  An  answer  to  your  let 
ter  in  the  frankness  which,  if  you  were  with  me,  I  should  use,  would  be  a  de 
parture  from  that  principle — rigid  adherence  to  which,  it  seems,  does  not  save 
me  from  misrepresentations.  ...  I  cannot  consent  to  be  drawn  into  the  dis 
cussion,  even  indirectly. 

Acknowledging  a  pamphlet  from  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  New  York, 
on  the  subject  of  banks  and  the  currency,  he  remarked  : 

You  are  right  in  saying  that  this  is  the  right  conjuncture  in  which  to  secure 
the  country  against  the  evils  of  a  redundant  paper  currency.  But  the  public 
mind  on  this  subject  takes  its  direction  from  the  experience  of  the  most  recent 
evil,  and  hitherto  all  changes  in  public  policy  have  been  indicated  by  experi 
ence  of  evil,  rather  than  a  deliberate  and  well-considered  purpose  to  make  the 
currency  safe,  before  it  was  found  to  be  disordered.  I  am  glad  you  have  directed 
your  attention  to  the  subject,  for,  whatever  may  be  the  fortune  of  the  reform 
measures  you  propose,  it  is  certain  that  good  must  result  from  the  discussion. 

As  yet  there  was  no  extradition  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  and 
vague  ideas  prevailed  as  to  the  surrender  of  criminals  in  foreign  coun 
tries.  The  vexed  and  unsettled  question  of  "  State  rights "  tended 


410  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

in  this  as  in  other  matters  to  weaken  both  the  coherence  and  the  powers 
of  the  Union.  The  right  to  deal  with  extradition  cases  was  claimed 
for  the  State  and  denied  to  the  Federal  Government.  The  Governor 
of  Vermont  had  issued  his  warrant  for  the  delivery  of  a  fugitive  on 
the  requisition  of  the  Governor  of  Upper  Canada. 

Governor  Seward,  in  the  first  case  presented  to  him,  took  decided 
ground  that  both  the  right  and  the  duty  belonged  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  that  laws  and  treaties  should  be  made  to  recognize  it. 

The  District  Attorney  at  Buffalo  had  written,  requesting  him  to 
make  a  requisition  upon  Sir  George  Arthur,  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  Upper  Canada,  for  the  deliver}7  of  a  person  indicted  for  crime.  His 
answer  illustrated  the  spirit  in  which  he  met  the  first  question,  in  regard 
to  foreign  relations,  ever  officially  before  him: 

The  law  of  nations  recognizes  the  mutual  right  to  demand  the  surrender  of 
fugitives  from  justice.  The  right  to  demand,  and  the  obligation  to  surrender, 
are  reciprocal.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  authority  necessary  to  the  exercise  of 
this  right  rests  with  the  General  Government  and  not  with  the  governments  of 
the  States.  The  Constitution  devolves  upon  the  General  Government  the  care 
of  foreign  relations.  That  Government  has  the  sole  power  to  make  treaties  with 
foreign  states.  Application  was  made  to  me  in  a  case  similar  to  that  now  pre 
sented.  I  considered  it  my  duty  to  refer  the  applicant  to  the  General  Govern 
ment.  The  answer  of  the  Secretary  of  State  was,  in  substance,  that,  inasmuch 
as  Congress  had  not  passed  any  law  on  the  subject,  and  there  was  no  provision 
by  treaty  in  relation  to  it,  the  General  Government  had  declined  to  act.  I  can 
imagine  no  circumstance  which  would  more  seriously  embarrass  the  General 
Government  in  its  conduct  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  country,  and  more 
certainly  tend  to  bring  the  public  peace  into  jeopardy,  than  the  discordant  action 
of  the  several  States  in  the  exercise  of  this  power.  ...  I  shall  deem  it  my 
duty,  in  a  respectful  manner,  to  bring  the  subject  to  the  consideration  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States. 

Manufactures  of  woolen  or  cotton  as  yet  maintained  only  a  strug 
gling  existence  in  any  except  the  New  England  States.  Some  public- 
spirited  citizens  of  Buffalo  had  erected  a  woolen-mill,  on  "the  creek" 
in  that  city,  as  an  experiment,  and  sent  to  the  Governor  some  specimens 
of  articles  manufactured  there.  In  his  answer  he  remarked : 

With  whatever  degree  of  satisfaction  we  may  regard  the  condition  and  pros 
pects  of  our  country,  it  is  certain  that  the  highest  attainable  independence  will 
not  be  reached  so  long  as  we  remain  tributary  to  Europe  for  productions  conge 
nial  to  our  soil  and  climate,  and  remain  dependent  upon  European  manufact 
urers  to  prepare  them  for  our  use. 

On  the  24th  of  May  he  left  Albany  for  a  visit  to  Auburn,  taking 
his  family,  who  were  to  spend  the  summer  at  the  latter  place.  A  part 
of  the  journey  was  made  by  canal,  in  a  manner  now  obsolete,  and  even 
then  tedious,  but  not  without  comfort  and  quiet.  The  cabin  of  a. 


1839.]  A   CANAL- JOURNEY.  411 

"  line-boat,"  as  the  freight-boats  were  called,  to  distinguish  them  from 
the  "  packets,"  was  chartered,  and  the  family,  having  undisturbed  pos 
session  of  it,  glided  slowly  on  their  voyage,  eating  and  sleeping  on 
board,  varying  the  monotony  by  sitting  on  deck  to  read,  or  by  an  occa 
sional  walk  on  the  bank.  As  the  horses  slowly  paced  off  their  allotted 
two  miles  per  hour,  it  was  not  difficult  to  walk  on  before  them,  and  on 
arriving  at  a  "  lock,"  where  there  was  sure  to  be  more  or  less  deten 
tion,  one  could  sit  down  and  wait  for  the  boat  to  come  up.  For  an  in 
valid,  as  Mrs.  Seward  was,  it  was  much  preferable  to  the  jolting  of  the 
stage,  and  cost  but  a  day  or  two  more  of  time.  Leaving  the  canal  at 
Syracuse,  they  spent  Sunday  there,  and  arrived  on  Monday  at  Auburn. 
Writing  to  Weed  on  that  day,  he  said  : 

AUBTJBN,  Monday,  May  27,  1839. 

We  had  a  comfortable  journey  to  Utica.  The  agent  of  the  line-boat  assured 
me  we  should  reach  Syracuse  seasonably  to  take  the  two-o'clock  car  from  that 
place  to  Auburn.  We  had  a  nice  cabin,  pleasant  party,  and  good  accommoda 
tions.  But  we  entered  Syracuse  just  as  the  sun  left  it.  We  could  not  travel  in 
the  night,  nor  on  Sunday,  and  therefore  staid  until  this  morning. 

The  country  appears  very  fine.  Our  home  manifests,  by  some  outward  signs, 
that  the  hands  that  embellished  it  have  been  withdrawn;  but  I  shall  try  to  put 
it  in  order  before  I  leave  for  the  west.  Of  course,  I  am  unable  to  announce 
my  purposes  as  to  the  future.  There  are  some  bright  spots  and  green,  even  in 
this  thorny  way.  The  first  call  I  had  to-day  was  from  a  negro,  who  came  to  say 
to  me  that  I  had  conferred  upon  him  a  boon  next  to  that  of  life.  He  was  par 
doned  after  eleven  years'  confinement  in  the  State-prison,  under  sentence  for 
life ;  and  his  heart  had  dried  up  under  an  abandonment  of  all  hope  of  liberation. 
It  was  the  more  gratifying  to  me  to  receive  the  poor  fellow's  acknowledgments, 
because  the  pardon  was  issued  without  petition  or  interposition  from  any  person 
in  his  behalf,  except  a  general  representation  by  the  chaplain  of  all  the  hard 
cases  in  the  prison. 

I  am  writing  with  my  window  open  into  the  shrubbery,  and  the  air  is  redolent 
of  sweets,  and  the  birds  are  in  full  chorus. 

During  this  brief  rest  at  Auburn  he  had  a  visit  from  the  Secretary 
of  State,  Mr.  Spencer.  This,  and  the  letters  passing  almost  daily  be 
tween  him  and  Mr.  Weed,  kept  him  en  rapport  with  the  progress  of 

public  affairs  in  Albany. 

ATTBUBN,  May  28,  1839. 

You  see  that  the  papers  are  again  upon  "  Executive  usurpation,"  as  they  call 
it.  It  is,  I  think,  very  well.  You  will  do  well  to  continue  the  popular  views 
you  present.  Thankful  that  I  have  not  been  tempted  to  go  into  the  defense 
personally,  I  see  now  additional  reason  for  continuing  the  same  forbearance. 

The  canal  is  doing  nobly.  And  it  would  be  easy  now  to  excite  interest  in 
behalf  of  a  central  railroad.  What  do  you  think  of  a  convention  on  that  sub 
ject  ?  I  think  I  shall  cause  it  to  be  suggested  in  the  Auburn  Journal  this  week. 

Did  ever  politicians,  not  to  say  statesmen,  blunder  as  Wellington  and  Peel 
have  done?  Toryism  is  impracticable  everywhere.  Melbourne  and  Russell 


412  LIFE  AXD  LETTERS.  [1839. 

must  exult  in  this  strange  and  unlooked-for  whirl,  which  threw  them  out  of 
power  only  when  their  power  was  exhausted,  and  instantly  restored  them,  with 
a  vast  increase  of  popular  feeling. 

AUBUBN,  Wednesday  Evening,  May,  1839. 

It  has  rained  every  day  since  I  came  here.  It  is  a  busy  season.  Few  cares 
of  state  have  followed  me,  and  I  have  relieved  my  friends  of  the  duty  of  call 
ing  upon  me  by  anticipating  them,  meeting  them  where  they  "  most  do  congre 
gate,"  in  the  post-office,  printing-office,  and  the  street.  Thus  I  have  saved  to 
myself  much  time,  and  am  improving  it  by  thorough  devotion  to  my  business. 

Altogether  mystified  to-night  concerning  the  Virginia  election,  I  gave  it  up 
to  the  Argus  this  morning,  but  claim  it  to-night  on  the  strength  of  Horace 
Greeley,  who  is  second  to  none  but  the  Journal  in  such  matters.  Fortunately, 
there  is  consolation  enough  to  balance  any  grief  for  either  result. 

Thursday  Morning. 

The  Wednesday's  daily  is  before  me.  Its  answer  is  able  and  conclusive.  I 
do  not  think  anything  better  can  be  or  need  be  said.  Give  my  compliments 
to  the  adjutant  for  it,  and  my  thanks.  Mr.  Spencer  returns  to  Albany  on 
Monday. 

He  visited  the  State-prison  with  me.  It  was  a  visit  under  circumstances 
that  awakened  strange  feelings  within  me.  I  saw  a  fine,  tall,  well-looking  manr 
of  less  than  middle  age,  lying  upon  his  back  in  the  hospital,  with  an  arm  from 
which  he  had  on  Saturday  last  chopped  off  the  entire  hand  at  the  wrist.  I 
asked  him  how  the  accident  happened.  He  answered  that  he  thought  it  was 
the  will  of  God  that  he  should  cut  off  his  hand.  I  asked  him  why  he  thought 
God  required  it  ?  He  said  because  it  would  be  the  means  of  his  obtaining  a 
pardon.  Poor  fellow  !  he  was  entirely  ignorant  that  to  the  one  that  held  con 
verse  with  him  had  been  delegated  the  prerogative  of  mercy. 

R.  0.  Wetmore  is  excused  from  the  duty  of  military  secretary.  What 
think  you  of  Henry  Van  Rensselaer,  or  J.  G.  Hopkins,  of  Ogdensburg,  young 
Pumpelly,  of  Oswego,  or  young  Church,  in  Alleghany  ? 

AUBURN,  June  5th. 

I  had  a  long  and  profitable  season  with  the  secretary,  and  have  consulted 
him  upon  many  important  subjects. 

We  had  yesterday  a  proud  day  at  Syracuse  for  that  town  and  this.  About 
two  hundred  of  our  citizens  went  over  with  the  locomotives  to  celebrate  the 
completion  of  our  railroad.  We  dined  at  Rust's.  The  party  was  pleasant,  and 
there  are  many  circumstances  I  should  be  pleased  to  communicate,  but,  like  ex 
periments  in  "  animal  magnetism,"  they  will  not  bear  being  written. 

The  railroad  had  at  last  been  extended  to  the  village  of  Syracuse, 
and  laid  with  iron  rails.  Two  engines,  the  "  Auburn  "  and  the  "  Syra 
cuse,"  had  been  purchased  for  it,  and  a  stone  building  erected  for  their 
shelter,  where  they  received  admiring  visits  from  the  people  of  the 
surrounding  country.  The  dinner  at  Syracuse  was  enlivened  with 
toasts  and  speeches,  for  one  of  which  Governor  Seward  was  of  course 
called  upon.  His  prediction  that  a  few  years  more  would  see  a  com- 


1830.]  "ANIMAL   MAGNETISM."  413 

plete  line  of  railroads  from  Albany  to  Buffalo  was  received  with  en 
thusiasm.  A  week  later,  a  party  of  two  hundred  from  Syracuse  re 
turned  the  visit.  "  The  meeting  of  the  villages  "  was  a  subject  of 
mutual  rejoicing,  and  justly,  for  trade  and  intercourse  between  them 
then  sprang  up,  which  have  ever  since  continued. 

Stimulated  by  this  success,  the  Auburn  &  Rochester  Railroad  Com 
pany  soon  after  held  a  meeting,  examined  the  reports  of  the  engineers, 
and  resolved  to  push  their  work  to  speedy  completion. 

Nor  was  the  march  of  improvement  to  be  confined  to  his  own  State, 
as  Seward  foresaw.  He  wrote  to  a  friend  on  the  eve  of  departure  for 
Europe,  in  reference  to  its  ultimate  influence  on  the  West : 

I  am  surprised  by  the  information  that  you  are  so  soon  to  embark  for  Eng 
land,  although  such  announcements  from  one's  friends  are  becoming  so  frequent, 
since  the  splendid  success  of  steam,  that  the  voyage  seems  to  require  less  prep 
aration  than  it  was  customary  to  make,  a  few  years  since,  for  a  journey  from 
New  York  to  Niagara.  ...  A  new  impulse  is  now  to  be  given  to  European  immi 
gration,  by  the  successful  establishment  of  steam  navigation  upon  the  Atlantic. 
Whatever  opposition  party  interests  may  raise  against  the  system  of  internal 
improvements,  commenced  in  the  different  States,  an  enlightened  mind  cannot 
fail  to  see  that  the  completion  of  our  great  thoroughfares  through  the  State,  and 
the  corresponding  improvements  in  the  Western  States,  will  be  rapidly  carried 
forward. 

AUBURN,  June  *lih. 

It  does  look  like  making  a  residence  here  for  the  season,  and  I  feel,  I  confess, 
much  reluctance  about  quitting  the  place,  now  the  sun  has  condescended  to  look 
down  upon  it.  But  I  have  been  busy ;  with  the  private  secretary  to  aid  me,  my 
official  business  will  sooner  or  later  be  all  done,  and  then  I  can  rest.  All  next 
week  will  do  it  up.  I'll  get  a  breathing-spell  here,  and  go  to  Albany  for  two  or 
three  days  to  appoint  beef  and  pork  inspectors,  justice  for  Albany,  etc.,  next 
week. 

The  k'  animal  magnetism "  business  was  bad  enough,  but  it  vras  not  my  "par 
ticular  vanity,"  and  I  therefore  have  been  able  to  look  with  a  front  of  brass  upon 
the  laughers ;  nay,  I  have  even  enjoyed  the  joke ;  and  the  world  is  much  more 
merciful  than  I  should  be  if  they  do  not  have  a  merry  season  at  my  expense. 

What  a  beautiful  letter  is  that  of  Spencer  to  the  Canandaigua  committee !  I 
never  met  anything  of  the  kind  so  felicitous. 

My  letters  must  be  sent  here  unless  the  secretary  will  open  them,  which,  but 
for  busying  him  with  cares  foreign  to  his  office,  I  should  prefer.  I  don't  know 
yet  how  soon  I  can  send  Blatchford  back  to  Albany.  Mr.  Beach  is  better ;  I 
shall  go  to  see  him  this  evening. 

The  war  is  fairly  opened,  I  see,  about  appointments.  I  trust  the  Secretary 
of  State  will  defend  us — and  he  will  merit  ten  thousand  acknowledgments.  The 
article  of  "Plowden"  was  very  able;  but  it  satisfied  me  that  the  argument  is 
clearly  with  us. 

I  have  just  been,  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  George  Combe,  of  Edinburgh,  through  the 
Auburn  Prison.  Palmer  will  be  a  popular  agent. 


414  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

« 

The  allusions  to  "  animal  magnetism  "  refer  to  some  exhibitions  of 
"clairvoyance"  arid  "mesmeric  passes"  at  a  private  residence  in 
Albany.  The  subject  happened  to  be  then  engaging  attention  in  sci 
entific  circles.  Books  and  pamphlets  on  it  abounded,  and  the  news 
papers  contained  many  stories  of  its  marvels.  One  seance  was  attend 
ed  by  Governor  Seward  and  his  family,  Dr.  Nott,  John  0.  Spencer, 
Peter  B.  Porter,  and  one  or  two  other  members  of  the  Legislature.  A 
professor  in  the  seminary  conducted  the  experiments — one  of  which 
was  an  imaginary  clairvoyant  visit  to  and  through  the  Executive  man 
sion.  The  spectators  divided  in  opinion,  as  they  usually  do — Seward 
being  among  the  skeptical,  as  he  generally  was  in  such  matters.  Mr- 
Spencer  was  claimed  among  those  rather  inclined  to  believe  ;  while 
Dr.  Nott,  with  his  usual  caution,  contented  himself  with  pronouncing 
the  results  "  strange  and  unaccountable."  Peter  B.  Porter  sat  himself 
down  in  a  chair,  and  requested  the  experimenter  to  prove  his  science  by 
putting  him  to  sleep  if  he  could ;  and  the  professor  spent  half  an  hour  in 
ineffectual  "  passes  " — though  one  glance  at  the  resolute,  wide-awake 
face  opposed  to  his  own  might  have  warned  him  that  his  labor  would 
be  wasted.  When  it  became  publicly  known  that  the  Whig  officials 
were  attending  such  s&ances,  of  course  the  Democrats  charged  that  the 
administration  was  "  run  by  animal  magnetism,"  and  had  many  jibes 
and  jokes  thereanent. 

On  the  18th  of  June  a  third  son  (William  Henry)  was  born  at  Au 
burn. 

The  close  of  the  month  found  the  Governor  at  his  post  in  the  Exec 
utive  chamber.  A  letter  to  Mrs.  Seward  announced  his  arrival : 

ALBANY,  Saturday  Morning. 

The  traveling  by  stage  at  night  was,  as  it  always  is,  wearisome.  But  I  arrived 
here  in  twenty-one  hours  after  parting  with  you.  Nicholas  has  gone  to  the 
post-office  to  see  whether  he  can  find  a  letter  there  from  Dr.  Mosher,  saying  that 
you  have  continued  to  be  as  well  as  when  I  left  you.  I  met  Mr.  Weed  at  the 
car-house,  and  he  accompanied  me  "home;"  so  I  am  to  call  it,  although  the 
chief  enjoyments  that  constitute  home  are  left  at  Auburn.  An  applicant  for  an 
office  in  New  York  waited  upon  me  while  Harriet  was  preparing  my  dinner,  and 
favored  me  with  his  company  until  night.  The  Adjutant-General  and  Mr.  Lyman 
spent  the  evening.  .  .  .  Nicholas  has  kept  matters  very  well.  The  ponies  were 
brought  up  last  evening  from  the  pasture,  and  are  now  in  the  yard.  They  seem 
elated  with  their  unbounded  liberty. 

A  committee  had  come  from  Harrisburg,  in  the  spring,  to  confer 
with  the  authorities  at  Albany  on  the  subject  of  a  connection  between 
the  public  works  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  Charles  B.  Penrose, 
Speaker  of  the  Senate  of  the  latter  State,  was  its  chairman,  and  Wil 
liam  Purviance  (afterward  member  of  Congress)  was  one  of  its  mem- 


1839.]  THE   APPOINTING   POWER.  415 

bers.  The  Governor  had  put  them  in  communication  with  the  Legisla 
ture.  He  now  found  at  Albany  their  letter  of  acknowledgments. 

The  specific  plan  this  committee  had  in  view  was  not  carried  out, 
but  in  a  very  few  years  an  interlacing  network  of  railways  and  canals 
connected  the  two  States,  and  was  deemed  indispensable  to  their  pros 
perity.  That  it  was  ever  deemed  wise  or  even  possible  to  keep  the 
two  States  from  making  such  connecting  links  is  now  almost  forgotten. 

There  used  to  be  a  portrait  in  the  City  Hall  at  Albany,  painted  for 
the  Common  Council  by  Goodwin,  of  Auburn,  during  such  hours  as 
Seward  could  spare  for  a  sitting,  in  the  early  part  of  this  year.  It  is  a 
full-length  picture,  representing  him  standing  near  a  table  strewed  with 
law-books  and  papers.  The  heavy  curtain  is  drawn  aside  from  the  open 
window  in  the  background,  through  which  is  seen  a  railway-train  trav 
ersing  a  valley.  The  face  and  figure  are  youthful,  almost  boyish, 
though  the  attitude  is  one  of  self-possessed  dignity.  It  was  the  first 
of  several  portraits  taken  during  his  official  term  at  Albany. 

The  columns  of  the  Argus  and  Evening  Journal  were  now  filled 
with  sharp  controversy  over  "  the  appointing  power  "  and  "  Execu 
tive  usurpation."  The  Democrats  had  been  so  successful  in  blocking 
the  Governor's  appointments  during  the  session  that  they  were  disposed 
to  pursue  their  advantage  in  the  recess.  The  Governor,  being  no 
longer  under  the  necessity  of  submitting  nominations  to  the  Senate, 
commissioned  officers  to  fill  the  places  of  those  who  were  "  holding 
over."  This  was  contested,  his  opponents  insisting  that  his  power  of 
appointment  was  limited  to  new  vacancies  occurring  since  the  adjourn 
ment.  The  appointment  of  Mr.  Gray  as  flour-inspector  in  New  York 
became  a  test  case,  the  incumbent,  Mr.  Tappan,  disputing  his  claim  in 
the  courts.  Application  was  made  to  Judge  Nelson,  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  for  an  order  to  compel  the  Governor,  Secretary  of  State, 
and  Comptroller,  to  reinstate  the  former  Commissioners  of  the  Lunatic 
Asylum,  whom  they  had  superseded  by  the  appointment  of  new  ones. 
The  argument  in  the  courts  was  vigorously  supplemented  in  the  news 
papers.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  Mark  H.  Sibley,  of  Canandaigua,  Mr. 
Seward  said  : 

I  am  glad  you  find  the  editor  of  the  Journal,  as  we  all  believe  here,  on  the 
vantage-ground,  in  his  controversy  with  the  Argus.  Croswell  is  a  most  able  and 
skillful  editor,  and  it  requires  constant  attention  to  watch  and  guard  against  his 
attacks. 

Ex-Governor  Marcy  was  understood  to  be  one  of  the  assailants  in 
the  Argus,  while  Secretary  Spencer  occasionally  supplied  an  article  for 
the  defense  in  the  Journal.  However,  the  courts  settled  the  vexed 
question  by  sustaining  the  Governor's  action  as  being  in  accordance 
with  law.  These  decisions  were  highly  creditable  to  the  independence 


416  LIFE   AND  LETTERS.  [1839. 

and  impartiality  of  the  judges,  since  most  of  them  belonged  to  the  op 
posing  party. 

The  long,  bright  days  of  summer  render  it  the  favorite  season  for 
holiday  and  out-door  gatherings  in  the  Northern  States.  Invitations 
began  to  come  thick  and  fast  for  the  new  Governor  to  take  part  in  cel 
ebrations,  reviews,  commencements,  and  other  festivities  now  at  hand. 
Among  these  it  was  necessary  to  make  a  choice.  Declining  invitations 
to  deliver  addresses  at  Rutgers  College  and  at  the  Mercantile  Library, 
postponing  a  review  of  General  Sanford's  First  Division  of  the  Militia 
till  September,  regretting  his  inability  to  review  that  of  General  Lloyd, 
excusing  himself  from  Fourth-of-July  celebrations  at  Lansingburg, 
Albany,  and  Philadelphia,  he  complied  with  the  request  of  Drs.  Spring, 
Milnor,  and  Bangs,  Daniel  Lord,  James  G.  King,  and  others,  that  he 
would  attend  a  celebration  which  the  New  York  Sunday-schools  were  to 
hold  on  Staten  Island. 

July  2d. 

I  am  busy  enough,  and  my  business  scarcely  diminishes,  although  I  am  dili 
gent.  Mrs.  Spencer  is  very  pleasantly  situated,  and  her  house  looks  very  com 
fortable.  The  secretary  returned  last  evening  from  the  West.  I  go  to-morrow 
to  West  Point,  and  by  the  evening  boat  to  New  York  ;  then,  on  the  next  morn 
ing,  to  celebrate  the  Fourth  on  Staten  Island  with  the  Sunday-schools ;  and  I 
hope  to  return  on  the  next  day  to  this  place.  I  go  without  lightness  of  heart, 
because  I  feel  it  to  be  time  lost  from  work  ;  and  yet  it  is  both  proper  and  use 
ful,  and  therefore  by  no  means  to  be  omitted.  I  have  refused  to  go  to  New 
York  "  to  receive  the  President."  But  it  is  right  to  refuse,  and  I  care  not  for 
consequences.  After  the  noise  of  the  Fourth,  I  shall,  with  the  help  of  two 
hands,  force  off  my  business,  and  then  look  in  upon  you,  and  go  to  the  west. 

Mr.  Van  Buren,  consummate  tactician  and  skillful  political  manager 
as  he  was,  had  nevertheless  suffered  himself  to  be  persuaded  by  his 
friends  into  making  a  "  presidential  tour."  Leaving  Washington  in  the 
latter  part  of  June,  he  traveled  in  his  own  carriage  from  Baltimore  to 
York,  Harrisburg,  and  other  towns  in  Pennsylvania,  receiving  every 
where  public  demonstrations  in  his  honor.  He  was  expected  soon  to 
reach  New  York.  In  the  ceremonies  of  the  presidential  reception 
there,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Gommon  Council,  the  Governor  was 
invited  to  participate.  His  reply  was  frank  and  courteous  : 

It  would  be  an  unusual  proceeding  for  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  State  to 
leave  his  duties  at  the  capital  to  take  part  in  such  a  demonstration,  and,  in 
view  of  the  hostile  political  relations  between  himself  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  to 
do  so  now  would  afford  evidence  of  inconsistency  and  insincerity.  Neverthe 
less,  should  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union  favor  the  place  of  my  residence 
with  a  visit,  or  should  my  duty  call  me  into  his  vicinity,  I  should  with  cheerful 
ness  and  pleasure  pay  him  all  the  respect  called  for  by  his  public  station,  or 
properly  due  from  mine. 


1839.]  THE   STATEN  ISLAND   CELEBRATION.  417 

So  straightforward  an  answer  disarmed  criticism  by  either  friends 
or  foes.  The  one  could  not  complain  that  he  did  not  adhere  to  his  po 
litical  faith,  nor  the  other  that  he  was  lacking  in  courtesy  to  the  Pres 
ident. 

Fourth-of-July  morning  dawned  bright  and  clear.  The  bay  of 
New  York  lay  calm  and  unruffled  in  the  sunshine.  Twelve  thousand 
delighted  children  were  safely  embarked  on  four  large  steamboats  and 
nine  barges,  which  moved  out  from  the  wharves  and  down  the  bay  in 
majestic  procession.  The  steamboats  and  barges  were  furnished  gra 
tuitously.  The  fleet  was  divided  into  two  squadrons — one  starting 
from  the  North  River  and  the  other  from  the  East  River  side.  The 
Sandusky,  as  flag-ship,  led  the  way,  having  on  board  the  committees 
and  the  Governor.  A  band  of  music  on  her  deck,  composed  of  blind 
boys  from  the  State  Institution,  struck  up  the  national  anthem.  As 
its  strains  died  away  they  were  taken  up  and  echoed  from  a  distant 
barge  by  children's  voices  chanting  an  ode.  This,  as  it  ceased,  was  re 
sponded  to  from  another  boat  ;  and  so,  as  the  fleet  moved  on,  each  ves 
sel  in  turn  took  up  the  chorus — the  others  listening  in  silence  to  the 
voices  that  came  to  them  across  the  water.  Meanwhile,  the  city  be 
hind  them,  gayly  decorated  with  flags,  was  lessening  in  the  distance, 
the  rattle  of  guns  and  crackers  in  its  streets  growing  momentarily 
fainter  and  fainter,  while  all  around  the  rapid  movements  of  boats  and 
steamers  filled  with  excursionists,  merriment,  and  music,  lent  addition 
al  life  to  the  scene.  It  was  a  novel  spectacle,  and  one  long  remem 
bered  by  the  children.  The  kind-hearted  gentlemen  who  planned  it 
for  them  set  an  example  that  was  to  be  more  widely  copied  than  they 
dreamed  of,  for,  ever  since  that  day,  Sunday-school  excursions  have 
become  as  common  as,  up  to  that  time,  they  had  been  rare.  Arrived 
at  Staten  Island,  the  army  of  children  was  landed  and  marched  to  a 
cedar-grove,  not  far  from  the  Quarantine.  The  coincidence  was  ad 
verted  to,  that,  on  the  4th  of  July,  sixty -three  years  before,  the  forces 
of  Sir  William  Howe  were  occupying  the  ground  on  which  this  peace 
ful  celebration  was  now  assembling. 

The  usual  religious  exercises  took  place,  followed  by  Governor  Sew- 
ard's  address,  in  which  he  remarked  : 

It  is  a  purpose  worthy  of  our  coming  here,  to  render  ascriptions  of  praise 
and  thanksgiving  for  the  divine  favor  and  protection,  nor  could  any  other  cere 
monial  of  worship  be  so  suitable  as  that  you  have  adopted,  of  bringing  hither 
the  children  and  youth  of  your  great  city,  to  relate  to  them,  beneath  the  forest 
shade,  and  upon  the  hillside,  the  wonders  that  God  hath  done  in  our  behalf. 

Adverting  then  to  his  conviction  that  education,  the  education  of 
the  whole  people,  not  merely  of  favored  classes,  is  an  essential  element 
of  national  progress  and  safety,  he  added  : 

27 


418  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

This  is  the  work  in  which  you  are  engaged.  Seldom  does  it  happen  to  any 
citizen  to  render  to  his  country  any  service  more  lasting  or  more  effectual  than 
that  which  is  accomplished  by  the  teachers  of  such  schools  as  these. 

Leaving  the  children  at  their  collation,  the  Governor  embarked  on  a 
steamboat  tendered  for  his  return.  As  he  approached  the  old  North 
Carolina,  lying  at  anchor  off  the  Battery,  a  courteous  hail  invited  him 
on  board.  She  was  then  in  commission,  and  under  command  of  Captain 
Ballard,  who  showed  his  guest  the  ship  and  her  seventy-four  guns,  gave 
him  an  official  salute  with  them,  and  sent  him  off  in  the  "  launch  "  to- 
catch  the  Albany  evening-boat.  This  was  the  De  Witt  Clinton, 
then  considered  a  palace  among  river-steamers,  being  the  largest,  and 
having  added  to  her  other  appointments  the  unheard-of  luxury  of 
"  state-rooms  "  on  her  upper  deck.  Captain  Roe,  then  and  for  many 
years  her  commander,  received  him  on  board  and  sheered  out  of  the 
usual  course,  to  land  him  at  Sing  Sing.  There  he  was  expecting  to 
spend  the  night  quietly,  at  the  country  residence  of  one  of  his  aides- 
de-camp,  Colonel  Amory,  whose  villa  was  on  the  bank  that  overhangs 
the  Croton  River,  where  it  unites  with  the  Hudson,  a  short  distance 
above  the  town  of  Sing  Sing.  But  in  the  evening  a  gathering  of  cit 
izens  with  a  band  of  music  came  out  to  Colonel  Amory 's  to  serenade 
the  Governor,  who  duly  acknowledged  the  compliment.  By  morning 
the  little  town  was  in  a  stir  with  preparations  to  greet  the  unexpected 
Executive  visitor.  When  he  came  down  the  road  at  ten  o'clock  from 
Colonel  Amory's,-he  paused  to  examine  the  excavation  then  going  on 
for  the  projected  Croton  Aqueduct,  which  was  to  supply  New  York 
with  water.  The  workmen  threw  down  shovels  and  barrows,  and 
hastily  gathered  in  crowds  to  give  "  three  cheers  for  the  Governor.'* 
Then  a  military  company  met  him  at  the  outskirts  of  the  village  and 
escorted  him  to  the  hotel,  where  Mr.  Albert  Wells  made  him  a  speech 
of  welcome  on  behalf  of  the  citizens,  to  which  he  made  suitable  re 
sponse.  The  prison  opened  its  massive  doors  for  his  inspection,  and 
some  hours  were  passed  in  studying  the  condition  of  the  institution  and 
its  inmates,  now  become  one  of  his  chief  responsibilities.  A  hospitable 
invitation  to  remain  for  a  public  dinner  was  declined,  and  then,  taking 
a  carriage,  he  drove  to  Peekskill,  twelve  miles,  the  nearest  point  at 
which  the  Albany  boat  could  be  reached,  and  there  only  by  taking  a 
ferry-boat  over  to  CaldwelPs  Landing. 

While  the  children's  festival  on  the  shores  of  Staten  Island  was 
passing  out  of  popular  remembrance,  it  had  suggested  to  him  a  sub 
ject  of  anxious  thought.  It  had  led  him  to  reflect  that  while  those 
twelve  thousand  children  were  sharing  enjoyment  and  instruction, 
double  that  number  lurked,  ragged  and  neglected,  in  foul  streets  and 
crowded  tenements,  who  were  growing  up  in  ignorance  and  vice. 
Studying  carefully  the  statistics  of  the  schools,  and  invoking  the  coun- 


1839.]  THE   PARDONING  POWER.  419 

sel  of  those  experienced  in  educational  affairs,  he  endeavored  to  find  a 
solution  of  the  problem  thus  presented.  Out  of  these  reflections  and 
conferences  grew  the  recommendation  in  regard  to  schools,  in  his  next 
message,  which  was  destined  to  be  for  years  a  "  bone  of  contention," 
religious  and  political. 

There  came,  about  this  time,  a  communication  informing  him  of  his 
election  as  an  honorary  member  of  the  "  Horticultural  Association  of 
the  Valley  of  the  Hudson."  This  was  from  A.  J.  Downing,  who  had 
already  begun  to  lead  that  improvement  of  national  taste  which  has 
added  so  much  to  the  beauty  of  nearly  every  American  rural  home. 

Writing  on  the  same  day  to  Henry  Barnard,  of  Hartford,  he  said  : 

Connecticut  has  an  enviable  distinction  in  having  been  the  first  of  the  States 
to  found  and  adequately  endow  common  schools.  She  is  already  enjoying  rich 
ly,  and  the  whole  country  participates  largely  in,  the  fruits  of  her  early  moral 
cultivation  of  the  people. 

With  like  interest  in  all  schools,  he  complied  with  the  request  of 
the  trustees  of  the  Albany  Female  Academy,  to  be  one  of  the  com 
mittee  to  examine  the  girls'  compositions,  and  award  the  prize  of  a  gold 
medal  to  the  best.  The  rough  draught  of  the  "report  "is  still  pre 
served  ;  it  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Seward,  and  signed  by  the  other 
two  members  of  the  committee,  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Sprague. 

Evidently  it  cost  the  distinguished  committee-men  as  much  labor 
as  some  documents  on  much  graver  matters,  for  there  were  sixty-five 
compositions  to  be  read,  and  they  were  trying  to  speak  with  kindly 
commendation  of  as  many  as  possible.  Professing  inability  to  decide 
on  the  shades  of  merit  between  several  compositions  equally  good,  they 
recommended  the  trustees  to  give  gold  medals  to  half  a  dozen  of  the 
girls,  which  recommendation  an  interlineation  in  the  hand  of  John  C. 
Spencer,  however,  cuts  down  to  "  five  !  " 


CHAPTER 

1839. 

The  Pardoning  Power. — Experiences,  Sad  and  Grotesque. — Going  to  Commencement. — Mrs. 
Clinton. — Henry  Clay  at  Auburn. — President  Van  Buren  in  Albany. — A  Requisition  for 
Three  Black  Men. — Tour  through  the  Northern  Counties. — Conferences  with  Clay. — A 
Clever  Caricature. 

CASES  of  far  more  melancholy  nature  were  now  pressing  for  the 
Governor's  judgment.  There  is  a  "  black  care  "  that  rides  on  the 
shoulders  of  every  Governor,  that  follows  him  by  day,  haunts  him  by 


420  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

night,  and  will  not  be  shaken  off.  This  is  the  "pardoning  power." 
There  are  two  or  three  thousand  poor  wretches  always  in  prison,  or  on 
their  way  there,  or  to  the  scaffold,  and  hardly  one  of  them  but  has 
either  a  wife  or  a  child,  or  a  friend,  to  implore  Executive  clemency. 
Public  opinion  itself,  which  is  an  avenging  Nemesis  as  long  as  the  cul 
prit  is  at  large,  softens  as  soon  as  he  is  behind  bolts  and  bars  ;  and  not 
unfrequently  the  turnkey  who  locks  him  in,  the  public  prosecutor  who 
arraigned  him,  the  jurors  who  convicted,  and  even  the  judge  who  sen 
tenced  him,  join  in  the  appeal  for  his  release.  If  legal  and  religious 
influence  is  wanting,  there  are  always  clergymen  whose  hearts  incline 
to  mercy,  and  lawyers  with  whom  "  stay  of  proceedings  "  is  a  part  of 
their  vocation.  Yet,  if  the  Governor  weakly  yields  to  the  pressure, 
the  same  instinct  of  self-preservation  in  the  community  which  sent  the 
criminal  to  jail  is  aroused  with  fresh  indignation  by  seeing  him  again 
at  liberty  in  the.  streets.  But  the  suitors  for  mercy  will  take  no  de 
nial.  How  can  they  ?  Their  pleading  letters  come  in  every  mail  ; 
their  piteous  faces  are  ever  round  the  door  of  the  Executive  chamber. 
They  watch  the  Governor's  path  ;  they  wait  in  his  hall  ;  they  sit  on 
his  doorstep.  If  he  be  of  a  kindly,  compassionate  nature,  disposed  to 
listen  to  their  "  oft-told  tale  "  of  misery,  he  will  have  time  neither  to 
eat,  nor  sleep,  nor  write  messages,  nor  make  appointments.  The  appli 
cants  and  their  applications  are  often  unreasonable,  grotesque,  and 
absurd,  yet  always  sad  and  always  painful. 

One  of  Seward's  early  experiences  of  this  sort  was  shortly  after  his 
inauguration.  A  well-dressed,  lady-like  woman,  evidently  in  deep 
grief,  was  imploring  the  pardon  of  her  brute  of  a  husband,  sent  to 
State-prison  for  beating  her.  She  staid  during  the  whole  evening,  ex 
hausting  all  her  powers  of  argument  and  entreaty,  and  deaf  to  any 
answer  but  a  favorable  one.  Growing  excited  and  frantic  over  the  ill- 
success  of  her  plea,  she  threw  herself  on  her  knees,  and  with  sobs  and 
hysterics  refused  to  get  up  until  her  prayer  should  be  granted.  The 
Governor,  while  vainly  endeavoring  to  calm  her,  was  startled  at  see 
ing  in  the  open  doorway  the  sudden  apparition  of  York  Van  Allen,  his 
black  waiter,  arrayed  in  overcoat  and  cap,  with  a  lantern  in  his  hand. 

"  What  do  you  want,  York  ?  " 

"  I  beg  pard'n,  sir,"  replied  York,  with  the  dignified  courtesy  which 
distinguishes  his  race,  "  but  I  thought  de  time  had  arrived  when  you 
wanted  me." 

"Want  you?     What  for  ?" 

"  Governor  Clinton  used  to  allers  tell  me  I  was  to  take  'em  away 
when  dey  began  to  go  on  like  dat,"  pointing  to  the  kneeling  female, 
"  and  Governor  Tompkins,  too,  sir,  allers." 

Equally  to  the  surprise  and  relief  of  Governor  Seward,  the  lady 
seemed,  like  York,  to  take  it  as  a  matter  of  course.  Rising  and  adjust- 


1839.]  CASES   SAD  AND   GROTESQUE.  421 

ing  her  shawl  and  bonnet  at  the  mirror,  she  courtesied  adieu,  and  went 
off  to  the  hotel  under  the  escort  of  York  and  his  lantern. 

Yet  there  are  many  cases  when  the  exercise  of  the  pardoning  power 
is  not  only  judicious,  but  is  followed  by  beneficial  results.  Such  a  one 
was  that  of  Catharine ,  to  whom  Seward  wrote  : 

STATE  OF  NEW  YORK,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  ALBANY. 

Yours  is  a  case  of  manifest  and  confessed  guilt.  You  are  pardoned.  It  is  be 
cause  you  are  young;  because  this  is  your  first  exposure  to  the  law  ;  because  you 
are  a  woman  and  a  stranger,  and  it  may  in  charity  be  believed  that  your  virtue 
would  have  resisted  temptation  had  not  want  and  seduction  combined  to  effect 
your  ruin.  If  consigned  to  a  State-prison,  your  good  name  would  be  irretriev 
able,  and  the  associations  to  which  you  would  be  exposed  would  forbid  all  hope 
of  reformation.  I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to  accompany  the  pardon,  now 
freely  sent  to  you,  with  the  advice  that  you  return  as  speedily  as  possible  to  your 
aged  and  afflicted  mother ;  that  you  justify  this  extraordinary  act  of  mercy  by 
humble  and  persevering  assiduity  in  domestic  duties,  which  is  the  only  way  to 
regain  the  respect  and  confidence  of  your  friends  and  neighbors.  If  you  will  do 
this,  you  will  carry  consolation  to  the  heart  of  your  parent ;  and  I  shall  have 
the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  I  have  not  done  injustice  to  the  public  in  yield 
ing  for  once  to  impulses  of  sympathy. 

One  of  the  benevolent  friends  who  had  aided  her  happened  to  be 
journeying  through  a  remote  rural  region  a  few  years  later,  when  he 
unexpectedly  met  Catharine  there — now  grown  an  industrious,  respect 
able  woman,  and  regarded  with  esteem  by  all  her  neighbors.  She  took 
from  her  bosom  the  letter  of  the  Governor,  and  said  it  had  saved  her 
from  ruin  ;  and  that  she  had  carried  it  about  with  her  ever  since  it 
brought  her  the  welcome  news  of  her  release. 

Both  those  who  solicit  pardons  and  those  who  grant  them  are  apt 
to  look  at  the  case  of  the  individual  sufferer,  without  bestowing  much 
thought  upon  the  interests  of  the  community  at  large.  Yet  this  is 
really  of  far  more  extended  consequence.  The  habit  of  generalization 
in  political  study,  which  was  always  a  characteristic  of  Seward,  was  not 
laid  aside  when  he  came  to  examine  these  cases.  There  is  a  bulky 
manuscript  volume  of  his  decisions.  Each  shows  how  careful  was  his 
examination,  and  how  solicitous  he  was  that  every  one  should  stand  on 
the  firm  ground  of  general  principle,  rather  than  mere  compassionate 
feeling.  Some  were  thought  stern,  but  none  were  unjust.  Many 
were  unexpected,  for  "  influential  backers  "  failed  of  effect,  while  the 
very  friendlessness  which  seemed  to  shut  out  hope  proved  a  passport 
to  Executive  kindness. 

A  forger  had  been  convicted  in  Dutchess  County  on  evidence  which 
left  no  doubt  of  the  crime.  But  he  was  a  man  of  property,  and  his 
high  standing  in  the  community  and  the  church  had  brought  him  the 
help  of  learned  counsel  and  sympathizing  neighbors,  to  whom  the  ver- 


422  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1839. 

diet  of  the  jury  was  a  surprise.  So  strong  was  the  pressure  of  public 
opinion  in  his  behalf,  that  the  jury  recommended  him  to  the  clemency 
of  the  Executive,  and  the  court  suspended  sentence  in  order  that  the 
application  might  be  made.  In  his  answer  the  Governor  said  : 

These  circumstances  furnish  gratifying  evidence  that  the  court  and  jury  have 
discharged  their  responsibilities  conscientiously,  as  well  as  mercifully ;  but  not 
that  they  entertained  any  doubt  of  the  prisoner's  guilt.  I  cannot  yield  to  this 
application  under  the  impulse  of  feeling,  or  from  respect  to  the  popular  sympa 
thy,  or  upon  consideration  of  the  respectability  of  the  prisoner's  family  and 
relatives,  consistently  with  the  principles  which  should  control  me.  The  appli 
cation  is  therefore  denied. 

A  rough  in  Catskill  had  committed  an  unprovoked  assault  in  the 
street,  and  been  sent  to  the  county-jail  for  thirty  days.  Influential 
political  friends  asked  his  release.  The  Governor  asked  in  return  : 

Upon  what  grounds  could  Executive  interposition  be  justified?  To  set 
aside  the  verdict  of  juries  and  the  judgments  of  courts,  where  no  error,  injus 
tice,  or  oppression  exists,  would  be  to  subject  the  entire  administration  of  jus 
tice  to  Executive  caprice,  and  to  destroy  that  confidence  in  the  certainty  of 
punishment,  and  that  salutary  respect  for  courts  of  justice  which,  far  more  than 
the  punishments  inflicted,  secure  the  peace  and  good  order  of  society. 

To  a  father  who  had  petitioned  in  behalf  of  his  son,  the  Governor 
closed  a  kindly  letter  of  sympathy  by  saying  : 

It  is  a  hard  thing  to  deny  the  petition  of  a  father  and  mother  for  the  release 
of  their  son  from  imprisonment ;  yet,  the  embarrassments  of  granting  it  are  so 
great,  that  I  cannot  give  a  favorable  answer.  The  crime  for  which  your  un 
happy  son  is  now  suffering  was  his  second  offense.  His  first  and  light  punish 
ment  failed  to  produce  reformation.  It  would  be  contrary  to  the  settled  policy 
hitherto  pursued,  were  I  to  interpose  to  mitigate  the  punishment  prescribed 
by  law  upon  a  second  conviction.  It  is  possible  that  your  son  may  be  saved 
from  his  errors  and  become  a  useful  member  of  society.  I  trust  it  will  be 
so.  But  his  pardon  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  interests  of  society,  and  I 
should  very  much  fear  that  it  would  operate  unfavorably  for  his  permanent  ref 
ormation. 

In  another  case  he  said  : 

Sympathy  for  the  prisoner's  suffering  family  is  the  only  influential  consid 
eration  presented  in  this  case.  Their  affliction  is  a  moving  circumstance.  But 
the  consequences  of  crime,  in  most  instances,  fall  heavily  upon  the  innocent  fam 
ilies  of  the  offenders.  There  would  be  few  tenants  of  the  prisons  if  pardons 
could  be  granted  in  all  cases  where  the  sympathy  of  the  Executive  is  excited. 

Offenses  which  endanger  the  general  safety  of  life  or  property  need 
to  be  strictly  dealt  with.  A  professional  house-breaker's  counsel  pre 
sented  ingenious  arguments  and  elaborate  petitions  in  his  behalf.  The 
Governor's  adverse  decision  said  : 


1839.]  "DISABILITIES."  423 

The  crime  of  burglary  increases  with  fearful  rapidity.  It  is  a  crime  that 
justly  spreads  alarm  and  consternation  in  the  community ;  for  it  is  most  fre 
quently  committed  in  the  night,  when  persons  and  property  are  least  efficiently 
protected.  The  welfare  and  security  of  society  permit  few  to  be  pardoned  who 
have  committed  this  great  crime. 

And  in  another  case  he  desired  his  friends  to  remember  that — 

Every  pardon  tends  to  impair  the  efficiency  of  our  criminal  code,  by  shaking 
the  public  confidence  in  the  certainty  of  the  punishment  it  prescribes. 

"  Tom,"  a  black  man,  came  to  New  York  with  his  owner,  an  Arkansas 
planter.  Falling  into  bad  company  there,  they  persuaded  him  to  steal  his 
master's  money.  He  did  so  and  divided  with  them,  but  was  detected  ; 
most  of  the  money  was  recovered,  and  Tom  was  sent  to  Sing  Sing. 
Then  the  master,  desirous,  perhaps,  of  regaining  the  services  of  his 
chattel,  applied  in  that  capacity  to  the  Governor  for  his  pardon.  The 
latter  denied  it,  briefly  remarking  : 

Under  similar  circumstances  the  Governor  certainly  would  not  pardon  a  free 
white  citizen  of  the  State.  He  does  not  see  that  the  case  is  made  stronger  or 
weaker  by  the  fact  that  the  prisoner  is  a  slave,  and  that  his  master  desires  his 
release. 

A  widow's  son,  Samuel  Burns,  though  hardly  more  than  a  boy,  had 
been  sentenced  to  undergo  the  full  penalty  of  the  law  for  a  theft. 
Deciding  it  to  be  a  case  for  Executive  interference,  Seward  wrote  : 

The  prisoner  is  pardoned  not  because  he  was  innocent,  not  because  the  pun 
ishment  adjudged  was  too  severe  for  the  offense,  but  solely  because  he  was  of  a 
very  tender  age  when  he  committed  his  offense,  and  it  is  hoped  that  his  severe 
experience  of  the  consequences  of  crime  will  operate  as  a  powerful  admonition. 
There  will  remain,  notwithstanding  this  pardon,  a  stigma  upon  the  prisoner's 
name,  and  civil  disabilities  consequent  upon  his  conviction.  If  he  shall  prove 
himself  not  unworthy  of  the  discriminating  favor  now  extended  to  him,  these 
may  be  removed  on  some  future  occasion  by  more  complete  pardon. 

In  regard  to  the  "  disabilities  "  adverted  to,  it  was  Se ward's  practice 
to  hold  out  the  prospect  of  their  removal  as  an  additional  stimulus  to 
reform  and  good  behavior  on  the  part  of  the  prisoner  after  his  release. 
Speaking  of  this  in  a  letter  to  a  committee,  he  said  : 

Pardons  granted  to  persons  in  prison  are  always  limited.  They  release  the 
judgment,  but  do  not  remove  the  civil  disabilities  consequent  upon  it,  except 
where  the  conviction  was  clearly  unjust.  The  restoration  to  the  rights  of  citizen 
ship  is  held  out  to  the  prisoner  by  way  of  encouragement,  and  is  granted  only 
after  the  expiration  of  a  sufficient  period  after  his  imprisonment  to  test  his  ref 
ormation. 

There  was  one  case  that  had  a  ludicrous  side  in  its  unexpected  end- 


424  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839, 

ing.  A  Frenchman  and  his  wife  who  had  just  emigrated  to  this  country 
were  accused  of  theft,  locked  up,  tried,  convicted  of  grand  larceny, 
and  sent,  the  woman  to  the  prison  for  female  convicts  at  Sing  Sing,  the 
man  to  the  prison  at  Auburn.  On  review  of  the  evidence  it  turned  out 
that  the  offense,  on  the  woman's  part  at  least,  had  some  palliating  cir 
cumstances,  and  that  she  had  intended  nothing  worse  than  to  make 
reprisals  on  neighbors  who  had  plundered  her.  Ignorance  of  the  lan 
guage  had  prevented  the  case  from  being  fully  and  fairly  presented  in 
court.  Governor  Seward  made  out  a  pardon  for  the  woman,  and,  taking 
it  with  him  on  one  of  his  visits  to  Sing  Sing,  handed  it  to  the  warden, 
who  forthwith  released  her,  handed  her  the  pardon,  and  she  went  on 
her  way  rejoicing.  It  happened  that  her  name  and  her  husband's 
(Franchise  and  Frangois)  differed  only  in  a  letter,  and  the  engrossing 
clerk  had  by  mistake  written  his  for  hers.  When  outside  of  the  prison 
she  looked  at  the  document  which  had  been  put  in  her  hands  and  found 
there  her  husband's  name.  Not  doubting  that  he  had  been  pardoned 
also,  she  hastened  up  to  Auburn  and  presented  it  to  the  warden  of  the 
prison  there.  It  was  in  every  respect  correct,  and  so  Francois  was  re 
leased  also,  and  the  pair  started  for  Canada.  The  mistake  was  discov 
ered  when  the  Governor  next  visited  Auburn  ;  but  the  worthy  French 
couple  never  came  back  to  have  it  rectified. 

All  these  incidents,  however,  seem  trivial  when  contrasted  with 
those  which  attend  the  slow  progress  of  the  murderer  in  the  grasp 
of  the  law  inch  by  inch  toward  the  gallows.  After  his  lawyers  have 
exhausted  every  subtlety  in  court,  there  still  remains  the  last  resort  of 
an  appeal  to  the  Governor  to  stay  his  execution,  and  remit  or  com 
mute  his  punishment.  One  such  case  occurred  before  Seward  had 
been  a  month  in  office,  and  another  a  few  weeks  later  ;  but  in  both 
the  justice  of  the  sentence  was  so  clear  that  he  declined  to  interfere. 
In  April  came  the  case  of  Conway,  who  was  convicted  of  murder  on 
his  own  confession,  but  the  court  and  the  prosecuting  attorney  becom 
ing  satisfied  that  he  was  insane,  recommended  a  commutation  of  his 
sentence.  Seward  granted  their  request,  but  decided  that  the  lunatic 
asylum,  not  the  State-prison,  was  the  place  where  he  should  be  confined. 

A  case,  curious  in  its  details,  occurred  iii  Jefferson  County.  A 
man  named  McCarthy  had  deliberately  planned  and  accomplished  the 
murder  of  his  wife's  father,  concealed  the  body  with  adroit  ingenuity, 
and  invented  and  circulated  stories  to  account  for  the  mysterious 
disappearance.  Detected  at  last,  he  was  convicted  and  sentenced  to 
be  hanged.  Then  came  a  letter  from  the  Catholic  priest  of  the  neigh 
borhood,  a  warm-hearted,  unsophisticated  man,  and  who,  without  at  all 
excusing  the  crime,  asked  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  visit  and 
administer  the  last  offices  to  the  condemned  man  in  his  cell.  The 
jailer,  construing  the  law  according  to  its  strict  letter,  had  refused, 


1839.]  CHILDREN   IN  THE   HOUSE   OF  REFUGE.  425 

on  the  ground  that  no  one  could  be  permitted  to  hold  conversation  with 
the  prisoner  unless  in  the  presence  of  the  keeper,  while  the  clergyman 
said  that  the  rules  of  the  Church  required  the  confession  to  be  a  private 
one.  The  Governor  granted  the  desired  permission,  saying  : 

From  time  immemorial  the  judge  has  closed  the  solemn  sentence  of  death  with 
the  prayer,  u  And  may  the  Lord  have  mercy  on  your  soul !  "  A  custom  as  old 
and  as  uniform  has  sanctioned  the  visits  of  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  to  prepare 
the  prisoner  for  that  mercy  which  the  judge  implores.  What  Christianity  en 
joins,  our  laws  and  customs  both  tolerate  and  encourage.  It  certainly  is  consist 
ent  with  the  spirit  of  toleration  which  pervades  our  free  institutions  that  the 
convict  should  enjoy  the  visits  of  ministers  of  his  own  faith. 

But  now  came  a  new  phase  in  the  case.  The  clergyman  having 
heard  the  doomed  man's  confession,  wrote  to  urge  a  commutation  of  the 
sentence,  because  the  prisoner  had  stated  circumstances  which,  to  him, 
seemed  to  very  much  mitigate  his  guilt.  His  zeal  to  save  his  parish 
ioner's  life  even  led  him  to  overstep  the  rule  of  the  Church,  which  for 
bids  betrayal  of  the  secrets  of  the  confessional.  The  Governor,  how 
ever,  declined  to  be  moved  even  by  these,  and  replied  : 

It  is  the  law  of  the  land  that  the  prisoner's  crime  be  punishable  with  death. 
It  is  not  for  me  to  abrogate  or  change  this  law.  On  the  contrary,  I  have  come 
under  solemn  obligations  to  take  care  that  it  is  fulfilled.  I  hasten  this  reply,  that 
it  may,  if  possible,  remove  any  groundless  hope  the  prisoner  may  indulge.  And 
I  hope  that  he  will  prepare,  with  the  aid  of  your  pious  ministrations,  for  that 
dread  tribunal  where,  like  him,  we  must  all  appear  as  suppliants  for  mercy. 

After  McCarthy  had  been  hanged,  some  political  opponents  of  the 
Governor,  getting  an  imperfect  version  of  the  story,  thought  to  find  in  it 
material  for  denunciation,  and  so  called  for  the  correspondence.  They 
received  it  at  once,  and  with  it  a  note,  saying  that  the  Governor  cheer 
fully  gave  information  relating  to  his  official  conduct  when  called  for 
by  a  respectable  number  of  his  fellow-citizens,  whether  their  views  con 
curred  with  or  differed  from  his  own.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that 
they  did  not  find  it  of  any  use  for  their  purposes. 

Youthful  delinquents  in  the  House  of  Refuge  were  objects  of  spe 
cial  solicitude.  In  a  letter  to  the  superintendent,  Seward  wrote  : 

ALBANY,  July  16,  1839. 

I  regret  that  you  did  not  deem  it  important  to  answer  my  inquiries  in  relation 
to  the  situation  and  health  of  Frederick  Becker.  Unreasonable  fears  are  often 
excited  on  the  part  of  parents,  and  I  am  often  able  to  relieve  their  solicitude, 
by  obtaining  such  information.  Mrs.  Becker  is  a  poor  and  afflicted  but  excellent 
woman.  It  requires  a  heart  of  stone  to  deny  such  a  woman's  petition  for  the 
pardon  of  a  child  thirteen  years  old,  and  at  the  same  time  to  refuse  to  inquire 
whether  the  child  is  well  and  cheerful. 

A  little  girl  of  ten  years  had  been  some  months  in  the  House  of 


426  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

Refuge,  whose  managers  declined  to  deliver  her  to  her  parents.  The 
mother,  moved  perhaps  by  the  loss  of  her  child  as  nothing  else  would 
have  moved  her,  renounced  her  idle  habits,  took  the  pledge,  and  joined 
the  church  ;  and  the  father  afterward  followed  her  example,  becoming  in 
dustrious  and  respectable.  Aided  by  the  pastor  of  their  church,  they 
now  petitioned  the  Governor  for  the  little  girl.  But  on  addressing  the 
managers  he  was  informed  that,  in  accordance  with  custom,  they  had 
apprenticed  her  ;  the  indentures  were  already  made  out  and  signed, 
and  the  master  did  not  wish  to  give  her  up.  The  Governor  replied : 

The  parents,  by  their  reformation  and  their  perseverance,  now  some 
months,  in  a  religious  course  of  life,  have  removed  the  only  ground  upon  which 
the  laws  could  justify  a  denial  of  their  parental  care  of  a  female  child  of  such 
tender  years.  To  doubt  whether  it  is  better  to  restore  their  child  under  such 
circumstances,  than  to  leave  her  in  the  care  of  any  stranger,  would  be  to  distrust 
nature.  The  suggestion  of  the  managers  is  therefore  accepted,  and,  in  order  to 
avoid  all  difficulty  concerning  the  indenture,  I  herewith  transmit  a  pardon  of  the 
little  apprentice.  Should  the  master  refuse  to  surrender  her,  you  will  have  the 
goodness  to  return  the  pardon  to  me,  with  information  of  his  name  and  residence, 
that  I  may  direct  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  to  be  sued  out  for  her  release. 

The  proposed  monument  to  De  Witt  Clinton  had  not  been  sanc 
tioned  by  the  Legislature.  Party  feeling  was  raised  against  it  ;  proba 
bly  by  the  very  zeal  with  which  the  Whigs  claimed  him  as  the  pioneer 
and  exemplar  whom  they  were  following  in  their  canal  policy.  It 
was  therefore  considered  a  Whig  project,  although  he  was  dead  and 
buried  years  before  the  Whig  party  was  born.  In  a  letter  to  Edward  C. 
Delavan,  Seward  wrote  : 

The  time  has  not  yet  arrived  when  the  Legislature  of  New  York  will  be  ready 
to  do  full  honor  to  her  most  gifted  son  and  greatest  benefactor.  For  the  honor 
of  the  State  I  regret  the  failure. 

And  now  came  a  call  from  the  "  Alma  Mater,"  whose  pupil  he  had 
been  twenty  years  before,  and  whose  trustee  he  now  was,  ex-officio — 
Union  College.  It  came  in  the  form  of  a  letter  from  the  president,  his 
old  preceptor,  and  was  acknowledged  thus  : 

ALBANY,  July  9,  1839. 

I  Lave  this  morning  received  your  letter,  which  reminds  me  of  ray  obligation 
to  attend  the  commencement.  I  return  you  my  thanks  for  the  kindness  with 
which  it  recalls  recollections,  always  full  of  pleasure,  tinged  with  melancholy,  of 
my  collegiate  life.  I  am  sure,  my  dear  sir,  you  will  believe  me  when  I  say  that  the 
circumstance  which  renders  me  indisposed  to  attend  the  commencement  is  that 
my  official  relations  and  duties  may  not  permit  the  unrestrained  freedom  I  have 
enjoyed  in  former  visits.  You  are  very  kind  to  tender  me  a  home  in  your  deso 
late  house.  Prof.  Reed  was  kind  enough  to  invite  me  to  his  house.  I  shall  be 
well  contented  with  any  disposition  of  myself  that  you  and  he  may  make. 


1839.]  MRS.    CLINTON.  427 

Honors  and  kindly  welcome  greeted  him  on  commencement  day  in 
the  field  of  old-time  toils  and  struggles.  The  Adelphic  Society,  which 
once  came  so  near  striking  his  name  from  its  roll,  commissioned  an 
artist  to  paint  his  portrait.  The  newspapers  noted  the  fact  that  the 
"long  procession  of  strangers,  students,  and  officers  of  the  college, 
was  closed  by  Dr.  Nott,  in  all  the  firmness  and  vigor  of  a  green  old 
age,  supported  by  two  of  his  former  pupils  and  graduates  of  the  col 
lege,  now  ex-officio  trustees.  On  his  right  was  the  Governor,  and  on 
his  left  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction." 

He  always  recurred  with  pleasure  to  recollections  of  college-life, 
and  loved  to  meet  old  college  friends  and  associates,  whether  professors 
or  students.  At  the  time  of  his  graduation  at  Schenectady,  Union 
College  was  yet  in  its  infancy  ;  the  classes  were  small,  and  the  Faculty 
not  large.  Yet  among  them  were  many  esteemed  friends.  His  letters 
make  frequent  reference  to  his  visits  to  Dr.  Nott,  his  meetings  with  the 
Potters,  both  since  bishops,  Drs.  Reed,  Yates,  Jackson,  Tellkampff, 
Macauley,  and  Wayland.  Among  his  own  classmates  were  the  Rev. 
Dr.  L.  P.  Hickok,  Tayler  Lewis,  Horatio  Averill,  Chauncey  Dewey, 
William  Kent,  Archibald  L.  Linn,  John  C.  Wright,  and  Robert  Den- 
niston. 

He  was  of  opinion  that  Dr.  Nott  had  succeeded  in  making  a  college 
distinctively  American  ;  for,  instead  of  seeking  to  make  profound  stu 
dents,  he  sought  to  fit  his  pupils  for  the  practical  duties  of  the  Ameri 
can  pulpit,  court-room,  counting-house,  or  legislative  hall.  The  toler 
ance  of  all  Christian  creeds  and  the  union  between  Christian  denomi 
nations — implied  by  its  name  and  exemplified  in  its  Faculty — were,  as 
Seward  thought,  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  it  was  educating  boys 
to  be  citizens  of  a  country  whose  fundamental  principle  was  freedom 
of  religion. 

Going  up  one  morning  to  spend  a  couple  of  days  at  Saratoga,  he 
met,  at  the  railroad-office,  the  widow  of  Governor  Clinton,  with  her 
daughter,  an  invalid,  and  they  made  the  journey  together. 

July  27,  1839. 

One  of  the  things  that  I  found  myself  required  to  do  was  to  visit  this  resort 
of  the  grave,  the  gay,  the  lively,  the  severe.  I  submitted  with  reluctance,  and 
came  here  yesterday.  It  is  more  endurable  than  I  thought.  Lionizing  is  so 
common  here  that  an  u  Excellency  "  may  pass  comparatively  unnoticed.  It  is 
a  relief  to  forget  titles  of  bills,  pardons,  appointments,  and  all  the  thousand 
troubles  which  annoy  at  Albany.  The  great  "  lions  "  have  not  yet  arrived  at 
this  place.  The  President  is  expected  in  about  a  fortnight,  and  Mr.  Clay  at  the 
same  time.  The  latter  will  be  at  Auburn  on  Friday  or  Saturday.  The  ob 
served  of  all  here  now  is  Mrs.  De  Witt  Clinton.  You  would  be  much  interested 
in  her. 

Toward  the  close  of  July  he  was  preparing  for  a  trip  through  the 


428  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

northern  counties.     Lieutenant-Governor  Bradish  had  already  gone  to 
his  home  in  Franklin  County,  and  Seward  wrote  him  : 

ALBANY,  July  27,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIE  :  You  were  unexpectedly  expeditious  in  your  departure.  By 
way  of  paying  "the  respect  due  to  your  official  station  and  properly  required 
from  mine,"  I  called  a  coach,  and,  summoning  the  "  Dictator,"  presented  my 
self,  at  eight  last  evening,  at  your  door.  The  waiter  announced  your  departure. 
Happy  man  that  you  are,  to  be  able  to  luxuriate  during  the  dog-days  at  Elm- 
wood !  I  thank  you  very  much  for  your  kindness  in  making  a  programme  for 
my  route.  I  hope  now  to  take  up  my  progression  on  Monday  or  Tuesday  at 
farthest,  and  approach  you  with  all  the  rapidity  consistent  with  the  character  of 
a  republican  Chief  Magistrate.  Of  course  you,  better  than  I,  will  know  how 
long  a  time  the  journey  will  require.  Mr.  Clay  writes  me  that  he  will  be  at 
Saratoga  on  the  8th  of  August. 

Henry  Clay  was  making  a  summer  "tour"  through  the  State  as 
well  as  the  President.  While  the  latter  was  traveling  from  east  to 
west,  the  former  was  coming  from  west  to  east.  He  had  visited  Buf 
falo,  passed  a  few  days  with  General  Porter  at  Niagara,  and  was  now 
receiving  from  the  Whigs  of  the  various  towns  through  which  he 
passed  demonstrations  like  those  which  the  Democrats  were  bestowing 
on  Mr.  Van  Buren.  A  delegation  from  Auburn  on  horseback  and  in 
carriages  met  him  at  Cayuga  Bridge,  and  escorted  him  to  the  village, 
where  ensued  the  formal  speeches  of  welcome,  hand-shaking,  and  cheers 
for  "  Harry  of  the  West."  One  of  his  sons  accompanied  him,  as  well 
as  his  faithful  body-servant  Charles.  The  abolitionists  endeavored  to 
persuade  Charles  to  accept  the  blessings  of  freedom.  But  he  decided 
that  his  most  comfortable  place  was  to  "  stick  to  his  master,"  of  whose 
reflected  glory  he  received  no  inconsiderable  share.  Mr.  Clay  spent  the 
night  at  Seward's  residence  at  Auburn  and  wrote  thence  to  him.  A 
note  from  the  latter  to  Mrs.  Seward  said  : 

ALBANY,  July  27,  1839. 

The  mail  has  just  brought  me  Mr.  Clay's  letter,  with  your  postscript.  I  am 
happy  that  you  had  an  opportunity  to  see  him.  I  was  two  days  at  the  com 
mencement,  but  I  cannot  now  write  about  it,  for  my  work  accuses  me  on  all 
sides.  I  called  on  Thursday  with  the  State  officers  6n  the  President ;  and  spent 
half  an  hour  at  a  party  given  him  by  General  Dix.  He  returned  my  call  on 
Saturday.  He  declined,  very  politely,  my  invitation  to  dine.  This  letter  was 
commenced  at  five  this  evening.  It  is  now  eleven  o'clock ;  and  I  have  written 
every  minute  I  have  been  alone ;  so  you  see  I  am  not  favored  with  too  much 
leisure. 

On  Tuesday  morning  about  an  hour  before  the  stage  was  to 
start,  a  man  entered  who  was  announced  as  Mr.  Caphart,  bringing  a 
requisition  from  Lieutenant-Governor  Hopkins,  of  Virginia.  Governor 
Seward  glanced  over  it  and  saw  that  it  was  a  demand  for  the  surrender 


1839.]  THE   VIRGINIA   REQUISITION.  429 

of  three  colored  men,  whom  it  charged  with  having  "  feloniously  stolen  " 
a  "  certain  negro  slave  named  Isaac."  Inquiring  further  as  to  the  story, 
he  was  informed  that  the  three  men  were  sailors  on  board  a  New  York 
schooner,  and  that,  while  she  was  lying  in  Norfolk  harbor,  they  had 
secreted  Isaac  in  the  hold  and  brought  him  off  to  New  York. 

"  And  where  are  the  men  ?  " 

"  They  are  in  prison  in  New  York,  awaiting  your  decision  on  the 
requisition." 

Again  looking  at  the  requisition,  he  found  attached  to  it  a  short 
affidavit  of  one  Colley  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  giving  the  names 
of  the  parties  concerned,  but  no  details  of  the  case. 

"  And  where  is  the  slave  ?  " 

"  Oh  !  he  was  caught  and  taken  back  to  his  master,  before  the 
requisition  was  made." 

On  the  face  of  it,  therefore,  it  was  a  demand  to  have  three  black 
men  sent  from  New  York,  to  be  punished  in  Virginia  because  they  had 
tried,  though  ineffectually,  to  help  another  to  escape  from  slavery.  The 
case  was  novel,  the  papers  curt,  the  proofs  defective,  and  the  aspect  of 
it  repugnant.  So,  instead  of  directing  the  usual  papers  to  be  issued  in 
compliance  with  a  requisition,  Seward  decided  to  look  further  into  the 
matter.  Accordingly,  he  told  Mr.  Caphart  and  directed  the  private 
secretary,  Mr.  Blatchford,  to  give  him  a  written  memorandum  to  the 
effect  that  the  papers  were  unsatisfactory  and  defective,  that  he  should 
give  the  subject  further  consideration  at  Auburn,  and  furthermore  that 
he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  give  the  three  men  an  opportunity  to  be  heard 
before  he  decided.  Mr.  Caphart  took  the  memorandum  and  his  leave. 
A  copy  of  the  same  note  was  sent  by  the  secretary  to  the  Sheriff  of 
New  York,  to  be  delivered  to  the  accused. 

His  letters  home  briefly  described  his  journeying  : 

ALBANY,  July  30,  1889. 

I  am  setting  out  this  morning  for  Auburn,  by  the  way  of  Washington,  "Warren, 
Clinton,  Franklin,  St.  Lawrence,  Jefferson,  and  Oswego  Counties.  I  have  been 
desiring  long  to  see  that  part  of  the  State,  and  it  has  now  become  a  duty.  I 
travel,  of  course,  in  the  public  conveyances,  unheralded  and  unattended,  except 
by  the  Adjutant-General. 

CALDWELL,  LAKE  GEORGE,  Friday,  August  2,  1839. 

Here  I  am,  lamenting  that  you  are  not  with  me  to  make  acquaintance  with 
the  glorious  scenes  of  which  we  both  have  heard  so  much.  My  window 
looks  out  upon  the  head  of  Lake  George.  A  beautiful  green  lawn  stretches 
down  to  the  lake-shore.  The  lake  presents  a  silver  mirror,  a  mile  in  width,  for 
the  forests  to  contemplate  their  own  rich  morning  attire,  as  they  do  homage  to 
the  rising  sun.  The  mirror  is  set  in  a  circular  mountain-frame.  Its  surface,  as 
the  eye  glances  off  to  the  north,  is  interspersed  with  beautiful  and  various  isl 
ands.  It  is,  indeed,  a  scene  to  contemplate  and  admire  for  hours.  How  we 
came  here  must  of  course  be  narrated.  General  King  and  I  left  Albany  on 


430  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

Tuesday  morning — the  hottest  day  almost  of  the  whole  summer — in  a  post-coach, 
with  nine  other  passengers.  We  passed  Troy  and  Lansingburg ;  and  made  na 
stop  until  we  arrived  at  Pittstown.  There  the  people  were  emulous  in  showing 
us  the  neat  white  house  and  still  pretty  shrubbery  that  mark  the  spot  where  once 
lived  your  ancestors.  From  Pittstown  we  proceeded  through  Cambridge  and 
Salem  to  Granville,  in  Washington  County.  I  was  unwell  all  day,  and  was  enjoy 
ing  a  sound  sleep,  at  ten  o'clock,  in  the  coach,  when  the  loud  cannonading  an 
nounced  our  welcome  to  Granville.  A  young  lady  who  lived  in  the  village,  and 
who  had  been  pointing  out  to  us  objects  of  interest  on  our  journey,  and  knowing 
nothing  of  us,  expressed  her  surprise  at  this  unusual  excitement  among  her  neigh 
bors  ;  but  finally  concluded  that  these  were  the  preliminary  demonstrations  for  a 
ladies'  fair  which  was  to  come  off  the  next  day.  We  drove  up  to  the  village  and 
into  a  scene  of  wild  and  glad  merriment.  The  cannon  was  loudly  proclaiming,  the 
church-bells  responding ;  the  hotel  was  decorated  with  boughs  inside  and  out, 
and  finely  illuminated  withal ;  and  the  boys,  like  our  own  urchins  in  Auburn, 
kept  the  night  alarmed  with  fire-balls,  shooting  through  the  atmosphere  in  every 
direction.  It  was  a  joyous  and  unsophisticated  welcome.  I  yielded  to  its  in 
fluences  until  twelve  o'clock,  and  then  went  to  a  bed  that  had  no  sleep  for  one 
so  weary  and  ill  as  I. 

The  next  morning  we  attended  the  ladies'  fair,  and,  after  an  hour  of  leave- 
taking,  came  on  to  Whitehall.  There  we  were  two  hours,  with  a  reception  as 
frigid  as  that  the  night  before  at  Granville  was  warm.  Nobody  knew  we  had 
contemplated  visiting  their  town,  and  we  knew  not  a  soul  in  it.  First,  we  were 
stared  at  as  strangers  of  a  curious  gait  and  bearing ;  then  our  incog,  yielded  to 
the  inquisitive  interrogation  of  the  people  at  the  tavern ;  and  then  we  were  fol 
lowed  and  surveyed  with  curious  and  speculative  eyes.  Just  as  the  boat  was 
ready  to  leave,  some  gentlemen  came  and  introduced  themselves  to  us,  desiring 
us  to  stay  until  to-morrow.  We  ought  to  have  accepted  the  kind  invitation  to 
stay  a  day.  But  our  time  would  not  permit  delay,  even  for  the  purpose  of  re 
ceiving  honors. 

We  embarked  at  one  o'clock  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  landed  at  four,  in  a 
furious  storm,  at  Ticonderoga.  Here  was  only  a  solitary  tavern,  and  that  was  ex 
hausted  of  its  guests.  The  ground  was  wet  and  muddy,  and  I  was  too  unwell  to 
write  at  home  or  go  abroad.  The  time  wore  away  heavily  until  night ;  but  I  slept, 
and  rose  yesterday  invigorated  and  buoyant.  I  took  a  horse  and  rode  over  the 
old  French  forts,  and  the  ground  of  the  encampments  of  the  hostile  parties,  who 
fretted  their  busy  hours  upon  this  scene  some  sixty  and  some  ninety  years  ago. 
Then  we  took  a  beautiful  little  barge  and  spread  our  tiny  canvas  to  the  morn 
ing  breeze,  and  came  here. 

PLATTSBURG,  August  Zd. 

We  left  Lake  George  yesterday  morning,  called  for  an  hour  at  Burlington, 
passed Elkanah  Watson's  house  illuminated  from  "donjon-keep  to  turret-stone," 
and  arrived  here  at  ten  last  evening.  To-day  we  attend  church;  to-morrow 
we  visit  the  town  ;  on  Tuesday  we  inspect  the  iron-works  at  Keeseville  on  the 
Ausable  River. 

August  tth. 

I  find  that  Mr.  Clay  will  pass  up  this  lake  to-morrow.  I  shall  stay  here  till 
he  ponies,  and  give  him  my  greeting  to-morrow  evening. 


1839.]  A  TOUR  THROUGH   THE   NORTHERN    COUNTIES.  431 

OODENSBURG,  August   Wtk. 

General  King  and  I  have  been  the  busiest  men  in  the  whole  State  since  I  last 
-wrote,  and  have  been  intent  upon  prosecuting  our  journey.  We  left  Plattsburg 
on  Tuesday  morning  before  day ;  arrived  the  next  at  Malone,  where  we  met  the 
Lieutenant-Governor ;  spent  a  day  with  him  in  traversing  Franklin  County ; 
arrived  here  on  Friday  evening,  and  shall  take  our  departure  to-morrow  morn 
ing  for  Sackett's  Harbor  and  Watertowri,  then  by  Oswego  homeward.  I  meet 
everywhere  unlooked-for  and  unsolicited  kindness ;  but  it  never  leaves  me  alone. 

At  various  points  on  the  journey  addresses  of  welcome  were  suitably 
answered,  with  allusions  which  showed  that  he  was  studying  the  charac 
ter  of  the  region  through  which  he  was  passing.  In  his  address  at 
Ogdensburg  he  remarked  : 

Late  as  it  is,  I  accomplish  a  long-cherished  desire  in  coming  here  to  learn  the 
resources,  the  interests,  and  the  exigencies  of  this  portion  of  the  State,  that  I 
may  be  more  able  hereafter  to  contribute  to  its  advancement. 

The  "  tour "  occupied  fifteen  days,  and  on  arriving  at  Auburn  he 
found  there  a  letter  from  Henry  Clay.  Referring  to  a  hurried  interview 
they  had  had  on  Lake  Champlain,  Seward  expressed  his  regret  that  the 
engagements  imperative  upon  each  of  them  seemed  to  render  it  im 
possible  to  have  a  longer  friendly  consultation. 

You  are  the  guest  of  the  Whig  party  of  this  State,  and  I  am  right  glad  that 
they  give  you  so  warm  and  appropriate  a  welcome.  You  will  soon  pass  beyond 
the  greeting  of  the  hundred  thousand  friends  you  find  in  the  State,  and  will  be 
able  to  judge  then  of  the  aspect  of  public  affairs,  and  of  your  personal  position 
in  regard  to  them.  Having  passed  through  many  points  of  your  route,  I  have 
had  an  opportunity  to  learn  the  tone  of  the  public  mind  after  your  departure.  I 
have  great  pleasure  in  saying  that  among  our  friends  in  Essex,  Clinton,  St.  Law 
rence,  Jefferson,  Oswego,  and  Cayuga,  the  spirit  of  the  Whig  party  has  been 
invigorated  by  your  visit,  and  a  feeling  of  more  ardent  and  devoted  kindness 
toward  yourself  has  been  widely  extended. 

To  Mr.  Weed  he  wrote  : 

AUBUBN,  August  15, 1839. 

Well,  here  I  am,  with  a  wife  once  more  well  and  cheerful,  and  boys  growing 
so  rapidly  that  I  scarcely  dare  recognize  them — kind  greetings  and  enthusiastic 
friends.  How  I  wish  I  could  rest  among  them  a  little  brief  space ! 

A  delightful  excursion  was  that  in  the  north.  I  will  not  detail  its  occur 
rences  ;  but  King  will  give  you  the  particulars.  From  one  end  to  the  other 
there  was  no  word  of  complaint,  or  of  regret,  or  of  want  of  confidence,  except 
at  Oswego,  concerning  the  ship-canal  affair.  That  is  wrong;  and  I  know  not 
how  it  is  to  be  put  right. 

Of  the  presidential  question  I  know  lest  than  when  I  left  Albany.  I  wit 
nessed  from  the  deck  of  the  steamer  Mr.  Clay's  entrance  into  Burlington.  I 
am  unaccustomed  to  such  demonstrations.  It  was  enthusiastic  as  it  was  mag 
nificent.  I  believe,  too,  that  it  was  chiefly  or  altogether  felt  to  be  made  toward 
.Mr.  Clay  as  a  candidate. 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

I  found  the  same  thing  and  the  same  feeling  in  Essex  and  Clinton  Counties. 
In  Jefferson  and  St.  Lawrence,  however,  I  found  that  there  had  been  what  was 
supposed  to  be  equal  ardor ;  but  it  was  told  me  by  actors  in  it  that  it  was  hom 
age  to  Mr.  Clay  as  a,  not  the,  representative  of  Whig  principles.  In  this  county 
it  is  Scott,  but  I  did  not  hear  anything  elsewhere  to  that  effect.  Harrison 
seemed  to  be  strong  in  Jefferson  and  St.  Lawrence. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Clay  told  me  with  frankness,  and  in  a  confiding  man 
ner,  that  the  demonstrations  were  of  such  a  kind  everywhere  as  to  convince 
him  that  he  was  well  with  the  people.  I  stated  to  him  that  all  was  right  tow 
ard  him,  except  the  feelings  of  the  abolitionists,  and  the  fears,  as  they  truly 
exist,  predicated  upon  the  supposed  hostility  of  that  class.  He  concluded  me 
from  that  ground,  by  saying  that  there  was  nothing  in  either — that  many 
abolitionists  had  come  to  him  confessing  their  abolitionism,  but  declaring  their 
preference  for  and  devotion  to  him.  And  then  we  were  called  off. 

I  was  at  Elkanah  Watson's  (an  old  friend),  at  Port  Kent,  waiting  for  a  boat 
down  the  lake.  Clay  came  in  the  up-boat.  He  (at  my  instance)  came  to  Wat 
son's  and  I  received  him  there,  then  went  on  board  his  boat  with  him  to  Bur 
lington  wharf,  where  I  took  leave  of  him  and  went  on  board  the  boat  for  Platts- 
burg. 

I  thank  you  for  the  picture.  It  is  well,  but  not  so  good  as  the  article  it 
illustrates. 

There  is  still  extant  a  copy  of  this  political  caricature,  one  of  the 
best  of  its  kind.  Its  portraits  were  so  good,  and  its  humorous  points 
so  well  taken,  that  both  friends  and  foes  had  to  join  in  the  merriment 
it  created.  It  was  a  lithograph,  entitled  "  The  Political  Drill  of  the 
State  Officers."  It  represented  Thurlow  Weed,  as  drummer,  striding 
in  advance,  cigar  in  mouth,  and  vigorously  beating  a  tune,  to  which 
all  the  others  were  trying  to  keep  step.  Behind  him  came  the  diminu 
tive  Governor,  also  smoking,  vainly  trying  to  follow  the  footsteps  of 
the  long-legged  drummer,  and  unconsciously  imitating  the  movements 
of  his  hands.  The  Adjutant-General  followed,  arrayed  in  most  gor 
geous  and  bewildering  regimentals.  Then  came  the  Secretary  of  State 
and  Comptroller,  the  former  of  whom  evidently  would  not,  while  the  lat 
ter  could  not,  keep  step.  The  Treasurer  had  fallen  out  of  line,  and 
with  a  determined  air  sat  down  on  his  strong  box  to  protect  it  ;  while 
the  Attorney  -  General,  sitting  under  a  tree,  was  diligently  conning 
his  first  lesson  in  "  Blackstone's  Commentaries." 

Mr.  Weed,  finding  the  caricature  at  the  lithographer's,  had  sent  a 
copy  to  Seward  with  this  characteristic  note  : 

I  send  you  a  picture.  The  shop  at  which  I  found  it  was  the  scene  of  capi 
tal  fun.  The  salesman  proposed  to  furnish  a.  key.  "  This,"  said  he,  "  is  the 
Attorney-General.  This  fellow  is  Weed,  who  was  a  drummer  in  the  last  war, 
and  an  excellent  likeness."  By  this  time,  a  third  person,  who  was  standing  by, 
very  quietly  inquired  whether  /considered  it  a  likeness.  The  man  and  his  clerk 
stared.  Your  uncle,  "  confessing  the  soft  impeachment,"  stipulated  for  a  reason 
able  abatement  of  nose,  and  agreed  that  the  thing  was  admirable. 


1839.]  A   CLEVER   CARICATURE.  433 

The  rascals  have  got  that  jockey  great-coat  that  Tommy  Lee  made  you. 
But  the  "Adjutant  "  looks  magnificently.  The  figure  intended  for  Haight  is  a 
striking  likeness  of  Holley.  I  found  the  "  Premier  "  in  good-humor,  and  pre 
sented  him  a  copy,  with  which  he  was  delighted.  He  talked  it  all  over  with  Dr. 
Nott,  going  to  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Institution. 

Years  afterward  the  story  of  the  origin  of  this  caricature  was  told. 
One  evening  at  the  house  of  ex-Comptroller  Flagg,  the  promising  and 
popular  young  artist  Freeman  was  making  a  call.  The  family  circle 
were  reading  and  laughing  over  a  burlesque  article  in  the  Argus,  pur 
porting  to  be  a  description  of  a  drill  of  the  newly-appointed  State 
officers,  in  the  vacant  square  in  front  of  the  gubernatorial  residence. 
As  Freeman  sat  listening,  he  took  out  his  pencil  and  commenced  sketch 
ing  on  a  sheet  of  paper  the  scene  described.  While  thus  engaged,  ex- 
Governor  Marcy  came  in,  looked  over  his  shoulder,  and,  recognizing  the 
likenesses,  said  sharply  and  indignantly: 

"  That's  libelous,  sir  !  Do  you  know,  sir,  that  the  man  who  makes 
such  a  picture  can  be  prosecuted  for  libel  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  said  Freeman,  looking  up — "  yes,  and  what  shall  be  done 
with  the  scoundrel  who  wrote  the  article  ?  " 

The  general  laugh  that  greeted  this  reply  showed  Governor  Marcy 
that  he  was  known  to  be  the  author.  Freeman's  sketch  was  pronounced 
so  excellent  that  it  was  taken  the  next  day  to  be  lithographed. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

1839. 

Visit  to  Western  New  York. — The  Amistad.— The  Virginia  Controversy. — Cole's  Picture. 
—Military  Reviews. — School  Libraries. — Morus  Multicaulis  Fever. — No  Coal-Mines. — 
Church  and  State. — Election  of  a  Whig  Legislature. — Presidential  Tours. — Partisanship 
in  Office. 

A  HURKIED  trip  to  Chautauqua  occupied  the  latter  days  of  Au 
gust.  Just  before  starting,  Seward  wrote  to  Mr.  Weed  : 

ATTBUKN,  August  17, 1839. 

The  Richmond  Whig  wrote  me  down  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President. 
Wetmore  thereupon  writes  his  gratification  with  this,  but  his  protest  also.  To 
this  I  thought  it  wise  to  respond,  because  the  response  will  be  widely  promulgated 
in  the  right  quarter.  I  therefore  wrote  him  emphatically  that  it  was  an  absurd 
ity,  and  that  no  circumstances,  public  or  personal,  could  exist  which  would  in 
duce  my  consent  to  be  talked  of  for  such  a  purpose. 

I  find  the  caricature  better  by  daylight.     It  is  capital,  and  I  will  preserve  it. 
The  conceit  of  the  writer  is  well  sustained. 
28 


434  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1839, 

From  Chautauqua  he  wrote  home  : 

WESTFIELD,  Sunday  Evening. 

It  is  almost  a  week  since  I  left  you,  and  this  is  the  first  time  I  have  been  alone 
except  upon  a  weary  bed.  I  passed  through  Seneca  Falls,  but  without  stopping. 
At  Waterloo  I  met  several  friends — at  Geneva  all  whom  I  cared  to  see.  I  had 
a  very  good  visit  with  our  sister  at  Oanandaigua.  At  Rochester,  George  Andrew's 
house  was  desolate.  I  did  not  enter  it ;  but  Mrs.  Whittlesey  made  me  happy  by 
plain,  unostentatious,  but  winning  kindness.  Her  husband  was  at  Buffalo.  At 
Batavia,  Mrs.  Gary  was  well,  and  cheerful,  and  affectionate,  and  so  was  her  ex 
cellent  husband.  There  was  a  demonstration  of  political  feeling  that  could  not 
but  be  gratifying.  At  Lockport  it  was  dull.  At  Niagara  Falls  I  wanted  you. 
From  nine  until  midnight  I  was  strolling  upon  Goat  Island  by  the  side  of  rapids, 
cascades,  and  cataracts,  listening  to  thunders  when  the  world  was  hushed,  and 
viewing  the  silvered  waves  as  they  made  stars  of  their  own,  emulous  of  the  sky 
above.  Eapids  by  moonlight  seen  through  a  grove  are  beautiful,  and  more 
beautiful  and  wonderful  is  the  lunar  rainbow,  which  seems  to  throw  itself  as  a 
proscenium  before  the  mighty  stage. 

At  Buffalo  there  was  a  salute,  a  review,  a  feu  de  joie,  a  dinner,  a  supper, 
Fred  Whittlesey  and  other  friends,  a  thousand  visitors,  and  a  procession  of  five 
hundred  firemen  with  torch-lights.  The  procession  escorted  me  to  the  boat,  and 
the  people  uttered  loud  and  hearty  welcome. 

His  reception  at  Westfield  was  not  a  formal  parade  ;  but,  word  hav 
ing  gone  out  to  the  farmers,  people  began  to  come  in  singly  and  in 
families,  on  foot,  on  horseback,  and  in  wagons.  The  long  room  of  the 
Westfield  House  was  filled  during  the  evening ;  speeches  of  welcome 
were  made  by  R.  P.  Marvin,  the  member  of  Congress,  Dean  Edson, 
and  others.  In  his  reply  the  Governor  said  : 

You  have  been  pleased  to  remind  me  that  I  came  here  three  years  ago  a 
stranger,  in  a  season  of  great  excitement  and  unhappiness,  to  assume  a  trust  in 
volving  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  citizens  of  this  country.  That  task  has 
been  finished.  An  issue  was  made  up  upon  the  manner  in  which  that  delicate 
trust  was  discharged.  The  case  was  tried,  and  the  judgment  was  rendered  during 
my  absence  from  among  you.  I  cannot  forget  that  the  people  of  Chatauqua  on 
that  occasion  vindicated  me  from  reproach,  and  defended  my  good  name  as  if 
it  had  been  a  property  of  their  own.  I  cannot  forget  that  I  owe  them  a  debt  of 
lasting  gratitude.  I  desire  not  to  act  the  orator.  I  would  forget  during  the 
time  I  remain  among  you  that  I  am  a  public  officer.  I  desire  to  remember  only 
that  I  have  been  your  neighbor,  and  am  your  obliged  fellow-citizen. 

WESTFIELD,  August  25th. 

Well,  Mr.  Weed,  this  is  what  I  did  not  expect  from  you !  I  have  hurried 
through  the  Seventh  and  Eighth  Districts  in  less  than  a  week,  expecting  to  find 
letters  from  you  at  the  end  of  the  journey;  and,  lo!  here  I  am  without  my  re 
port.  I  presume  I  might  as  well  abdicate  and  resume  my  land  agency,  as  you 
have  usurped  the  government.  The  news  from  Tennessee  and  Indiana  have 
made  you  bold.  I  think  Ibrahim  Pasha,  the  Emperor  Nicholas,  and  you,  will 
soon  be  at  loggerheads  for  the  division  of  the  world. 


1839.J  PRESIDENT   VAN   BUREN  AT   AUBURN.  435 

The  week  having  passed,  Seward  returned  home  through  the  south 
ern  tier  of  counties.  At  Bath,  Steuben  County,  alluding  to  the  accu 
sation  of  exaggerated  enthusiasm  in  behalf  of  public  works,  he  re 
marked  : 

The  Erie  Canal,  the  Ohamplain  Canal,  and  all  our  other  canals  and  railroads, 
were  made  under  the  influence  of  those  who  were  called  enthusiasts.  We  have 
yet  to  learn  which  one  of  them  the  people  are  willing  to  relinquish.  Improve 
ments  and  inventions  have  often  been  effected  by  those  who  believed  that  more 
could  be  accomplished  than  was  found  to  be  practicable.  But  no  useful  im 
provement  or  invention  was  ever  made  by  one  whose  prudence  exceeded  his  en 
terprise.  .  .  . 

There  is  nothing  mysterious  in  the  matter  of  canals  and  railroads.  It  has  al 
ways  been  known  that  burdens  are  more  easily  carried  upon  the  water  than  upon 
the  land.  It  has  been  but  recently  discovered,  or  at  least  the  invention  has  been 
but  recently  applied  to  practical  purposes,  that  burdens  are  more  easily  and 
therefore  more  cheaply  transported  upon  iron  rails  on  graded  planes  than  over 
the  unequal  and  rough  surfaces  of  common  roadi.  Canals  and  railroads  are  but 
improved  roads  adapted  to  the  increased  business  of  the  community  and  the 
enterprise  of  the  times. 

Reading  the  newspaper  at  Auburn  one  morning  early  in  September, 
Seward  saw  there  that  much  excitement  had  been  created  in  New  York 
by  the  report  that  several  pilot-boats  had  seen  a  clipper-built  schooner 
off  Sandy  Hook,  which  appeared  to  be  full  of  negroes,  and  was  sus 
pected  of  being  a  pirate.  A  few  days  later  it  was  announced  that  the  . 
"  suspicious-looking  schooner  "  had  been  captured  and  brought  into  port 
by  a  United  States  brig,  and  that  the  negroes  proved  to  be  a  cargo  of 
slaves  who  had  risen  on  the  voyage,  murdered  captain  and  crew,  and 
were  trying  to  steer  back  to  Africa.  This  was  the  Amistad,  whose 
case  was  destined  to  occupy  so  large  a  share  of  public  attention  in 
years  to  come. 

But  the  absorbing  topic  of  the  hour  in  Western  New  York  was  the 
presidential  progress.  Mr.  Van  Buren  reached  Auburn  on  the  9th  of 
September,  accompanied  by  his  son,  Smith  T.  Van  Buren,  and  his 
Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Poinsett.  The  people  from  all  the  surrounding 
country,  to  the  number  of  several  thousand,  flocked  into  the  streets  to 
see  the  President,  and  the  procession,  a  mile  and  a  half  long,  in  his 
honor.  He  was  duly  welcomed,  much  as  Mr.  Clay  had  been,  though 
with  a  demonstration  more  imposing  and  more  numerously  attended,  a 
circumstance  which  the  Whigs  in  their  lampoons  and  pasquinades  en 
deavored  to  account  for  by  the  fact  that  the  menagerie  was  also  in 
town,  having  "  a  real  giraffe  from  the  White  Nile,"  and  drawing  dis 
advantageous  comparisons  as  to  the  respective  "  height "  of  the  two 
"  attractions."  Mr.  Van  Buren's  courteous  and  dignified  manner,  and 
judiciously-chosen  remarks,  would  have  tended  to  disarm  partisan  dis- 


436  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

like  if  that  feeling  was  open  to  such  influences.  His  own  political 
friends  were  delighted  with  the  visit.  Seward  called  upon  the  Presi 
dent  and  Secretary  at  the  hotel,  a  compliment  which  they  returned  in 
the  evening. 

During  the  few  days  which  he  now  quietly  spent  at  home  he  noted 
with  gratification  the  signs  which  had  begun  to  appear,  of  the  return 
of  better  times.  A  continuous  line  of  railroads  now  extended  to  Al 
bany,  and  Auburn  was  not  only  on  the  thoroughfare,  but  the  termina 
tion  of  it,  and  so  the  point  of  transfer  from  cars  to  stages.  Its  hotels 
were  full  to  overflowing,  and  new  buildings  were  in  process  of  erec 
tion.  Business  in  shops  and  streets  was  showing  more  activity.  Among 
the  improvements  that  date  from  this  summer  was  the  introduction  of 
a  long  passenger-car  on  the  Auburn  &  Syracuse  Railroad.  It  was  de 
scribed  in  the  Auburn  Journal  as  a  "  Stephenson  car,  built  on  the  lat 
tice  principle."  It  had  little  diamond-shaped  windows  ;  was  partially 
subdivided  into  three  compartments,  a  long  aisle,  however,  running 
through  the  whole.  This  was  the  avant-coureur  of  the  long  cars 
which  soon  superseded  the  small  English  ones,  and  have  now  become 
the  distinctive  car  of  the  United  States. 

People  at  this  time  thought  that  the  journey  to  Albany  was  made 
with  marvelous  speed  and  very  little  trouble  ;  and  so  it  was,  when  con 
trasted  with  their  previous  experiences  of  stage  and  canal-boat.  Yet 
the  traveler  had  a  journey  tedious  enough.  Rising  long  before  day 
light,  he  would  take  the  cars  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  pro 
ceed  at  a  speed  rarely  as  great  as  twenty  miles  an  hour,  with  numer 
ous  long  pauses  at  the  various  stopping-places.  At  Syracuse  he  would 
find  himself  required,  not  only  to  change  cars  himself,  but  go  to  the 
baggage-car,  find  his  trunk  in  the  confused  pile,  have  it  changed  also, 
and  "  chalked "  accordingly.  The  same  operation  was  repeated  at 
Utica,  and  again  at  Schenectady,  for  the  four  railroads  were  distinct 
corporations,  and  such  things  as  checks,  through-tickets,  and  express- 
trains,  were  as  yet  unheard  of.  The  journey  occupied  thirteen  hours, 
passengers  arriving  in  Albany  in  time  to  take  the  night-boat.  It  was 
hailed  as  a  bright  invention  when  one  or  two  of  these  boats  advertised 
that  they  would  go  "  through  without  landing  "  to  New  York. 

The  12th  of  September  found  the  Governor  at  his  post  in  the  Ex 
ecutive  chamber.  The  sudden  changes  of  governmental  policy  in  re 
gard  to  banks  and  currency  had  weakened  confidence,  at  home  and 
abroad,  in  all  American  securities.  Capital  is  timid,  and  one  alarm 
leads  to  another.  English  capitalists  were  beginning  to  talk  of  what 
would  happen  if  the  frontier  Canadian  trouble  should  lead  to  war  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  Writing  to  William  Brown, 
of  Brown  Brothers  &  Co.,  Liverpool,  Seward  said  : 


1839.]  THE   VIRGINIA   CONTROVERSY.  437 

ALBANY,  September  16,  1839. 

I  can  easily  appreciate  the  solicitude  foreign  capitalists  feel  on  that  subject, 
although  no  person  here  even  dreams  .that  our  Government  could  be  guilty  of 
so  gross  a  violation  of  faith  as  to  confiscate,  in  time  of  war,  money  invested  in 
our  securities  in  times  of  peace.  I  have  noticed  a  decline  of  confidence  in 
American  securities.  Nothing  can  be  more  absurd ;  but  what  absurdity  does 
not  gain  a  temporary  influence  in  the  operations  upon  'Change  ? 

In  the  same  letter  he  referred  to  the  postal  reform,  then  under  dis 
cussion  in  Great  Britain  : 

I  rejoice  in  the  indications  that  a  reduction  of  English  postage  is  about  to 
take  place.  The  policy  is  an  obvious  one,  both  for  the  purpose  of  increase  of 
revenue,  and,  what  is  more  important,  the  increase  of  intelligence  and  the  pros 
perity  of  commerce.  We  shall  come  to  the  same  measure ;  but,  I  fear,  not  so 
rapidly  as  the  English  Government. 

Alarms  of  apprehended  invasions  are  not  without  their  benefits, 
since  they  set  thoughtful  minds  at  work  to  devise  means  for  mitigating 
the  horrors  of  war,  or  for  strengthening  the  national  defenses.  There 
were  many  such  topics  of  correspondence  at  this  time.  Writing  to 
Major-General  Gaines,  he  said  : 

I  thank  you  for  the  interesting  explanation  of  the  history  of  your  plan  for 
the  defense  of  our  ports.  It  is  the  result  of  our  form  of  government  that  mili 
tary  preparations  will  always  be  delayed  till  danger  is  imminent. 

Among  the  pile  of  letters  awaiting  him  on  his  table  was  a  formal 
communication  from  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Virginia,  complaining 
that  "  although  one  full  month  had  elapsed  "  he  had  "  received  no  official 
intelligence  "  of  the  disposition  made  of  the  subject  of  the  three  black 
men  "  who  did  feloniously  steal,"  etc,  and  calling  his  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  demand  was  founded  upon  "  an  offense  peculiarly  and 
deeply  affecting  the  general  interest  of  the  good  people  of  this  Common 
wealth,  recognized  as  felony  and  severely  punished  by  our  laws  ;"  and 
further  expressing  the  fear  that,  "if  longer  delay  is  permitted,  the 
offenders  may  escape  altogether." 

Seward,  the  next  morning  after  his  arrival  in  town,  proceeded  to 
answer  the  Virginia  Executive,  recapitulating  in  detail  the  circum 
stances  of  Mr.  Caphart's  application  to  him,  and  of  the  disposition  made 
of  the  accused  by  the  Recorder  of  New  York,  and  reiterating  his  opin 
ion  that  the  papers  in  the  case  were  defective.  But,  he  continued  : 

It  is  by  no  means  my  wish  to  protract  unnecessarily  the  correspondence 
apon  the  subject,  or  to  avoid  a  decision  upon  the  important  principle  it  involves. 
I  need  not  inform  you,  sir,  that  there  is  no  law  of  this  State  which  recognizes 
slavery — no  statute  which  admits  that  one  man  can  be  the  property  of  another, 
or  that  one  man  can  be  stolen  from  another.  On  the  other  hand,  our  consti- 


4:38  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

tution  and  laws  interdict  slavery  in  every  form.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  inform 
you  that  the  common  law  does  not  recognize  slavery,  nor  make  the  act  of  which 
the  parties  are  accused  in  this  case  felonious  or  criminal.  The  offense  charged 
in  the  affidavit  and  specified  in  the  requisition  is  not  a  felony  nor  a  crime  within 
the  meaning  of  the  constitution,  and,  waiving  all  the  detects  in  the  affidavit,  I 
cannot  surrender  the  supposed  fugitives,  to  be  carried  to  Virginia  for  trial  under 
the  statute  of  that  State. 

In  about  a  fortnight  came  a  long  and  indignant  reply  from  the  Lieu- 
tenaiit-Governor  of  Virginia,  feeling  it  to  be  his  "imperious  duty 
promptly  to  protest,"  "  entertaining  a  fixed  opinion  that  your  doctrines 
are  at  war  with  the  language  and  spirit  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
inconsistent  with  the  true  relations,  rights,  and  duties  of  the  States,  and 
calculated  to  disturb  the  general  harmony  of  the  country."  After  the 
declamatory  portion  of  his  letter  came  the  argumentative  part,  elaborate 
and  ingenious,  invoking  Kent  and  Vattel  and  the  "  Letters  Rogatory  of 
Switzerland,"  to  prove  that  "  the  State  of  Virginia  has  an  unquestion 
able  right  to  devise  its  own  system  of  jurisprudence,  to  declare  what 
shall  constitute  property  within  her  borders,  and  finally  to  declare  what 
acts  shall  be  considered  felonious  or  criminal,  and  to  denounce  upon 
those  who  commit  them  such  punishment  as  her  Legislature  may  pre 
scribe."  Finally,  he  rather  pompously  declared  :  "I  do  not  mean  to  be 
drawn  into  a  discussion  of  the  abstract  right  of  slavery,  or  to  urge  any 
arguments  against  the  right  or  propriety  of  any  nation  or  people  to 
interfere  with  our  domestic  institutions.  That  is  not  with  the  people 
of  Virginia  a  debatable  question.  Upon  that  subject,  I  need  only  add, 
Virginia  knows  her  rights,  and  will  at  all  times  maintain  them." 

To  this  communication  Seward  replied  : 

I  am  not  aware,  sir,  that  in  the  letter  which  I  had  the  honor  to  address  you  I 
manifested  a  disposition  to  invite  you  to  a  discussion  of  the  rightf ulness,  abstract 
or  otherwise,  of  slavery.  You  will  excuse  me,  therefore,  for  confining  myself 
within  the  range  required  by  my  argument. 

Taking  up  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  elaborate  reasoning  to  prove, 
from  authorities  on  the  law  of  nations,  that  the, men  should  be  surren 
dered  because  they  had  committed  a  crime,  he  pointed  out  its  fatal  de 
fect,  namely,  that  neither  Kent,  Vattel,  nor  any  other  authority  on  in 
ternational  law,  makes  this  offense  a  crime  : 

On  the  contrary,  however,  I  must  insist,  with  perfect  respect,  that  the  gen 
eral  principle  of  civilized  communities  is  in  harmony  with  that  which  prevails 
in  this  State,  that  men  are  not  the  subjects  of  property,  and  of  course  that  no 
such  crime  can  exist  as  the  "  felonious  stealing  "  of  a  human  being  considered 
as  property.  .  .  .  While  I  am  required  by  the  Constitution  to  deliver  up  any 
fugitives  from  justice,  charged  with  having  committed  crime,  I  am  also  bound, 
as  an  executive  magistrate,  to  respect  the  liberty  and  protect  the  rights  of 


1839.]  PORTAGE   FALLS.  439 

citizens  of  this  State.  ...  It  seems  my  duty  to  decline  to  deliver  the  persons 
you  demand,  to  be  carried  out  of  the  protection  of  the  State  of  which  they  are 
citizens. 

Meanwhile,  the  Recorder  of  New  York  had  sent  the  Governor  a 
statement  of  the  case  as  it  was  presented  to  him,  and  of  his  action 
upon  it.  In  this  he  said  he  had  found  that  the  slave  was  a  ship-car 
penter,  employed  at  Norfolk  in  repairing  the  schooner  on  board  of 
which  the  three  men  were  hands  ;  that,  after  the  schooner  sailed,  the 
slave  was  not  to  be  found  ;  that  two  agents  of  the  owner  hastened 
to  New  York,  and  were  waiting  there  for  the  schooner  when  she 
arrived  ;  that  they  went  on  board  and  told  the  captain  their  sus 
picions,  and  that  he,  denying  all  knowledge  about  the  slave,  helped  to 
make  search  for  him  ;  and  that  Isaac,  the  slave,  was  found  concealed 
among  the  live-oak  timber  on  board,  and  this  was  all  they  could  tes 
tify  to  prove  that  the  three  men  had  stolen  the  slave.  The  slave's 
own  story  was  that  one  of  the  colored  men  observed  to  him  that  he 
was  foolish  to  remain  in  Virginia,  as  he  could  get  good  wages  North, 
and  that  this  suggestion  induced  him  to  run  away  and  secrete  himself 
on  board  the  vessel.  "  Satisfied,"  said  the  Recorder,  in  conclusion, 
"  that  according  to  the  testimony  neither  of  the  prisoners  had  com 
mitted  an  offense  even  against  the  law  of  Virginia,  and  that  the  testi 
mony  was  not  such  as  to  authorize  the  detention  of  the  prisoners,  I 
therefore  discharged  them." 

Mr.  Ruggles,  who  was  chosen  Canal  Commissioner  in  place  of  Gen 
eral  Van  Rensselaer,  had  been  this  summer  assigned  by  his  colleagues 
to  active  duties  on  the  Genesee  Valley  Canal  and  the  western  division 
of  the  Erie  Canal.  This  was  said  by  the  Whigs  to  have  been  done 
in  order  to  throw  upon  him  the  burden  of  responsibilities  which  his 
colleagues  were  unwilling  to  encounter.  However  this  may  be,  the 
"  silk-stocking  commissioner  from  New  York,"  as  the  opposition  jour 
nals  sneeringly  called  him,  put  on  his  cowhide  boots  and  pea-jacket, 
and  entered  zealously  and  vigorously  upon  the  duties  of  that  post.  The 
thorough  manner  in  which  those  duties  were  performed  attested  that 
he  was  as  familiar  with  the  practical  working  as  with  the  philosophic 
principles  of  the  system  of  internal  improvement  ;  and  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  reporting  to  the  Canal  Board,  the  first  season,  how  they 
could  save  over  half  a  million  dollars. 

The  engineering  at  some  points  of  the  line  of  the  Genesee  Valley 
Canal  was  daring  and  difficult.  Near  Portage,  a  short  distance  from 
the  upper  falls  of  the  Genesee  River,  there  towered  up  a  tall,  precipi 
tous  cliff.  Along  its  side  it  was  proposed  to  hang  the  canal,  six  hun 
dred  feet  above  the  gorge  below.  But  the  rock  proved  too  soft,  and 
it  was  decided  first  to  tunnel  the  cliff,  and  afterward  to  make  an  open 
cutting  through  it,  to  the  required  depth.  A  magnificent  piece  of 


440  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

scenery  was  to  be  spoiled  by  a  magnificent  piece  of  engineering.  The 
latter  would  remain  as  its  own  monument  ;  and  the  thought  occurred 
to  Mr.  Ruggles  that  the  former  might  be  preserved  in  a  painting, 
which  would  be  a  memento  of  both.  He  sent  for  Thomas  Cole,  who 
already  occupied  the  first  rank  among  American  landscape-artists. 
The  task  was  one  congenial  to  Cole's  taste,  and  the  picture  which  he 
made  was  brought  to  Albany,  and  presented  to  Seward,  as  an  illus 
tration  of  the  great  work  proceeding  under  his  auspices. 

It  has  hung  for  many  years  in  his  drawing-room  at  Auburn,  reach 
ing  nearly  from  floor  to  ceiling.  It  is  one  of  the  most  characteristic 
productions  of  Cole's  pencil.  You  look  up  toward  the  distant  fall  be 
tween  huge,  craggy  cliffs,  on  the  summit  of  the  highest  of  which  is 
perched  the  "  Johnson  Lodge,"  built  round  a  pine-tree,  for  the  occu 
pancy  of  the  contractor,  the  Canal  Commissioner,  and  the  artist,  while 
pursuing  their  respective  work.  In  the  foreground  are  the  remains  of 
a  gigantic  beech-tree,  riven  by  lightning,  while  behind  and  around 
stretches  away  the  illimitable,  autumn-tinted  forest.  A  storm  is  ap 
proaching  over  the  distant  mountain,  and  over  the  cluster  of  work 
men's  huts  above  the  fall.  The  visitor  to  Portage  now  will  look  in 
vain  for  cliffs,  forest,  or  lodge.  The  completeness  of  the  change  which 
the  canal  has  wrought  attests  the  colossal  character  of  the  work. 

Autumn  had  long  been  the  season  established  by  law  and  custom 
for  militia  inspections  and  parades.  The  projected  or  postponed  re 
views  of  different  bodies  of  State  troops  were  now  in  order.  The  citi 
zen  soldiery  and  their  officers  had,  not  unreasonably,  counted  largely 
upon  the  countenance  and  favor  they  would  receive  from  an  Ex 
ecutive  whose  record  showed  him  to  possess  a  high  regard  for  the 
value  of  such  organizations,  and  to  have  aided  in  promoting  the  effi 
ciency  of  the  system,  both  as  a  legislator  and  as  a  military  commander. 
The  latter  experience  was  a  fortunate  one,  as  it  enabled  him  to  go 
through  his  ceremonial  duties  as  commander-in-chief  without  any  of 
those  gaucheries  which  the  wisest  and  most  dignified  civilian  is  liable  to 
exhibit  when  he  undertakes  to  "  set  a  squadron  in  the  field."  Having 
passed  through  the  various  subordinate  grades,  his  promotion  to  be  com 
mander-in-chief  was  the  next  regular  step  from  the  major-generalship 
he  had  held  a  few  years  before.  Complying,  therefore,  with  the  wishes 
of  the  troops,  he  wore  the  uniform  of  his  rank  and  went  through  the 
prescribed  routine,  though  it  had  lost  for  him  all  the  attractions  of  nov 
elty. 

ALBANY,  September  I5th. 

The  autumnal  aspect  of  our  grounds  is  vastly  less  bright  and  cheerful  than 
their  summer  verdure.  It  is  cheerless  here,  and  the  place  needs  a  mistress,  or  a 
master  less  absorbed  in  State  affairs  than  I.  Well !  the  Troy  review  has  passed. 
"With  the  aid  of  kind  friends  I  had  collected  a  full  equipment,  and  a  charger  with 


1839.]  MILITIA   REVIEWS. 

glossy  mane  and  curved  neck  was  at  my  command.  I  rode  to  Troy  in  a  barouche. 
My  staff,  numbering  ten  or  twelve  well-looking  young  men,  were  mounted.  We 
were  received  at  Troy  with  a  salute  and  a  very  pretty  escort.  After  spending 
half  an  hour  at  the  hotel,  I  repaired  to  Mrs.  Boardman's  and  waited  there  until 
called  to  the  field.  The  day  was  a  long  one,  but  everything  passed  off  well ;  and, 
as  far  as  I  know,  satisfactorily.  After  dinner  I  called  with  my  staff  at  Mr. 
George  Warren's  and  at  Mr.  Patterson's.  We  rode  home  in  the  evening,  fatigued, 
you  may  well  imagine. 

Tuesday,  the  24th,  is  assigned  for  the  review  in  New  York.  Some  of  our 
friends  here  are  vexed  by  my  having  engaged  to  go  there  for  a  "  demonstration," 
as  it  will,  they  say,  be  understood.  Weed  goes  to  New  York  to-night ;  and,  as 
Chancellor  Kent  said,  "he'll  know  whether  it  is  wise  to  go.1' 

ASTOR  HOUSE,  NEW  YORK,  Monday,  September  23d. 

I  came  into  the  city  quietly  and  unostentatiously  enough,  I  think — unexpected 
by  all  but  one  or  two  friends — breakfasted  and  dined  here,  and  spent  the  day 
chiefly  abroad.  Have  as  yet  seen  very  few  of  the  citizens  but  Blatchford  and 
Bowen.  I  am  indeed  very  pleasantly  situated  with  the  latter,  and  learned  to  know 
him  more  and  more  favorably  than  ever  before. 

The  two  colonels  are  busy  in  arrangements  for  the  review,  and  the  Adjutant- 
General  will  bring  off  the  whole  affair  very  well,  I  trust.  The  skies  seem  auspi 
cious. 

On  Tuesday  the  review  took  place  at  the  Battery.  Major-General 
Sanford's  division  of  artillery  passed  in  review  before  the  Governor. 
The  day  closed  with  a  dinner  at  Niblo's,  given  by  the  officers  to  their 
commander-in-chief.  Among  the  guests  were  Major-General  Macomb, 
then  in  chief  command  of  the  United  States  Army  ;  and  Adjutant- 
General  Jones,  of  the  War  Department  at  Washington. 

A  still  greater  review  took  place  on  the  4th  of  October  in  New 
York,  when  the  entire  infantry  force  of  the  city,  under  command  of 
Major-General  Doughty  of  the  Thirty-first  Division,  Major-General 
Lloyd  of  the  Thirty-second,  Major-General  Jones  of  the  Third,  and 
Major-General  Stryker  of  the  Twenty-eighth,  paraded  and  were  re 
viewed  by  the  commander-in-chief.  A  fortnight  later,  the  officers  of 
the  flank  companies  of  the  four  divisions  of  infantry  invited  him  to  a 
public  dinner.  In  declining  this  invitation  he  said  : 

The  recent  reviews  have  enabled  me  to  obtain  a  better  knowledge  of  the 
actual  condition  of  that  military  force  upon  which  the  authorities  of  the  city 
must  rely  when  the  civil  police  shall  be  found  insufficient  to  maintain  public 
tranquillity,  and  which  must  always  constitute  an  important  arm  of  public  de 
fense  against  invasion.  .  .  .  It  is  of  vital  importance  to  the  existence  of  repub 
lican  government. 

Another  journey  to  New  York  was  made  on  the  16th  of  October, 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the  public  schools  of  that  city.  Received 
and  accompanied  by  some  of  the  trustees,  he  carefully  studied  the 


LETTERS.  [1839. 

workings  of  the  system,  with  a  view  to  the  statements  and  recommenda 
tions  of  his  next  annual  message.  The  project  of  a  library  for  each  of 
the  eleven  thousand  district-schools  of  the  State  was  then  a  subject  to 
which  he  was  giving  attention  and  hearty  encouragement. 

The  Legislature  in  1838  had  appropriated  fifty-five  thousand  dollars 
to  be  distributed  among  the  different  districts  and  employed  in  the  pur 
chase  of  books.  Various  publishers  were  compiling  and  issuing  copies 
of  such  works  as  they  deemed  suitable  for  the  purpose  ;  and  the  rivalry 
between  them  permitted  the  books  to  be  obtained  at  very  cheap  rates. 
Opinions  of  State  officers  and  savants  were,  of  course,  solicited ;  and 
they,  desirous  to  perform  the  duty  conscientiously,  compared  notes  in 
regard  to  the  juvenile  volumes.  To  the  Harpers,  who  had  published 
the  most  complete  of  these  collections,  Seward  wrote  : 

The  works  you  selected  are  admirably  adapted  to  the  purpose  for  which  they 
were  designed.  The  enterprise  produces  a  competition  which  cannot  but  prove 
beneficial  to  the  community. 

The  little  red  wooden  case  containing  this  series  of  fifty  small  vol 
umes,  costing  twenty  dollars,  was  sent  up  to  Albany  for  examination, 
and  stood  upon  his  office-table.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  school  library 
has  ever  been  submitted  to  such  careful  reading  and  criticism,  by  such 
matured  intellects.  The  State  printer  quoted  from  the  interesting 
abridgment  of  the  "  Life  and  Works  of  Dr.  Franklin  ; "  and  Gulian 
C.  Verplanck  said  that  he  was  so  fascinated  with  the  description  of 
the  Chinese  Empire  that  he  had  been  all  day  reading  it,  up  to  the  hour 
when  he  had  been  invited  to  "  chin-chin  "  the  Governor  and  "  eat  rice, 
under  the  light  of  his  celestial  countenance." 

Nor  was  it  merely  the  children  whose  education  was  thought  wor 
thy  of  care  by  the  State.  A  letter  to  the  Rev.  John  Luckey,  chap 
lain  of  the  State-prison  at  Sing  Sing,  after  thanking  him  for  sugges 
tions,  said  : 

It  is  my  purpose  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  the  expediency 
of  making  some  legislative  provision  for  the  instruction  of  convicts  in  the 
prison,  and  I  find  myself  sustained  and  enlightened,  on  the  subject  by  your 
communication.  In  reply  to  Mr.  Wiltsie's  suggestion  that,  if  he  could  be  au 
thorized  to  do  so,  he  would  procure  sixty  or  eighty  spelling-books,  I  very 
cheerfully  give  my  advice  that  it  shall  be  done. 

A  letter  of  the  same  date  to  B.  F.  Thompson,  author  of  "  History 
of  Long  Island,"  thanking  him  for  his  volume,  remarked  that  he  had 
read  with  attention  many  portions  of  it  in  the  region  whose  history  it 
relates,  a  remark  that  illustrates  a  habit  which  he  had,  perhaps  un 
consciously,  adopted,  and  which  continued  through  life — that  of  read 
ing  only  books  relating  to  subjects  he  was  studying  at  the  time.  The 


1839. J  INVENTORS  AND   INVENTIONS.  443 

few  intervals  he  could  spare  for  reading  were  thus  most  advantageous 
ly  occupied  ;  and  so  in  the  course  of  years,  as  successive  subjects 
came  before  him  for  examination,  his  library  increased,  book  by  book, 
till  it  amounted  to  several  thousand  volumes,  no  one  of  which  was 
bought  because  he  might  need  it  in  future,  but  every  one  because  he 
did  need  it  at  the  time. 

One  Sunday  morning  while  visiting  New  York,  he  went  with  several 
of  his  staff  to  find  an  Episcopal  church.  They  entered  one  on  or  near 
Broadway,  to  which  friends  had  frequently  invited  him.  It  happened 
that  the  church  was  pretty  full,  and  they  looked  in  vain  for  seats. 
Proceeding  down  the  main  aisle,  they  found  every  pew  either  filled  or 
presenting  the  owner's  back,  in  evident  objection  to  the  intrusion  of 
strangers.  Walking  slowly  and  gravely  on,  closely  followed  by  his 
aides-de-camp,  the  Governor  presently  found  himself  at  the  chancel, 
and,  perceiving  an  open  door  in  the  rear  wall,  he  walked  out  into  the 
church-yard  ;  then,  holding  a  hurried  council  of  war  among  the  tomb 
stones,  it  was  decided  to  return  to  the  hotel.  By  this  time  wardens 
and  vestrymen,  who  had  been  startled  from  their  propriety  by  the  sud 
den  appearance,  and  as  sudden  disappearance,  of  the  Chief  Magistrate 
of  the  State,  came  out  to  apologize,  saying  that  if  pew-owners  had 
known  who  it  was,  etc.  But  Seward  declined  to  enter  again,  saying 
that  he  had  no  desire  to  visit  a  church  which  had  a  seat  for  a  Govern 
or,  and  did  not  have  one  for  a  stranger. 

Inventors  had  then,  as  now,  the  practice  of  bringing  their  pro 
jected  machines  to  the  notice  of  men  in  public  office,  with  the  vague 
hope  of  some  assistance.  In  reference  to  this  class  of  applications,  he 
wrote  to  Prof.  Renwick,  of  Columbia  College  : 

ALBANY,  October,  1839. 

Among  the  duties  brought  upon  me  by  my  public  relation  is  that  of  hearing 
the  explanation  of  persons  engaged  in  the  invention  of  improvements  in  mech 
anism.  Although  it  is  not  so  written  in  the  constitution,  I  am  expected  to  hear 
patiently  all  inventors,  encourage  the  few  whose  labors  seem  likely  to  result 
beneficially  for  themselves  and  the  public,  and  discourage  that  far  greater  num 
ber  whose  plans  are  unphilosophical  or  absurd.  I  am  without  the  requisite  sci 
entific  knowledge  and  without  the  leisure  necessary  for  such  investigations. 
Your  distinguished  reputation  induces  me  to  inquire  whether  I  may  take  the 
liberty  to  refer  to  you  some  of  these  numerous  projects  for  your  opinion  there 
on  ?  I  should  undoubtedly  trouble  you,  but  among  them  all  you  might  happen 
to  find  some  worthy  of  a  careful  examination  and  discriminating  favor. 

One  of  those  seasons  of  excitement  and  enthusiasm  on  agricultural 
subjects  which  are,  not  inaptly,  called  "  fevers,"  pervaded  several  of 
the  States  this  year.  This  was  the  "Morns  multicaulis"  fever.  The 
leaves  of  that  species  of  mulberry  being  the  favorite  food  of  the  silk 
worm,  and  it  having  been  discovered  that  the  tree  would  thrive  even 


444:  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

in  northern  soils,  it  was  believed  that  the  production  of  silk  might  be 
made  a  profitable  branch  of  industry.  Auctions  were  held,  at  which 
thousands  of  young  mulberry-trees  were  sold  at  from  twenty  to  fifty 
cents  apiece.  Farmers  planted  great  fields  with  them.  Families  estab 
lished  colonies  of  silkworms  in  their  kitchens  and  bedrooms.  Machines 
for  reeling  and  weaving  silk  were  introduced  in  factories  and  industrial 
institutions.  In  Kentucky  and  some  other  States  legislative  action 
was  taken  for  the  encouragement  of  the  culture  of  the  mulberry  and 
the  manufacture  of  raw  silk. 

Savants  and  philosophers  are  proverbially  careless  of  matters  of 
detail  in  ordinary  life  and  business.  The  Governor's  methodical  habits 
occasionally  saved  the  scientific  gentlemen  of  the  geological  survey 
from  censures  which,  though  unmerited,  would  probably  have  been 
made.  His  calls  upon  them  for  precise  accounts  and  regular  reports 
were,  at  first,  thought  unreasonable,  but  they  soon  came  to  see  the 
wisdom  of  such  action. 

Even  if  the  geological  survey  had  accomplished  nothing  else,  it 
would  have  rendered  an  invaluable  service  by  its  demonstration  that 
the  position  and  character  of  strata  preclude  all  hope  of  discovering 
coal  north  of  the  limit  of  the  Pennsylvania  coal-measures  ;  and  that 
projects  for  coal-mining,  therefore,  were  costly  chimeras,  to  be  avoided. 

On  the  22d  of  October  Seward  wrote  his  first  Thanksgiving  procla 
mation,  designating  Thursday,  November  28th,  as  the  day  for  that  time- 
honored  festival.  Its  recital  of  the  subjects  of  thanksgiving  embraced 
political  as  well  as  material  public  benefits  : 

He  hath  sent  us  abundant  harvests  to  reward  the  labors  of  the  husbandman 
and  supply  the  wants  of  the  poor ;  hath  averted  from  us  the  calamities  of  war 
and  pestilence ;  hath  suffered  us  to  maintain  and  more  firmly  establish  republi 
can  institutions,  securing  a  larger  measure  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  social 
tranquillity,  and  domestic  happiness,  than  has  ever  before  been  enjoyed  by  any 
people ;  hath  crowned  with  good  success  the  means  which  have  been  employed 
by  the  State,  by  associations,  and  by  individuals,  for  the  development  of  the 
abounding  resources  of  our  country,  the  relief  of  the  unfortunate,  the  reforma 
tion  of  the  vicious,  the  improvement  of  education,  the  cultivation  of  science,  the 
perfection  of  the  arts,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  Christian  religion. 

As  to  the  ever-recurring  problem  of  the  relations  of  Church  and 
state,  his  opinions  were  unchanged  through  life.  In  a  letter  of  Octo 
ber  28th  he  said  : 

No  truth  was  ever  more  clear  than  that  the  connection  between  religious 
and  civil  institutions  is  calculated  to  degrade  and  corrupt  both.  ...  I  be 
lieve  that  no  democratic  government  can  stand  but  by  the  support  of  Chris 
tianity.  I  believe,  also,  that  it  is  an  essential  principle  of  democracy  that  there 
should  be  unlimited  freedom  of  conscience. 


1839.]  A   WHIG   SENATE.  445 

A  fresh  shock  to  financial  confidence  and  an  increase  of  commercial 
embarrassment  was  caused  by  the  suspension  of  specie  payment  by  the 
United  States  Bank,  now  a  local  institution  of  Pennsylvania  ;  although, 
when  Mr.  Biddle  had  resigned  its  presidency  in  March,  its  condition 
had  been  stated  to  be  eminently  prosperous.  The  banks  at  the  South 
and  West  followed  its  example.  Speaking  of  these  affairs,  in  a  letter 
to  William  Brown,  of  Liverpool,  Seward  said  : 

You  will  have  learned,  before  this  will  reach  you,  of  the  suspension  of  our 
Southern  banks.  The  New  York  banks,  and  other  institutions  in  this  State, 
will,  I  have  no  doubt,  remain  firm.  If  so,  they  will  be  able  to  assist  the  sus 
pended  banks  at  an  early  day  in  resuming  specie  payments.  Our  general  bank 
ing  law  requires  amendments,  but  I  entertain  great  confidence  that  with  such 
amendments  it  will  prove  useful.  We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  our  annual  elec 
tion  in  this  State.  You  will  have  the  result  by  the  same  vessel  that  carries 
out  this  letter. 

The  election,  though  less  vigorously  contested  than  that  of  the  year 
before,  yet  was  important,  since  upon  it  would  depend  the  political 
character  of  the  Legislature  at  the  next  session.  As  usual,  a  new  As 
sembly  was  to  be  chosen,  and  a  Senator  from  each  of  the  eight  dis 
tricts. 

In  the  Third  District  three  were  to  be  chosen,  as  there  had  been  a 
death  and  a  resignation  during  the  year.  The  district,  which  contained 
Albany,  Troy,  Hudson,  and  Schenectady,  was  a  doubtful  one,  and  the 
election  there  excited  a  special  interest.  In  the  Seventh  District,  Chief- 
Justice  Spencer  was  nominated  by  the  Whigs,  but  declined.  The  Con 
servatives  kept  up  the  organization  which  had  rendered  such  effective 
aid  to  the  Whigs  the  year  before.  They  held  a  convention  at  Syracuse 
on  the  3d  of  October,  warmly  opposing  the  financial  policy  of  the  Gen 
eral  Administration. 

The  election-days  came,  and  when  they  were  over  it  was  an 
nounced  that  the  Whigs  had  carried  both  branches  of  the  Legisla 
ture.  The  Senate  would  no  longer  be  an  obstacle  to  their  control  of 
the  government.  The  three  Whig  candidates  in  the  Third  District 
were  elected,  Mitchell  Sanford,  Friend  Humphrey,  and  General  Root — 
the  latter  by  a  majority  of  only  four  or  five  votes.  The  Whig  nominees 
in  the  Fourth,  Sixth,  Seventh,  and  Eighth  Districts,  James  G.  Hop 
kins,  A.  B.  Dickinson,  Mark  H.  Sibley,  and  Abram  Dixon,  were  success 
ful,  so  that  the  Democrats  had  but  three  of  the  ten. 

Mr.  Van  Buren's  tour  had  been  made  in  vain  so  far  as  New  York 
was  concerned.  Presidential  "  tours  "  often  lead  to  political  disaster. 
A  President  is  always  solicited  by  his  friends  in  different  localities  to 
travel  in  their  region,  and  thereby  add  to  the  party  prestige  and  power. 
He  knows  that  the  heads  of  other  governments  gain  in  popular 


446  LIFE  ^D  LETTERS.  [1839, 

favor  by  public  progresses  ;  and  he  knows  that  he  himself  before  his 
election  has  gained  supporters  during  such  progresses  by  his  courtesy, 
tact,  or  eloquence.  But  there  is  one  element  in  the  calculation  which 
is  usually  overlooked.  The  President  of  the  United  States  differs  from 
other  rulers,  in  the  fact  that  he  cannot  present  himself  before  the  people 
without  being  expected  to  appear  at  once  in  two  different  characters 
— the  one  that  of  a  leader  of  a  political  party,  the  other  that  of  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  whole  people.  He  cannot  act  both  parts  with  success 
on  public  platforms  before  popular  assemblies.  If  he  maintains  the 
dignity  and  reserve  of  his  official  station,  he  appears  cold  and  chilling 
to  his  political  friends.  If  he  shares  in  the  warmth  of  their  party  en 
thusiasm,  he  seems  to  have  forgotten  the  proprieties  of  his  high  trust. 
Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Clay  had  both  traveled  through  the  State  this 
summer,  and  were  received  with  like  demonstrations.  So  far  as  the 
impartial  observer  could  perceive,  they  had  both  conducted  themselves 
with  propriety,  had  made  speeches  equally  judicious  and  wise,  and 
had  been  greeted  with  public  enthusiasm  in  which,  of  the  two,  the 
President  had  the  larger  share.  Nevertheless,  the  fact  remained,  and 
was  confirmed  by  the  election,  that  the  party  of  Mr.  Clay  was  strength 
ened  by  his  visit,  while  that  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  weakened  by  his. 

Among  the  unsuccessful  Whig  candidates  for  Senators  was  Philip 
Hone,  who  was  the  first  to  urge  the  adoption  of  the  name  of  "  Whig  " 
by  the  opposition  party  in  New  York.  The  Whigs  of  Albany  cele 
brated  their  triumph  in  the  State  with  bonfires,  processions,  and 
music.  They  were  to  hold  a  festive  gathering  at  one  of  the  hotels,  and 
invited  the  Governor  to  participate.  His  reply  defined  the  course  that 
he  pursued  in  regard  to  such  matters  : 

ALBANY,  November  nth. 

Since  my  election  to  the  office  I  have  the  honor  to  hold,  I  have  been 
invited,  on  several  occasions,  to  meet  assemblies  of  my  fellow-citizens  with 
whose  political  opinions  my  own  coincided.  I  have  in  all  instances  declined 
such  invitations,  for  reasons  which  I  will  state  with  frankness.  I  have  always 
believed  that  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  State  ought  to  exercise  his  trust  for 
the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  whole  people,  and  that  he  could  not,  without 
giving  to  a  portion  of  his  constituents  cause  of  just  offense,  mingle  in  the  par 
tisan  controversies  of  the  times.  I  think  those  by  whose  suffrage  I  occupy  that 
high  trust  would  not  willingly  see  me  depart  from  the  rule  I  have  pursued. 

Every  year's  experience  strengthened  his  conviction  of  the  propriety 
of  this  rule. 


I    UNiVE 

^^^Jj^oRHlL*^ 

1839.]  THE   HARRISBURG   CONVENTION.  "  447 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 
1839. 

The  Harrisburg  Convention.  —  General  Harrison  nominated.  —  Congress  disorganized.  —  R. 
M.  T.  Hunter.  —  The  Patroon.  —  The  Helderberg  War.  —  Story  of  a  Youthful  Friendship. 
—David  Berdan.—  Scotchmen.—  Gulian  C.  Verplanck.—  Frankenstein. 

IN  the  various  congressional  districts  of  the  State  the  Whigs  were 
now  holding  their  local  conventions  to  appoint  delegates  to  the  National 
Convention  to  meet  at  Harrisburg,  on  December  4th,  to  nominate  a 
presidential  candidate.  Acknowledging  a  letter  from  Speaker  Penrose 
of  Pennsylvania,  Seward  wrote  : 

It  would  afford  me  as  much  pleasure  to  communicate  freely  my  views  and 
feelings  on  the  subject  of  the  presidential  election  as  it  does  to  read  your  own  ; 
circumstances,  however,  which  you  can  easily  conceive,  have  rendered  it  alike 
necessary  and  expedient,  in  regard  to  the  public  welfare  in  this  State,  that  I 
should  leave  the  discussion  of  the  subject  to  others. 

Popular  sentiment  among  the  Whigs  of  New  York  was  divided 
between  Mr.  Clay,  General  Harrison,  and  General  Scott.  Mr.  Clay's 
talent,  eloquence,  and  personal  fascination  of  manner,  attracted  a  mul 
titude  of  devoted  supporters.  General  Harrison's  strength  lay  in  the 
fact  that  he  was  the  most  unobjectionable  and  therefore  the  most  suit 
able  candidate.  Mr.  Webster,  though  reasonably  assured  of  the  sup 
port  of  nearly  all  of  the  New  England  delegates,  had  little  strength 
at  the  South  and  West,  and  had  written  from  London,  while  making 
a  summer  tour  in  Europe,  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate.  Mr.  Clay 
was  the  favorite  candidate  of  the  masses  of  the  party  ;  but  leaders 
doubted  his  availability  as  a  candidate  in  New  England  and  the  Middle 
States.  An  antislavery  feeling  urged  the  selection  of  some  candidate 
not  a  slaveholder.  Furthermore,  there  was  a  lesson  taught  by  the 
Democratic  success  with  General  Jackson,  which  all  parties  had  accept 
ed,  and  treasured  up  for  future  guidance.  This  was,  that  a  general 
who  had  won  victories  for  his  country,  and,  by  his  calling,  had  been 
held  aloof  from  its  political  controversies,  was  more  likely  to  arouse 
popular  enthusiasm  as  a  candidate  than  any  statesman  of  far  greater 
capacity  and  fitness  for  the  office.  There  were  two  generals  between 
whom  the  Whigs  might  choose  —  each  of  high  military  fame,  and  both 
understood  to  hold  Whig  principles  —  General  Harrison  and  General 
Scott. 

When  the  New  York  delegates  left  for  Harrisburg,  it  was  under 
stood  that  part  of  them  would  adhere  to  Clay  throughout,  and  that 
the  other  part  would  go  either  for  Harrison,  Scott,  or  whoever  should 
prove,  on  comparing  views,  to  be  the  most  available  candidate  to  de- 


4AS  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

feat  Van  Buren's  reelection.  When  the  New  York  newspapers  were 
received  in  Albany,  containing  accounts  of  the  assembling  of  the  con 
vention  and  its  preliminary  proceedings,  it  appeared  as  if  Mr.  Clay  had 
almost  all  the  Southern  delegates,  and  a  decided  and  outspoken  party 
among  the  Northern  ones.  He  had  nearly  if  not  quite  a  majority  of 
the  convention.  The  other  delegates  were  divided.  Then  it  was  an 
nounced  that  the  several  State  delegations  were  meeting  separately 
and  comparing  notes,  through  committees,  and  that  the  friends  of 
Scott  had  finally  agreed  to  support  Harrison.  The  next  day  the  steam 
boat  brought  the  news  that  Harrison  had  been  nominated.  Then  came 
the  intelligence  that  Clay's  friends  were  to  be  appeased  by  the  nomi 
nation  of  a  Clay  man  for  Vice-President.  He  was  to  be  a  Virginian 
also,  to  conciliate  Southern  support  for  the  ticket.  The  person  select 
ed  with  such  care  to  fill  these  conditions  was  John  Tyler,  who  had  been 
a  Southern  candidate  for  Vice- President  in  1836. 

The  usual  meetings  of  ratification  were  held  in  the  various  cities. 
The  Whig  newspapers  placed  the  names  of  Harrison  and  Tyler  at  the 
head  of  their  columns  ;  the  party  leaders  avowed  cordial  support.  Mr. 
Clay's  friends  unhesitatingly  pledged  his  concurrence.  Nevertheless, 
the  first  feeling  among  the  Whig  masses  was  one  of  depression  rather 
than  exultation,  arising,  doubtless,  from  the  disappointment  of  cher 
ished  hopes  in  regard  to  Mr.  Clay.  The  Democrats  were  correspond 
ingly  elated,  arguing  that  the  Whigs  had  set  aside  their  chief  states 
man,  and  taken  in  his  stead  a  candidate  whom  Van  Buren  had  beaten 
once,  and  could  again.  They  dwelt  upon  the  fact  also  that  Harrison 
would  have  no  strength  in  the  South,  for  four  States,  Tennessee,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Arkansas,  did  not  even  send  delegates  to  Har- 
risburg. 

The  newspapers  were  now  filled  with  details  of  what  they  called 
the  "  organization  and  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,"  the  substance  of  which  was,  that  the  House  had  not  organ 
ized,  and  was  not  proceeding  at  all.  The  two  parties  were  so  nearly 
balanced  that  it  was  doubtful  which  would  elect  the  Speaker.  Six 
seats  claimed  by  Whigs — five  from  New  Jersey  and  one  from  Penn 
sylvania — were  contested  by  Democrats.  When  the  members  had 
gathered  in  the  hall  on  Monday  morning,  December  2d,  and  the  Clerk 
of  the  former  Congress  had,  in  accordance  with  usage,  commenced  to 
call  the  roll,  he  stopped  when  he  reached  New  Jersey,  and,  saying 
that  five  of  the  seats  from  that  State  were  contested,  asked  that  he 
might  make  a  statement.  Immediately  there  arose  a  long,  rambling, 
and  sometimes  violent  debate,  which  lasted  four  days.  On  Thursday 
John  Quincy  Adams  rose  and  reproved  the  Clerk  for  obstructing  busi 
ness.  For  a  few  moments  the  House  was  hushed,  to  hear  the  vener 
able  ex-President's  opinions.  A  member  moved  that  he  should  take 


1839.]  TROUBLE  ON  THE   VAN   RENSSELAER   MANOR.  449 

the  chair,  put  the  question,  and  declared  it  carried.  Mr.  Adams  took 
the  chair,  and  thenceforward  acted  as  presiding  officer.  He  decided 
that  the  names  of  the  New  Jersey  members  who  had  certificates  of 
election  should  be  called.  Appeal  was  taken  from  this  decision,  and 
the  debate  was  resumed  with  more  method  and  order,  though  still 
with  acrimony.  Ultimately  his  decision  was  reversed.  Meanwhile 
legislation  was  suspended.  The  Senate  met  and  adjourned  from  day 
to  day,  and  the  President's  message  stood  in  type  at  the  Globe  office. 

Finally,  at  the  close  of  two  or  three  weeks,  the  New  Jersey  con 
tested  seats  were  referred  to  a  committee,  and  B.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of 
Virginia,  was  elected  Speaker.  Hunter  was  understood  to  be  a  Cal- 
houn  man,  opposed  to  the  sub-Treasury,  and  had  voted  with  the  Whigs 
on  the  New  Jersey  case.  He  was  elected  by  a  combination  of  the 
Whigs  with  a  portion  of  the  Democrats.  The  President's  message 
was  received  on  the  day  before  Christmas.  It  was  largely  devoted  to 
financial  questions,  adhering  to  and  enforcing  by  new  arguments  the 
policy  previously  adopted  in  regard  to  banks  and  the  sub-Treasury. 

The  year  which  had  opened  with  the  "  wars  and  rumors  of  wars  " 
of  the  "  Patriots  "  in  Canada,  was  not  to  close  without  a  call  to  arms 
still  nearer  home.  The  ancient  manor  of  Rensselaerwyck,  which  dated 
back  to  the  time  of  the  early  Dutch  settlers,  had  been  handed  down 
from  father  to  son  in  the  Van  Rensselaer  family,  through  a  long  line 
of  "  Patroons."  While  modern  customs  and  innovations  had  gradually 
changed  the  aspect  of  the  whole  country,  society,  and  government, 
the  Patroon  and  his  tenants  were  still  continuing  the  old  usages  of 
feudal  tenure,  of  perpetual  leases,  of  rent  payable  in  fowls  and  bushels 
of  wheat,  in  personal  service,  and  in  quarter  sales.  The  manor  com 
prised  a  broad  region  of  Albany  and  Rensselaer  Counties,  "  extending 
northward  up  along  both  sides  of  Hudson  River,  from  Barren  Island  to 
Kahoos,  and  east  and  west  each  side  of  the  river  backward  into  the 
woods,  twenty-four  English  miles." 

It  had  now  become  well  settled,  cultivated,  and  improved.  The 
tenants  had  gradually  come  to  think  that  their  long  occupancy  of 
the  lands,  and  their  improvements,  had  vested  at  least  a  part  of 
the  ownership  in  themselves,  and  that  the  rents  paid  during  so  long  a 
series  of  years  more  than  compensated  for  the  wild  land  which 
the  first  Van  Rensselaers  had  sold  to  the  original  tenants.  This 
theory  had  been  vastly  strengthened  by  the  neglect  of  "  the  old  Pa 
troon,"  General  Van  Rensselaer,  to  make  collections  of  his  rents. 
When  he  died  in  the  early  part  of  this  year,  the  manor  had  been  di 
vided  between  his  sons,  Stephen  taking  the  part  in  Albany  County,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  William  that  on  the  eastern  side,  in 
Reiisselaer  County.  A  third  brother,  Courtlandt,  took  the  real  estate 
in  New  York  City.  It  was  in  Albany  County  that  the  troubles  with. 
29 


4-50  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

the  tenants  commenced,  the  young  Patroon's  lawyers  having  advised 
him  that  he  might  enforce  his  legal  right  to  collect  arrears.  When 
this  claim  was  made  in  behalf  of  the  heir,  the  tenants  very  generally 
resolved  to  resist  it  as  illegal  and  unjust.  Legal  measures  were  taken 
to  compel  payment  ;  but,  when  the  sheriff  went  out  upon  the  farms, 
he  was  met  by  gatherings  of  angry  men,  with  threats  and  denuncia 
tions.  Alarms  were  given  through  the  neighborhood,  horns  sounded, 
tar-barrels  fired,  and  the  obnoxious  writs  seized  and  thrown  into  the 
flames,  while  shouts  of  "  Down  with  the  rent !  "  were  heard  from  the 
gathering  crowd  of  rural  rioters,  who  with  brandished  sticks  and  arms, 
and  threats  of  personal  violence,  compelled  the  official  to  turn  his 
horses'  heads  toward  home.  Deputies  sent  on  similar  errands  to  vari 
ous  localities  had  the  same  experience. 

There  still  remained  the  resource  of  the  posse  comitatus.  The  sheriff 
summoned  six  or  seven  hundred  citizens  to  appear  at  his  office  on  Mon 
day  morning,  at  ten  o'clock.  Great  was  the  excitement  and  much  the 
merriment  in  the  crowd  that  gathered  round  the  office,  either  in  obe 
dience  to  his  call,  or  from  curiosity  to  hear  the  results.  The  merriment 
increased  when  Sheriff  Archer  came  out  on  the  sidewalk,  and  com 
menced  to  call  the  roll,  which  showed  that  he  was  no  respecter  of  per 
sons,  for  among  the  names  were  those  of  ex-Governor  Marcy,  Recorder 
McKoun,  John  Van  Buren,  the  presidents  and  cashiers  of  the  banks, 
the  Patroon's  lawyers,  and  the  Patroon  himself. 

The  posse  proceeded  on  horseback,  on  foot,  and  in  carriages,  with 
the  sheriff  in  command,  twelve  miles  from  the  town,  till  they  reached  a 
hamlet  at  the  foot  of  the  Helderberg.  But  here  the  posse,  summoned 
according  to  law,  met  another  posse,  not  summoned  at  all,  and  defiant 
of  any  law  whatever.  The  unlawful  gathering  outnumbered  the  lawful 
one,  for  it  mustered  fifteen  or  eighteen  hundred  men,  and  furthermore 
it  had  clubs,  while  the  sheriff's  posse  had  none.  The  sheriff  became 
satisfied  that  his  whole  force  was  "  entirely  inadequate  to  overcome  the 
resistance,"  an  opinion  in  which  his  whole  force  unanimously  concurred. 
So  they  retreated  to  Albany,  in  as  good  order  as  they  went  out  of  it. 

Only  one  alternative  remained  to  vindicate  the  majesty  of  the 
offended  law.  That  was  to  apply  to  the  Governor,  "  according  to  the 
statute  in  such  case  made  and  provided,"  for  a  military  force  to  enable 
the  sheriff  to  execute  the  process.  Governor  Seward  heard  the  story 
and  requested  that  it  should  be  put  in  writing,  sworn  to,  and  corrob 
orated  by  the  proper  affidavits.  This  was  done,  and  the  Governor 
summoned  the  Attorney-General,  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Adjutant - 
General,  and  some  discreet  and  respectable  citizens  of  Albany,  to  a  con 
ference.  At  this  consultation,  it  was  decided  not  to  appeal  to  the 
"  last  argument  of  kings,"  until  the  legal  resorts  of  republics  had  been 
exhausted  ;  and  the  Governor  accordingly  instructed  the  sheriff  to 


1839.]  THE   "HELDERBERG   WAR."  451 

obtain  warrants  and  attachments,  in  due  form  of  law,  against  the 
resisters,  and  to  go  this  time  with  an  armed  posse  to  execute  the  pro 
cess.  The  sheriff  summoned  armed  men  to  the  number  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty,  and  on  the  following  Monday  they  started  in  wagons  for 
the  Helderberg,  or,  as  it  was  pronounced  in  those  days  in  that  region, 
"the  Helderbarrack." 

Meanwhile,  the  Governor,  to  be  prepared  to  furnish  military  force, 
if  it  should  be  actually  required,  gave  notice  to  Major-General  Sanford 
in  New  York  to  hold  in  readiness  nine  hundred  men  of  the  First 
Division  of  Artillery,  and  to  Major-General  Doughty  to  have  in  readi 
ness  six  hundred  men  of  the  infantry  division,  and  to  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  Averill,  of  Montgomery  County,  to  be  ready  to  march  five  hun 
dred  of  his  brigade. 

Hardly  had  the  sheriff  and  his  posse  started,  when  a  rain-storm  com 
menced,  which  soon  rendered  the  roads  impassable. 

Toward  night  the  rain  increased  ;  the  wind  blew  tempestuously.  The 
city  was  full  of  rumors  of  disasters  to  the  expedition,  that  they  were 
hemmed  in,  that  they  were  without  food  or  shelter,  etc.  The  Governor, 
after  having  dispatched  Stephen  Myers  with  two  wagon-loads  of  bread 
and  meat,  waited  till  late  at  night,  with  the  Adjutant-General,  for  the 
"  express "  that  was  to  bring  news  from  the  sheriff.  At  two  o'clock  a 
tap  at  the  door  announced  the  messenger's  arrival. 

He  brought  a  written  report  from  the  sheriff,  that,  although  he  had 
met  no  active  resistance  as  yet,  a  large  force  of  a  thousand  or  more 
was  assembling,  "  with  cannon,"  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  opposing 
him  ;  and,  meanwhile,  the  effective  measure  had  been  taken  of  closing 
all  places  that  could  give  accommodation  to  his  posse,  and  that  they 
needed  an  immediate  supply  of  tents,  provisions,  and  blankets. 

It  was  evident  that  the  hour  had  come  for  Executive  action.  The 
private  secretary  was  sent  to  summon  the  Secretary  of  State,  Comp 
troller,  and  Adjutant-General,  to  a  midnight  council  of  war  in  the 
Governor's  office.  The  aides-de-camp  were  dispatched  with  orders  to 
the  troops  to  move.  The  council  remained  in  session  all  night  ;  and 
the  dawn  of  day  found  them  there,  round  the  table  strewed  with  papers, 
and  with  candles  still  burning  ;  but  the  night  had  not  been  idly 
spent. 

The  staff  found  themselves  in  active  service  ;  the  Adjutant-General 
proved  his  West  Point  education  of  value  in  enabling  him  to  accomplish 
that  greatest  proof  of  military  skill,  the  massing  of  an  effective  body 
of  troops  at  the  shortest  possible  notice.  Colonel  Amory  was  already 
in  New  York  to  attend  the  movement  of  troops  from  that  quarter. 
Colonel  Benedict  was  sent  "  to  the  front "  with  orders  that  the  armed 
posse  should  be  organized  into  a  military  force,  and  information  that 
reinforcements  would  be  promptly  supplied  them.  Meanwhile,  the 


452  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

commissariat  was  supplied  by  wagon-loads  of  bread  and  meat,  blankets, 
and  tents. 

Major  William  Bloodgood  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  a  battal 
ion  consisting  of  the  Burgesses  Corps,  the  Van  Rensselaer  Guards,  the 
Union  Guards,  and  the  Republican  Artillery,  of  Albany  ;  besides  three 
Troy  companies,  the  Citizens  Corps,  the  Independent  Artillery,  and  the 
City  Guards.  The  various  bodies  of  troops  were  ordered  to  move  at  once. 

In  the  morning  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  Governor,  enjoin 
ing  upon  the  people  of  the  country  "  to  aid  and  assist  the  officers  of 
justice  in  performing  their  duty,"  and  appealing  "to  all  who  have 
taken  part  in  these  unlawful  proceedings  to  reflect  upon  their  nature 
and  consequences,  and  to  remember  that  resistance  to  the  officers  of 
justice  is  a  high  misdemeanor  ;  that,  when  such  resistance  becomes 
concerted  or  organized,  it  is  insurrection,  and  that,  if  death  ensue,  the 
penalties  of  treason  and  murder  are  incurred  ;  that  the  only  lawful 
means  to  obtain  relief  from  any  injuries  or  grievances  of  which  they 
complain,  are  by  application  to  the  courts  of  justice  arid  the  Legisla 
ture;  "  and  saying:  "  I  assure  them  that  they  shall  receive  every  facility 
which  the  Executive  department  can  afford,  in  bringing  their  complaints 
before  the  Legislature.  I  enjoin  upon  them,  therefore,  to  desist  from 
their  opposition,  and  to  conduct  and  demean  themselves  as  orderly, 
peaceable,  and  well-disposed  citizens — justly  estimating  the  invaluable 
privileges  they  enjoy,  and  knowing  that  the  only  security  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  their  rights  consists  in  the  complete  ascendency  of  the 
laws." 

The  privy  seal  was  affixed  to  the  proclamation,  it  was  published  in 
all  the  newspapers,  and  copies  were  struck  off  in  handbill  form,  to  be 
scattered  broadcast  in  the  insurrectionary  region.  The  militia  troops 
moved  with  a  celerity  worthy  of  veterans.  It  was  on  Tuesday  morn 
ing  that  their  orders  were  issued,  and  before  noon  the  Troy  companies 
passed  through  Albany  on  their  way  to  the  front,  and  were  furnished 
with  two  field-pieces  from  the  arsenal.  By  Wednesday  evening,  the 
brigade  from  Montgomery  County  arrived  by  rail,  ready  to  be  for 
warded  to  the  field.  Rapidity  of  movement  achieved  success  in  the 
"  Helderberg  War,"  as  it  so  often  has  in  greater  campaigns. 

While  the  Governor  was  sitting  at  breakfast  on  Thursday  morning, 
a  bearer  of  military  dispatches  dashed  up  to  his  door  on  a  panting 
horse,  and  handed  him  a  packet  from  Major  Bloodgood,  dated  at  the 
headquarters  of  the  expeditionary  force  at  Rensselaerville.  It  stated 
that  he  had  met  a  large  assemblage  of  people  at  Reidsville,  but  halting 
on  the  hill,  and  forming  his  force  in  solid  column,  he  had  marched  into 
the  midst  of  them,  and  told  the  sheriff  to  do  his  duty  ;  that  the  sheriff 
had  taken  one  prisoner  who  had  been  sent  to  the  rear  (greatly  to  his 
relief,  as  he  had  begged  for  quarter,  under  the  impression  that  he  was 


1839.]  RETURN    OF   THE   TROOPS.  453 

to  be  instantly  shot).  The  major  stated  that  the  appearance  of  the 
troops,  and  the  knowledge  of  the  reinforcements  so  promptly  hurrying 
forward,  had  made  such  an  impression  upon  the  inhabitants  that  there 
was  no  longer  danger  to  his  command  ;  that  the  troops  would  continue 
with  the  sheriff,  and  enable  him  to  execute  his  process,  as  they  passed 
through  the  country.  Meanwhile,  there  came  to  the  Executive  man 
sion  a  letter  from  Azor  Taber  and  Henry  G.  Wheaton,  saying  that 
leading  citizens  of  the  towns  where  the  disturbance  existed  had  come 
in  to  ask  those  gentlemen  to  make  representations  in  their  behalf  to 
the  Governor.  They  were  desirous  to  avail  themselves  of  the  occasion 
presented  by  his  proclamation  to  end  the  difficulties.  They  requested 
Messrs.  Taber  and  Wheaton  to  assure  the  Governor  that  all  resistance 
to  the  sheriff  should  be  withdrawn,  and  that  the  assemblage  of  people 
should  quietly  disperse. 

Dispatches  continued  to  come  during  Thursday  and  Friday,  and 
finally  they  announced  that  the  sheriff  had  now  accomplished  the  ser 
vice  of  all  his  process  ;  that  disturbance  no  longer  existed  ;  that  every 
purpose  in  view  in  calling  out  the  military  force  had  been  effected. 
The  major  complimented  his  men,  saying  that  he  had  never  seen  regular 
troops  more  manfully  endure  fatigue,  exposure,  and  hardships.  Orders 
were  at  once  issued  by  the  Governor  for  their  recall,  and  sent  to  Rens- 
selaerville.  General  Averill's  command  on  reaching  Albany  were  re 
viewed  by  the  Governor,  informed  there  would  be  no  occasion  for  their 
aid,  and  ordered  back  to  St.  Johnsville  for  discharge  from  service. 

Sunday  morning  there  was  a  heavy  snow-storm.  In  the  midst  of 
it,  and  while  the  bells  were  ringing  for  church,  the  sound  of  drums 
was  heard  approaching  on  the  hill  beyond  the  Capitol.  It  was  the 
returning  force  who,  wrapped  in  their  blankets,  had  marched  twelve 
miles  since  daybreak,  plodding  through  the  drifting  snow,  and  bring 
ing  their  three  prisoners  in  a  wagon.  The  Governor  sprang  into  his 
sleigh  and  drove  up  State  Street,  met,  received,  and  welcomed  the 
troops,  under  the  shelter  of  the  Schenectady  Railroad  Depot,  and 
thanked  them  for  their  good  conduct  and  patriotism.  They  cheered 
him  in  return  and  marched  to  their  respective  armories  ;  and  so  ended 
the  first  campaign  of  "  the  Helderbarrack." 

Quiet  having  been  temporarily  restored,  the  Patroon  made  a  state 
ment  to  the  public  through  the  press,  recapitulating  the  history  of  the 
grant  and  of  the  controversy.  He  stated  what  the  tenants  claimed  to 
be  their  grievances,  and  what  they  proposed  by  way  of  redress  ;  griev 
ances  which,  he  contended,  were  unreal,  and  claims  which  he  considered 
unfounded.  He  narrated  how,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  the  will 
was  proved,  and  the  usual  call  upon  persons  indebted  to  make  pay 
ments  was  published  by  advertisement  and  handbills.  Some  of  the 
representatives  of  the  tenants  had,  in  May,  asked  an  interview  with 


454  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1839. 

him  ;  had  stated  their  grievances  to  be  the  increase  of  rent  caused  by 
the  increased  value  of  the  wheat,  fowls,  and  personal  service,  in  which 
it  was  paid  ;  the  reservation  of  streams,  mill  privileges,  mines  and 
minerals,  timber,  and  rights  of  way,  and  the  "  quarter  sales "  which 
rendered  transfer  of  property  difficult,  and  profitable  sale  of  it  impos 
sible.  They  asked  that  new  leases  should  be  given  them  instead  of  the 
old  ;  that  payment  should  be  in  fixed  sums  of  money  instead  of  pay 
ments  in  kind  ;  that  they  should  have  the  privilege  of  buying  the  fee- 
simple  of  their  lands  for  such  sum  as  the  rent  represented  the  interest 
of  ;  arrears,  they  thought,  should  be  remitted  in  whole  or  in  part.  To 
this  the  Patroon  had  replied  that  he  could  not  acknowledge  their 
grievances  ;  that  their  claims  for  redress  were  inadmissible  ;  that  their 
agreements  had  been  voluntarily  entered  into,  and  had  continued  with 
out  change  of  terms  ;  that  he  was  willing  to  accept  money  instead  of 
wheat ;  that  he  was  willing  to  sell  the  lands,  and  to  arrange  about 
arrears  on  such  terms  as  should  be  suitable  for  each  individual  case. 
This  reply  had  brought  a  rejoinder  from  the  tenants,  dated  on  the  4th  of 
July,  intimating  their  purpose  to  resist;  and  as  they  had  continued  to 
act  in  this  hostile  spirit,  the  troubles  had  finally  culminated  in  the  Ex 
ecutive  call  for  troops  to  enforce  the  laws. 

The  approach  of  the  holiday  season  brought,  as  usual,  invitations  to 
festive  gatherings.  It  will  suffice  here  to  quote  an  extract  from  one  of 
Seward's  letters — the  one  to  the  St.  Andrew's  Society  : 

When  the  history  of  this  age  shall  be  written,  it  must  award  to  the  people  of 
Scotland  the  merit  of  patient  and  contented  industry,  incorruptible  integrity, 
loyalty  combined  with  indomitable  love  for  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  dis 
tinguished  success  in  intellectual  philosophy,  which  is  the  most  abstruse  and 
difficult  of  all  sciences,  and  in  those  works  of  the  imagination  which  relieve  the 
cares  and  cheer  the  way  of  human  life.  To  the  character  of  such  a  people  I  pay 
now  and  always  involuntary  respect  and  homage. 

"I  think,  Governor,"  said  a  delighted  Scottish  friend,  on  reading 
this  letter,  "that  whatever  they  may  say  aboot  your  notion  o'  Irish 
love  o'  truth,  they  canna  deny  that  you're  vara  right  aboot  Scotch  love 
o'  metapheesics." 

The  St.  Nicholas  Society  urgently  invited  him  to  attend  the  annual 
festival  in  New  York  this  year  ;  but  his  engagements  at  Albany  obliged 
him  to  decline.  It  was  at  this  meeting  that  his  old  friend  Gulian  C. 
Verplanck,  whose  rare  humor  and  scholarly  erudition  admirably  fitted 
him  for  the  place,  was  installed  as  president.  His  inaugural  address 
was  in  the  style  of  that  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  gravely 
summing  up  the  state  of  its  foreign  relations,  to  wit,  those  with  the  St. 
George's,  the  St.  Andrew's,  the  St.  Patrick's,  and  St.  David's  Societies, 
in  regard  to  all  of  whom  he  promised  to  maintain  a  "  firm  yet  concilia- 


1839.]  A   YOUTHFUL   FRIENDSHIP.  455 

tory  policy,"  especially  in  regard  to  invitations  to  supper.  Financial 
affairs  were  treated  from  a  similarly  high  standpoint,  and  a  comparison 
was  drawn  between  the  treasury  of  the  St.  Nicholas  Society — entirely 
free  from  debt — and  that  of  the  United  States,  whose  outstanding  notes 
rendered  its  position  so  much  less  advantageous.  The  travesty  was 
pronounced,  by  the  Whig  papers  at  least,  to  be  superior  to  the  genuine 
message  of  Van  Buren.  The  same  evening  he  remarked :  "  On  this 
spot  where  our  festive  board  is  spread,  in  1690,  stood  the  humble,  rose- 
embowered  cottage  of  the  good  Dutch  dominie,  Everardus  Bogardus, 
and  here  was  born  the  loved,  child  of  his  old  age,  his  sole  heiress, 
Anneke,  who,  under  her  matron  name  of  Anneke  Jans,  became  the 
faithful  mother  not  only  of  a  numerous  and  worthy  race,  but  of  tnat 
famous  and  still  continued  litigation  with  Trinity  Church,  so  magnificent 
in  its  amount,  so  rich  in  its  black-letter  learning,  and  so  gloriously  pro 
tracted  in  its  duration." 

Lewis  Gay  lord  Clark  was  the  editor  of  the  Knickerbocker.  He  had 
written  in  October  to  Seward  to  ask  permission  to  publish  in  that 
magazine  a  manuscript  in  his  possession.  It  was  an  address  delivered 
by  Seward  ten  years  before,  on  the  erection  of  a  monument  in  the 
college-grounds  at  Schenectady,  to  the  memory  of  David  Berdan. 
Young  Berdan  and  Seward  were  in  college  together,  and  studied  law 
in  the  same  office.  This  address  had  been  the  closing  scene  of  one  of 
those  episodes  of  youthful  friendship  and  affection,  the  memory  of 
which  is  cherished  through  life  with  mingled  feelings  of  pleasure  and 
sadness.  The  two  were  close  associates  and  warm  friends,  with  tastes 
in  common.  They  were  the  depositories  of  each  other's  secrets  as  they 
strolled  through  the  college-grounds,  sat  side  by  side  in  the  hall  of 
the  Adelphic,  or  plodded  together  through  Kent  and  Story  in  John 
Anthon's  law-office  in  New  York.  Long  and  closely-written  letters 
passed  between  them  when  separated,  and  a  favorite  imagination  with 
both  was  that  of  friendly  companionship  through  life. 

The  address  told  how  their  acquaintance  commenced  in  1817,  and 
described  Berdan  as  a  youth  then  in  his  fifteenth  year,  with  downcast 
air,  unassuming  deportment,  and  retiring  manners.  His  temper  was 
cheerful,  his  conversation  animated  and  enthusiastic,  and  his  disposition 
gentle  and  confiding.  It  went  on  to  say  that  he  gave  evidence  of  in 
tellectual  powers  highly  improved  by  study  and  reflection  ;  that  he 
wrote  and  spoke  with  ease  and  elegance  ;  yet  that  collegiate  honors 
never  excited  his  emulation,  nor  did  visions  of  public  prominence.  His 
taste  inclined  him  to  literary  pursuits,  and  his  pleasures  were  in  the 
study  of  books  and  Nature.  He  was  generous,  warm-hearted,  and  in 
dependent.  When,  at  the  conclusion  of  their  law  studies,  the  two 
friends  were  separated,  Seward  went  to  the  west  to  commence  his 
practice,  and  Berdan  determined  to  prepare  himself  for  literary 


456  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1839. 

pursuits.     A   letter   to    Seward   urged   him   to   join   in  a  pedestrian 
tour : 

I  am  impatient  personally  to  communicate  to  you  a  project  which  I  have 
conceived.  Do  not  believe  I  am  jesting.  I  tell  you  seriously  that  I  hope  ere 
long  to  walk  through  part  of  France,  Switzerland,  England,  perhaps  Scotland, 
and  withal  to  touch  at  Gibraltar.  The  plan  is  all  matured.  There  will  be  three 
of  us.  We  go  in  the  plainest  dress,  partake  of  the  plainest  food.  I  now  think 
that  I  shall  realize  the  dream  of  my  earlier  years,  and  indulge  myself  with  a 
view  of  those  places  of  which  I  have  read  so  much,  and  upon  which  I  have 
dwelt  so  deeply.  Shall  I  indeed  see  Kome — the  mistress  of  the  world?  and  who 
knows  but  when  there  I  shall  see  the  face  of  Lord  Byron  ?  Think  seriously  of 
going  with  us,  and  that  in  less  than  two  months. 

Before  setting  out  on  this  foreign  tour,  Berdan  traversed,  on  foot, 
portions  of  the  Northern,  Middle,  and  Southern  States,  paying  the  hom 
age  of  enthusiastic  devotion  to  Nature  among  the  islands  of  Lake  George 
and  on  the  banks  of  the  Niagara.  "  I  saw  him  for  the  last  time  on  this 
romantic  excursion.  We  parted  on  the  shore  of  the  Cayuga  Lake." 
The  memoir  went  on  to  describe  how  the  crowning  of  his  wishes  came 
at  last,  and  he  embarked  for  Gibraltar;  landed  there  and  traversed 
Spain  and  France,  "  not  like  other  tourists,  with  the  speed  of  the  post, 
but  rather  after  the  manner  of  Goldsmith,  conversing  with  the  people 
in  their  own  language,  and  lingering  wherever  monument  or  legend 
furnished  any  tradition  worthy  to  be  recorded  ; "  how  he  sought  mate 
rials  for  history  or  romance,  and  wrote  at  Cadiz,  while  Irving  was  col 
lecting,  at  Madrid,  facts  for  his  life  of  Columbus  ;  how  he  passed  the 
winter  in  Paris,  "  struggling  with  that  insidious  disease  which  seems  to 
delight  in  producing  premature  development  of  the  intellectual  powers, 
that  it  may  signalize  its  slow  but  certain  triumph  ; "  how  the  returning 
spring  brought  as  usual  hopes  of  recovery,  destined  as  usual  to  sad  dis 
appointment  ;  "  how  he  embarked  on  the  Cameo  for  Boston,  in  exuber 
ant  spirits  but  with  an  emaciated  constitution,  his  rich  and  varied  con 
versation,  his  modest  demeanor,  and  the  evident  frailty  of  his  hold  on 
life,"  moving  the  feelings  of  the  passengers ;  and  how  on  the  twentieth 
day  of  the  voyage  he  was  found  in  his  chair,  expiring  from  an  effusion 
of  blood,  the  book  which  he  had  been  reading  fallen  from  his  hand.  The 
crew  were  called  together,  the  burial-service  read,  and  his  remains  com 
mitted  to  the  deep.  And  so  ended  the  dream  of  life,  literature,  ambi 
tion,  and  friendship. 

During  life,  Seward's  favorite  form  of  recreation  was  travel.  Activity 
and  motion  seemed  to  accord  with  his  temperament,  and  were  the  more 
grateful,  perhaps,  because  his  official  or  professional  duties  generally 
made  his  life  a  sedentary  one.  An  hour's  ride,  a  day's  excursion,  or  a 
month's  journey,  that  others  would  find  dull  or  tedious,  always  seemed 
to  have  an  animating  and  even  exhilarating  effect  upon  him.  The 


1839.J  FRANKENSTEIN.  4.57 

change  of  scene,  the  relief  from  care,  the  altered  current  of  thought,  and 
the  opportunity  for  philosophic  study  of  places  and  men,  rendered  travel 
and  projects  of  travel  always  attractive. 

Occasionally,  one  of  his  excursions  from  Albany  would  be  to  visit  his 
old  friends,  the  Shakers,  at  Niskayuna.  Here  he  was  always  sure 
of  a  hospitable  welcome.  Justus  Harwood,  Frederick  Wicker,  Aunt 
Clarissa,  and  other  leading  personages,  came  to  greet  him.  There 
was  general  hand-shaking  at  "  the  store,"  and  with  all  the  members  of 
the  family ;  and  a  bountifully-spread  table,  with  the  neatest  of  white 
cloths,  standing  on  a  floor  that  was  polished  till  it  shone,  offered  him 
every  rural  luxury. 

A  young  sculptor,  erect  and  fine-looking,  with  dark,  curling  hair, 
came  this  month  from  Philadelphia  at  the  request  of  some  of  the  Gov 
ernor's  friends  to  make  a  bust  of  him.  Of  German  descent,  but  Ameri 
can  education,  modest  disposition,  but  already  showing  high  promise 
both  as  a  painter  and  a  sculptor,  Frankenstein  soon  became  a  favorite 
with  all  the  household.  The  Governor  invited  him  to  stay  at  the  house, 
and  he  remained  while  his  work  was  in  progress.  It  was  not  easy  to 
obtain  sittings  even  under  these  circumstances,  for  there  was  no  hour 
of  the  day  that  could  be  spared.  However,  Frankenstein  set  up  clay 
in  one  corner  of  the  office  and  modeled  the  features  while  the  Governor 
was  writing  or  conversing  with  his  visitors.  So  the  "  counterfeit  pre 
sentment  "  steadily  grew  without  effort  or  thought  on  the  part  of  the 
subject  of  it.  This  unusual  method  of  proceeding  had  one  advantage, 
since  it  enabled  the  artist  to  catch  every  expression. 

Frankenstein  remained  some  months.  He  made  a  fine  bust  of  John 
C.  Spencer  and  one  of  Mrs.  Seward,  and  painted  a  portrait  of  the  Gov 
ernor  for  Colonel  Amory.  One  of  his  paintings,  the  head  of  a  child, 
was  pronounced  an  admirable  work  of  art.  His  fondness  for  poetry 
and  music,  and  other  congenial  tastes,  had  made  him  and  Willis  Gay- 
lord  Clark  warm  frjends. 

The  closing  days  of  December  were  devoted  to  the  preparation  of 
the  annual  message,  or  at  least  so  much  of  them  as  could  be  spared 
from  the  flood  of  visitors  now  pouring  in,  increased  as  it  was  in  num 
bers  and  persistence  by  the  knowledge  that  there  was  now  to  be  a 
Senate  which  would  confirm  the  Governor's  appointments.  Frequently 
the  only  hours  for  work  were  those  usually  allotted  to  sleep,  between 
midnight  and  breakfast-time.  Two  great  green  sofas  which  stood  in 
the  hall  near  his  office  would  be  drawn  together  to  make  an  improvised 
bed,  on  which  the  Governor  took  a  short  respite  from  his  labors,  by  an 
hour  or  two  of  sleep.  This  would  suffice  for  the  night,  the  lamps 
having  been  left  burning  and  the  servant  having  orders  to  call  him  at 
three  o'clock. 


458  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

1840. 

The  Whigs  in  Power. — Appointments. — Virginia's  Threats. — Antislavery  Laws. — The 
Schools  in  New  York.— The  Old  Writing-Chair.— The  First  Daguerreotypes.— Social 
Life. — John  A.  King. — Stephens. — St.  Patrick  and  St.  George. — Natives  and  Foreigners. 
—The  "  Higher  Law." 

NEW-YEAK'S-DAY,  1840,  opened,  like  its  predecessor  of  1839,  with  a 
midnight  serenade  and  a  bountiful  collation  ready  for  all  comers,  spread 
in  the  hall  of  the  Executive  mansion.  The  old  Dutch  customs  of  New- 
Year  hospitality,  visits,  and  good-wishes,  were  nowhere  more  carefully 
observed  than  at  the  State  capital.  Immediately  after  sunrise  children 
began  to  perambulate  the  streets,  to  ring  or  knock  at  each  door,  wish 
the  inmates  a  "  Happy  New- Year,"  and  receive  in  return  a  New-Year's 
cake  stamped  with  "pictures."  Many  thrifty  housewives  had  a  basket 
of  these  standing  in  the  hall,  to  supply  the  juvenile  demands.  Before 
noon  every  lady  was  expected  to  be  in  her  parlor  to  receive  the  gentle 
men,  who,  making  the  rounds  of  their  acquaintance,  were  calling  in 
rapid  succession  during  the  day  ;  the  call  consisting  usually  of  a  hasty 
interchange  of  New-Year's  greetings  and  good-wishes,  the  visitors  hav 
ing  no  time  to  sit  down.  A  table  loaded  with  refreshments  often  stood 
in  the  back-parlor.  Every  visitor  was  invited  and  expected  to  take  at 
least  a  glass  of  wine,  and  a  New-Year's  cake.  Before  his  peregrinations 
were  over,  if  the  former  had  not  filled  his  head,  the  latter  had  filled  his 
pockets,  or  had  so  accumulated  in  his  sleigh  that  he  could  have  the 
pleasure  of  sending  a  bagful  to  the  Orphan  Asylum,  or  of  bestowing 
them  in  largess  upon  the  street-urchins  who  were  ever  ready  for  more. 
Though  shops  and  stores  were  closed  for  the  holiday,  the  streets  pre 
sented  a  scene  of  unusual  activity  and  animation,  for  the  walks  were 
thronged  with  pedestrians,  while  the  jingle  of  the  bells  of  the  sleighs, 
and  the  laughter  of  their  occupants,  added  to  the  gayety  of  the  hour. 
At  the  Governor's  house  the  throng  was  great,  though  orderly,  and  less 
boisterous  than  the  year  before.  All  passed  off  with  systematic  ar 
rangement.  Barrels  of  New-Year's  cakes  stood  at  the  door,  to  be 
handed  out  to  the  children.  The  great  hall  and  all  the  parlors  were 
thrown  open  to  accommodate  the  crowd,  whose  movements  were  facili 
tated  by  an  improvised  place  of  egress,  steps  having  been  added  to  the 
large  window  that  reached  to  the  floor  of  the  dining-room.  The  Gov 
ernor,  surrounded  by  his  staff,  received  his  guests  in  the  drawing-room. 
The  refreshment-tables  were  resupplied  as  fast  as  cleared ;  and  when 
the  Common  Council,  the  Burgesses  Corps,  or  other  military  association, 
came  in  a  body,  they  were  ushered  to  another  hall  in  the  story  above, 
where  cold  turkey  and  champagne  awaited  them.  Fortunately,  the  Leg- 


1840.J  THE   EFFECT   OF   CANALS  AND   RAILWAYS.  459 

islature  was  not  to  meet  until  the  ensuing  Tuesday  ;  so  there  was  a 
breathing-space  for  the  tired  Executive  household. 

When  the  Legislature  met,  on  Tuesday  morning,  the  Whigs  re- 
elected  Speaker  Patterson,  in  the  Assembly  ;  while  in  the  Senate,  also, 
they  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  themselves  at  last  in  a  majority. 
One  of  the  first  things  to  be  done  was  to  settle  the  respective  terms 
of  the  Senators  elected  from  the  Third  District.  Three  slips  of  paper 
were  placed  in  a  box,  and  offered  to  each  of  them,  in  turn,  by  a  page. 
A  suppressed  laugh  went  round  the  Chamber,  at  the  caprice  of  For 
tune,  when  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Sanford,  who  had  been  elected  by 
several  thousand  majority,  drew  the  short  term  of  a  year ;  while  Gen 
eral  Root,  who  had  barely  got  in  by  a  majority  of  four  or  five  votes, 
rose  and  announced,  "  Mr.  President,  I  have  the  full  term,  four  years  !  " 

The  Governor's  message  was  long  and  elaborate.  It  detailed  the 
history  of  the  Virginia  controversy  and  the  Rensselaerwyck  Manor 
difficulties.  The  larger  portion  of  the  document,  however,  was  de 
voted  to  the  subject  of  internal  improvement,  narrating  the  history  of 
the  system  of  canals  and  railroads  so  far  as  prosecuted,  since  the  time 
when  Washington,  standing  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  1783,  foresaw  the  capa 
bility  of  New  York  for  inland  navigation  and  its  immense  importance  ; 
and  when  Jefferson  pronounced  "  roads,  canals,  and  rivers,  to  be  great 
foundations  of  national  prosperity  and  union."  The  message  summed 
up  the  policy  of  the  State  in  this  regard. 

As  to  the  results  already  accomplished,  he  remarked  : 

Buffalo  and  Oswego,  Binghamton  and  Elmira,  which  Nature  seemed  to 
have  excluded  from  commerce  with  New  York,  now  enjoy  greater  facilities  of 
access  than  Utica  did  before  the  canals  were  made ;  and  Chicago,  a  thousand 
miles  distant,  exchanges  her  productions  for  the  merchandise  of  the  same  city  at 
less  expense  and  with  less  delay  than  Oswego  could  have  done  at  the  same 
period.  The  wheat  of  Chautauqua  County,  on  the  border  of  the  State,  displaces 
that  staple  on  the  shores  of  the  Hudson ;  and  Orange  and  Dutchess  cheerfully 
relinquish  its  culture  for  the  more  profitable  agriculture  required  to  furnish  the 
daily  supplies  of  a  great  city.  Lumber  from  Tompkins  and  Chemung,  and  ship- 
timber  from  Grand  Island,  supply  the  wants  of  the  city  of  New  York.  Iron 
from  the  bankg  of  the  Ausable  is  exchanged  for  the  salt  of  Onondaga.  The 
gypsum  of  Madison  and  Cayuga  fertilizes  the  fields  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
coal  of  that  State  is  moving  to  supply  the  place  of  the  forests  of  the  "West.  Rail 
roads  have  immeasurably  increased  the  facilities  of  intercourse,  and  expedited 
the  transmission  of  intelligence.  Political  influence  and  power  are  distributed, 
and  our  State,  from  an  inferior  position,  has  risen  rapidly  to  unquestioned  as 
cendency  in  the  Union. 

The  legal  reforms  suggested  in  the  message  of  the  previous  year 
were  again  urged — among  them,  the  reorganization  of  the  Court  of 
Chancery  ;  the  doing  away  with  unnecessary,  prolix,  dilatory,  and  eva 
sive  pleadings  ;  the  reduction  of  costs  ;  the  removal  of  county  patronage 


460  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1840. 

from  the  control  of  judges  ;  and  the  abolition  of  the  imprisonment 
of  non-resident  debtors,  a  class  who  had  not  shared  in  the  benefits 
of  former  laws  abrogating  imprisonment  for  debt.  The  needs  of  the  va 
rious  benevolent  institutions  were  then  set  forth,  and  the  project  of 
school-district  libraries  announced  as  having  been  carried  into  successful 
operation.  The  Governor  further  suggested  that  "  provision  be  made 
by  law  for  the  instruction  of  convicts  in  the  State-prisons,  and  for 
supplying  them  with  such  books  as  shall  conduce  to  their  reformation." 
In  the  same  connection  he  recommended  the  improvement  of  the  con 
dition  of  county  jails,  and  the  establishment  of  a  House  of  Refuge  in 
the  western  part  of  the  State.  But  the  paragraph  of  the  message 
which  was  destined  to  excite  most  attention,  and  which  was  a  theme 
for  years  of  acrimonious  discussion,  was  one  of  the  various  suggestions 
about  education  : 

The  advantages  of  education  ought  to  be  secured  to  many,  especially  in 
our  large  cities,  whom  orphanage,  the  depravity  of  parents,  or  other  forms  of 
accident  or  misfortune,  seem  to  have  doomed  to  hopeless  poverty  and  igno 
rance.  .  .  .  The  children  of  foreigners  found  in  great  numbers  in  our  popu 
lous  cities  and  towns,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  our  public  works,  are  too  often 
deprived  of  the  advantages  of  our  system  of  public  education,  in  consequence  of 
prejudices  arising  from  differences  of  language  and  religion.  It  ought  never  to 
be  forgotten  that  the  public  welfare  is  as  deeply  concerned  in  their  education  as 
in  that  of  our  own  children.  I  do  not  hesitate,  therefore,  to  recommend  the 
establishment  of  schools  in  which  they  may  be  instructed  by  teachers  speaking 
the  same  language  with  themselves,  and  professing  the  same  faith. 

This  suggestion  was  not  the  result  of  carelessness  or  inadvertence, 
though  some  well-meaning  friends  afterward  sought  to  excuse  it  as 
such.  It  was  the  result  of  reflection  and  consultation,  since  the  Staten 
Island  celebration.  The  school-returns  from  New  York  during  the  pre 
vious  year  had  shown  that  there  were  twenty-five  thousand  children  in 
that  city  who  did  not  attend  school,  but  were  growing  up  in  vice  and 
crime  in  the  streets.  Whatever  the  cause  might  be,  whether  neglect,  or 
prejudice,  or  bigotry,  on  the  part  of  their  parents,  there  was  the  fact, 
and  the  Governor  sought  to  find  a  remedy.  He  invited  to  confer  with 
him  on  the  subject  two  divines,  each  eminent  for  religious  zeal  and  in 
tellectual  power.  These  were  the  Rev.  Dr.  Luckey,  of  the  Methodist 
Church,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Nott,  the  Presbyterian  President  of  Union  Col 
lege.  They  visited  Albany,  discussed  the  subject  from  their  respective 
standpoints,  were  solicitous  to  aid  the  Governor  in  finding  a  solution, 
and  agreed  that  any  form  of  education  was  better  than  none  ;  that  the 
benefits  of  the  common-school  system  should  be  impartially  and  fairly 
shared  by  all.  The  draft  of  that  part  of  the  message,  while  its  funda 
mental  idea  remained  the  same,  was  more  than  once  changed  in  phraseol 
ogy,  and  that  which  was  finally  adopted  not  only  received  the  sanction 


1840.]  THE   OLD   WRITIXG-CHAIR.  461 

of  the  two  clergymen,  but  was  thought  by  them  to  be  a  fortunate  step 
toward  the  end  so  much  to  be  desired,  of  getting  the  vagrant  children 
of  New  York  within  the  walls  and  under  the  influences  of  school-houses. 
A  visitor  who  carne  one  evening  to  the  Governor's  retired  study  in  the 
wing  of  his  house  to  ask  for  office,  related  afterward  that  he  retired 
abashed  at  finding  there  the  stately  form,  venerable  white  head,  and 
benignant  face  of  the  college  president,  and  the  active,  black-clothed 
figure,  keen  gaze,  and  quick,  practical  utterance  of  the  Methodist  divine, 
both  engaged  in  discussing  themes,  not  of  politics,  but  of  philanthropy. 

At  this  season,  except  while  receiving  visitors,  Seward  usually  sat 
in  his  writing-chair,  pen  in  hand.  Those  two  occupations  consumed 
the  whole  of  his  waking  hours  ;  there  were  no  idle  moments,  no  recrea 
tions,  no  hours  for  reading.  The  amount  of  work  accomplished  by  this 
persistence  was  simply  prodigious,  as  the  manuscript  drafts,  still  pre 
served,  attest.  Every  communication,  important  or  trivial,  was  an 
swered,  and  the  answer  was  not  a  mere  form,  but  drafted  by  his  own 
hand.  There  stood  in  the  Executive  chamber  a  high-backed,  old- 
fashioned  chair,  on  one  of  whose  arms  was  fastened  a  small  writing- 
table,  and  the  tradition  was  that  this  had  been  made  for  and  used  by 
De  Witt  Clinton.  Stiff  and  ungainly  as  was  its  shape,  it  was  not  with 
out  its  convenience  ;  and  an  intelligent  cabinet-maker,  finding  that 
Governor  Seward  used  it,  devised  and  constructed  for  him  another  of 
improved  and  modern  pattern.  This,  besides  having  an  easier  seat, 
had  the  desk  movable  by  pivot  and  screw,  so  as  to  be  adjusted  at  any 
angle.  It  had  also  drawers  for  papers,  with  compartments  for  pens, 
inkstand,  wafers,  and  the  ashes  of  the  inevitable  cigar,  as  well  as  mov 
able  slide  and  brass  sconces  for  candles.  It  was  an  office-chair,  as  the 
inventor  said,  that  was  an  office  itself.  Seward  became  so  habituated 
to  its  use  that  he  had  others  made,  subsequently,  for  his  law-office  and 
library  at  Auburn,  and  adopted  it  as  his  favorite  seat  for  work  through 
out  his  whole  life. 

His  handwriting  in  his  youth  was  remarkably  clear,  round,  and  firm, 
every  letter  being  carefully  formed.  In  the  early  years  of  his  law- 
practice,  clients  said  his  conveyances  were  "  plain  as  print."  It  was 
not  a  hand,  however,  that  could  be  written  with  great  rapidity,  and, 
when  it  became  necessary  to  draft  letters  and  papers  hastily,  his  writ 
ing  grew  more  and  more  illegible.  Yet  it  always  retained  an  appear 
ance  of  neatness  ;  the  first  letter  in  each  word  and  the  first  word  in 
each  paragraph  would  be  clear  and  distinct,  while  the  subsequent  ones 
ran  off  in  a  hasty  scrawl. 

During  the  turmoil  of  his  official  life  at  Albany,  his  equanimity 
was  proverbial.  His  calmness  and  courtesy  were  never  disturbed  by 
trifles.  He  had  patience  with  unreasonable  people,  and  tolerance  even 
for  those  who  were  unjust  and  unkind  toward  himself. 


4:62  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840, 

The  Whigs  were  now  supreme,  having  control  of  all  three  branches 
of  the  State  government.  But  power  brings  responsibility,  and  re 
sponsibility  brings  caution.  Though  ready  and  eager  to  carry  out  the 
policy  they  had  so  long  at  heart,  they  proceeded  with  more  care,  and 
less  haste,  than  when  they  were  held  in  check.  Measures  for  enlarging 
and  prosecuting  the  work  on  the  canals,  aiding  the  railways,  and  for 
carrying  out  the  various  reforms  recommended  in  the  Governor's  mes 
sage,  were  drawn  up,  considered,  and  consulted  upon. 

About  one  of  their  purposes  there  was  little  hesitation.  That 
was,  to  avail  themselves  of  their  right  to  the  places  from  which  Demo 
cratic  strategy  had  so  long  excluded  them.  Nominations  were  promptly 
sent  into  the  Senate  by  the  Governor,  and  as  promptly  confirmed  by 
that  body.  The  legislative  caucus  was  held,  and  it  was  resolved  at 
once  to  elect  Mr.  Tallmadge  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  to  oust 
the  State  Printer  from  his  position.  On  the  bill  for  the  latter  purpose, 
a  long  and  rambling  debate  took  place.  Messrs.  Paige,  Young,  Hunter, 
Livingston,  Sibley,  and  Root,  took  part. 

The  act  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  more  than  two  to  one,  and 
the  Assembly  by  a  large  majority.  The  Governor  hastened  to  affix  his 
signature  to  a  law  which  took  prestige  and  power  from  the  most  pow 
erful  opponent  of  the  Whigs,  and  gave  them  to  Thurlow  Weed,  who 
through  his  Journal  led  the  Whig  press.  On  the  14th  of  January  the 
two  Houses,  by  a  party  vote,  reflected  N.  P.  Tallmadge  United  States 
Senator,  the  Democrats  making  no  nomination,  but  scattering  their 
votes. 

Hardly  had  the  message  appeared,  when  there  began  to  be  mutter- 
ings  of  discontent  at  the  recommendations  about  common  schools. 
Sectarian  hostility  was  excited  ;  prejudices  against  foreigners  appealed 
to  ;  and  the  Governor  was  unsparingly  denounced,  not  only  by  political 
opponents,  but  by  members  of  his  own  party.  The  press  reviled,  and 
even  the  pulpit  thundered  at  him.  Handbills  were  printed  and  posted, 
holding  him  up  to  scorn,  in  the  blackest  of  type  and  the  largest  of 
exclamation-points.  As  usually  happens  in  such  cases,  the  language 
he  had  really  used  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  debate,  and  garbled  versions 
of  it  were  quoted  to  prove  his  pernicious  doctrines.  He  was  accused 
of  a  design  to  subvert  the  school-system,  to  undermine  the  Protestant 
religion,  to  overthrow  republican  institutions.  He  was  said  to  have 
urged  the  giving  of  the  school-money  to  the  Catholic  Church,  to  have 
proposed  the  turning  over  of  Protestant  children  to  the  priests.  He 
was  "  sapping  the  foundations  of  liberty."  He  was  a  "  betrayer  of  the 
innocent  to  the  wiles  of  the  Scarlet  Lady."  He  was  "  in  league  with 
the  Pope."  He  was  "  himself  a  Jesuit."  He  was  "plotting  the  ruin  of 
the  State."  The  storm  waxed  in  fury,  and  was  long  protracted.  The 
outcry  was  eagerly  fomented  by  the  opposing  party,  which  was 


1840.]  THE   SCHOOL   QUESTION.  463 

only  too  glad  of  a  pretext  for  stirring  up  discord  in  the  Whig  camp. 
Hundreds  of  well-disposed  religious  people,  who  neither  knew  nor  cared 
about  political  matters,  were  roused  to  excitement  by  the  fear  that  the 
work  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  was  all  to  be  undone.  So  the  question 
entered  into  the  political  arena,  and  became  one  of  the  issues  of  the 
hour. 

But  there  were  also  portents  in  the  sky  of  another  storm,  longer  in 
gathering,  and  destined  to  be  of  longer  duration.  In  submitting  to  the 
Legislature  his  reply  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Virginia,  refusing 
to  deliver  up  the  three  colored  men  charged  with  aiding  the  escape  of  a 
slave,  Seward  had  expressed  his  surprise  that  it  should  be  regarded  as 
a  new  and  startling  doctrine  that  he  should  decline  to  surrender  citizens 
of  New  York  to  be  tried  and  punished  for  what  was  not  a  crime,  either 
by  the  laws  of  New  York,  the  common  law,  or  the  law  of  nations. 
And  he  added  : 

Nor  can  I  withhold  the  expression  of  my  sincere  regret  that  a  construction 
of  the  Constitution  manifestly  necessary  to  maintain  the  sovereignty  of  this  State, 
and  the  personal  rights  of  her  citizens,  should  be  regarded  by  the  Executive  of 
Virginia  as  justifying,  in  any  contingency,  a  menace  of  secession  from  the  Union. 

This  brought  an  outburst  of  indignation  not  only  from  Virginia,  but 
from  other  slaveholding  States.  First  came  Virginia's  rejoinder.  This 
was  over  the  signature  of  Governor  Gilmer,  who  had  now  succeeded 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hopkins,  and  who  took  up  the  controversy  where 
his  predecessor  left  off.  He  conducted  it  with  more  dignity  of  tone 
and  more  ability  of  argument.  With  his  letter  he  transmitted  the 
resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  declaring  it  to  be  her 
"  solemn  duty  to  adopt  the  most  decisive  and  efficient  measures  for  the 
protection  of  the  property  of  her  citizens,  and  the  maintenance  of  rights 
which  she  cannot  and  will  not,  under  any  circumstances,  surrender  or 
abandon,"  and  authorizing  the  Governor  to  open  correspondence  with 
the  Governors  of  other  slaveholding  States,  requesting  their  coo'pera- 
tion.  Then  came  the  co5peration  thus  asked — formidable  resolutions 
passed  by  various  Southern  States,  and  forwarded  by  their  Governors. 
Many  were  couched  in  language  far  more  intemperate  and  violent 
than  that  of  aggrieved  Virginia  herself.  They  undertook  to  rebuke, 
not  merely  New  York,  but  all  States  and  persons  in  general  who  were 
"intermeddling"  with  their  "domestic  institutions."  Two  will  serve 
as  specimens.  Missouri  resolved  that  interference  with  slavery  "  was 
in  direct  contravention  of  the  Constitution,  derogatory  from  the  dig 
nity  of  the  slaveholding  States,  grossly  insulting  to  their  sovereignty, 
and  ultimately  tending  to  destroy  the  Union."  South  Carolina  resolved 
that  she  would  "  make  common  cause  with  any  State  of  this  Confed 
eracy  in  devising  and  adopting  such  measures  as  will  maintain,  at  any 


464  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

hazard,  those  rights  and  that  property  which  the  obligations  of  the 
compact  of  the  Union — canceled  as  they  then  will  be  to  us — have 
failed  to  enforce."  Finally,  the  newspapers  of  the  South,  and  those  of 
the  North  in  their  interest,  joined  in  a  unanimous  denunciation  of  the 
New  York  Governor,  who  was  "  basely  allowing  "  Peter  Johnson,  Ed 
ward  Smith,  and  Isaac  Gansey,  to  be  at  large  in  the  streets. 

The  pouring  out  of  all  these  vials  of  wrath  upon  his  head  had  little 
effect  upon  the  apparently  imperturbable  person  who  occupied  the 
Executive  chair  at  Albany.  He  read  each  of  the  diatribes,  and  laid  it 
aside,  not  without  a  smile,  when  he  found  himself  gazetted  as  "a  big 
oted  New  England  fanatic,"  at  the  same  moment  that  he  was  undergo 
ing  such  fierce  fusillade  from  another  quarter  for  his  alleged  desertion 
of  Puritan  principles.  The  official  communications  he  received  and 
acknowledged  with  courtesy,  and  submitted  each  of  them  to  the  Le 
gislature,  with  the  usual  formal  message.  In  submitting  that  of  Gov 
ernor  Gilmer,  he  said  : 

The  proceedings  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  manifest  a  desire  to 
obtain  the  sense  of  the  Legislature  on  the  subject.  .  .  .  Altogether  willing  that 
the  opinion  of  the  Executive  and  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  may  be 
considered  under  the  most  favorable  auspices,  and  that  my  own  may  be  subjected 
to  the  most  rigid  examination,  I  transmit  herewith  a  report  of  a  committee  of 
the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  in  which  the  subject  is  ably  discussed. 

The  Legislature  adopted  Seward's  suggestion,  gave  the  communica 
tion  from  Virginia  a  careful  and  courteous  examination  in  committee, 
and,  concurring  in  his  view,  that  the  subject  was  one  for  Executive,  not 
for  legislative  action,  declined  to  comply  with  the  request  of  Virginia. 
The  Judiciary  Committee,  through  its  chairman,  Mr.  Simmons,  so  re 
ported,  adding  that  they  believed  the  position  taken  by  the  Governor 
to  be  "  sound  and  judicious." 

Having  now  been  invited,  by  sister  States,  to  consider  the  slavery 
question  in  its  bearing  upon  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  of  State  sover 
eignty,  the  Legislature  proceeded  to  give  that  subject  attention,  in  a 
manner  that  showed  a  more  scrupulous  regard  for  the  invitation  than 
for  the  threats  by  which  it  had  been  accompanied.  But  no  such  invi 
tation  had  been  needed.  The  national  House  of  Representatives  had 
stirred  popular  indignation  by  its  tyrannical  rule  that  no  petition 
against  slavery  should  be  received  or  entertained.  The  Governor's 
views  were  well  known,  and  the  sentiments  of  other  leading  members 
of  the  party  did  not  differ  materially  from  his  own.  The  Whigs  had 
control  of  both  Houses,  and  there  was  already  felt  a  ground-swell  of 
popular  opinion  which  showed  that  such  action  as  they  contemplated 
would  be  sustained.  Informal  conferences  were  held  with  the  Gov 
ernor,  to  decide  upon  the  measures  suitable  for  New  York  to  adopt. 
With  his  aid,  they  were  drawn  up,  and  in  a  few  days  the  members 


1840.]  ANTISLAVEKY   LAWS.  465 

respectively  charged  with  their  introduction  brought  them  in  succession 
before  the  Assembly.  First,  John  A.  King,  son  of  Rufus  King,  who 
battled  for  New  York  against  the  Missouri  Compromise,  rose  in  his  place, 
to  introduce  resolutions  protesting  against  the  denial,  by  Congress,  of 
the  right  of  petition. 

Victory  Birdseye,  as  the  head  of  a  select  committee,  next  brought 
in  a  bill  to  "  more  effectually  protect  the  free  citizens  of  this  State  from 
being  kidnapped  or  reduced  to  slavery,"  and  authorizing  the  Governor 
to  send  to  recover  those  so  kidnapped.  Horace  Healey,  of  Genesee, 
then  brought  in  a  bill  repealing  the  law  allowing  slaves  brought  into 
this  State  to  be  held  as  such  during  nine  months.  Henry  W.  Taylor, 
of  Ontario,  brought  in  a  bill  from  the  Judiciary  Committee  securing  a 
trial  by  jury  to  any  person  claimed  as  a  fugitive  slave.  Measures  were 
also  prepared  to  prohibit  the  officers  of  the  State  from  participating, 
and  its  jails  from  being  used,  in  the  business  of  recapturing  fugitive 
slaves.  There  was  but  little  debate,  but  there  was  prompt  action,  and 
the  antislavery  laws  were  soon  inscribed  upon  the  statute-book.  Mean 
while,  high  debate  was  proceeding  in  the  Hall  of  Representatives  at 
Washington,  John  Quincy  Adams  leading  the  defense  of  the  "  right  of 
petition,"  and  Mr.  Calhoun's  supporters  applying,  with  more  or  less  suc 
cess,  the  doctrine  of  the  "  Atherton  gag."  Another  event,  appealing 
strongly  to  popular  feeling,  was  the  employment  of  blood-hounds  in  the 
Florida  War  to  ferret  out  and  bring  down  the  Seminoles  and  the  fugitive 
slaves  whom  they  were  harboring  in  their  swamps.  It  was  a  favorite 
theme  for  opposition  speakers  and  their  press.  One  of  the  most  effec 
tive  caricatures  of  the  time  represented  a  regiment  of  blood-hounds  drawn 
up  in  line,  and  presenting  arms  to  President  Van  Buren,  who,  while 
reviewing  the  line,  was  blandly  assuring  them  that  he  had  no  doubt  this 
"  experiment "  would  prove  quite  as  successful  as  the  others  !  The 
blood-hounds  were  soon  discovered  by  the  Administration  to  be  a  mis 
take,  and  orders  were  issued  discontinuing  their  use. 

Among  the  numerous  petitions  in  regard  to  these  subjects  presented 
at  this  session,  a  noticeable  one  was  presented  by  Senator  Humphrey, 
of  Albany,  asking  the  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to  colored  peo 
ple,  the  list  of  signers  being  headed  by  Thurlow  Weed. 

The  winter  had  its  usual  round  of  parties.  The  Governor  gave  a 
series  of  dinners  and  suppers,  inviting  all  the  members  of  the  Legisla 
ture  and  other  guests,  to  the  number  of  forty  on  each  occasion  ;  and 
Mrs.  Seward  had  a  few  large  evening  parties,  besides  several  less  for 
mal  ones.  Mrs.  Spencer  gave  a  number  of  soir'ees,  and  the  residents  of 
Albany  had  numerous  and  hospitable  entertainments.  Lieutenant-Gov 
ernor  Bradish  and  his  bride  were  honored  guests  on  these  occasions. 
There  were  many  public  men  in  Albany,  this  winter,  whose  characters 
and  tastes  made  them  pleasant  additions  to  the  society  of  the  cap- 
30 


466  LIFE  AXV  LETTERS.  [1840. 

ital.  Among  these  were  two  who  were  afterward  to  occupy  the  guberna 
torial  chair,  John  A.  King  and  General  Dix.  There  were  also  Chief-Jus 
tice  Nelson,  Speaker  Patterson,  Judge  Bronson,  Senators  F.  A.Tallmadge, 
Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  Gabriel  Furman,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  Alonzo  C. 
Paige,  Mark  H.  Sibley,  John  Maynard,  Alvah  Hunt  ;  and,  among  the 
Assemblymen,  Henry  G.  Wheaton,  Peter  B.  Porter,  Robert  Denniston, 
and  others. 

Gulian  C.  Verplanck  at  this  period  was  round,  plump,  short,  and  jolly 
as  Santa  Glaus  himself  ;  save  that  his  refined  face  and  manners  showed 
him  to  be  a  student  and  man  of  letters.  His  hair  was  slightly  gray.  In 
society  he  was  usually  smiling,  rubbing  his  hands,  and  talking  with 
gusto  about  the  topics  of  the  day.  He  was  a  great  humorist,  and 
alwaj^s  loved  a  good  joke.  In  religious  matters  he  was  a  sturdy  Epis 
copalian. 

John  A.  King,  a  fine-looking  young  man,  with  dark  hair  and  pale 
complexion,  was  animated  in  conversation,  defending  his  opinions  with 
cheerful  vigor. 

John  L.  Stephens,  already  well  known  as  an  author  and  traveler, 
was  frequently  at  Albany.  He  was  a  few  years  younger  than  Seward, 
and,  though  a  Democrat  in  politics,  he  had  so  many  congenial  tastes 
that  a  cordial  friendship  sprang  up  between  them.  One  point  in  com 
mon  Seward  used  laughingly  to  allude  to,  saying  that,  much  as  he 
abhorred  all  Democrats,  yet  his  hostility  was  modified  toward  such  as 
had  red  hair. 

Washington  Irving  occasionally,  though  rarely,  visited  Albany.  A 
man  of  medium  size,  with  full  face  and  double  chin,  he  was  now  wearing 
a  wig,  doubtless  made  in  imitation  of  his  own  hair,  which  curled  all  over 
his  head.  He  was  genial,  humorous,  and  modest,  with  easy  and  gentle 
manners,  telling  stories  just  as  he  would  write  them.  Most  authors 
are  unlike  their  books  ;  but  when  with  Irving,  you  might  imagine 
that  you  were  talking  with  Geoffrey  Crayon  himself. 

The  parties  of  that  day  seemed  brilliant  and  gay,  though  gas  was 
not  yet  brought  into  use,  and  the  drawing-rooms  were  lighted  only  with 
candles  and  oil.  Dancing  went  merrily  on,  to  the  piano  or  the  strains 
of  "Johnny  Cooke's  Band,"  that  furnished  music  to  Albanians  for 
nearly  half  a  century. 

Mrs.  Johnson,  the  stately,  well-bred  colored  woman  who  came  to 
prepare  the  dinners  at  the  Executive  mansion,  remarked  that  she  "  had 
been  out  of  office  since  Governor  Clinton's  death  "  until  now,  when  she 
was  reinstated  in  the  position  she  held  under  him  in  the  same  house. 

How  people  in  Albany  ever  kept  warm  in  winter-time  with  only 
open  fires,  and  without  furnaces,  double  sashes,  weather-strips,  or  any 
of  the  modern  appliances  for  heating,  will  probably  always  remain  a 
mystery  to  their  descendants. 


1840.]  THE   FIRST   DAGUERREOTYPES.  467 

Another  portrait  of  the  Governor  was  now  on  the  easel — Jocelyn,  of 
New  York,  being  the  artist.  It  was  half-length,  in  a  sitting  posture, 
and  proved  an  excellent  likeness. 

One  day  this  winter  an  ingenious  engraver  in  Albany  brought  to 
show  to  the  Governor  some  curious  pictures,  about  six  inches  square, 
taken  on  metallic  plates,  resembling  engravings,  except  that  the  polished 
plate  reflected  objects  like  a  looking-glass.  It  was  necessary  to  hold 
them  at  an  angle  from  the  eye,  in  order  to  see  what  the  subject  was. 
There  could  be  discerned  an  accurate  though  faint  representation  on 
one  of  a  view  of  State  Street  looking  up  toward  the  Capitol,  and  on 
the  other  a  view  of  the  Museum,  on  the  corner  of  North  Market  Street. 
But  objects  were  reversed,  and  the  signs  read  backward.  These  were 
the  production,  he  said,  of  a  new  process  devised  by  a  Frenchman 
named  Daguerre,  and  were  the  imprint  of  light  itself,  through  a  camera  - 
obscura.  Various  were  the  comments  which  the  new  scientific  discovery 
evoked.  While  some,  among  whom  was  the  Governor,  saw  in  it  the 
beginning  of  a  revolution  in  art,  there  were  not  lacking  habitual  croak 
ers  who  insisted  that  it  was  all  a  fraud  ;  that  it  was  simply  the  transfer 
of  engravings  to  the  plates  ;  and  that,  even  if  it  was  the  effect  of  light, 
the  invention  would  never  amount  to  anything,  because  it  would  be 
transient,  and,  as  they  justly  observed,  "  You  can't  see  much  of  any 
thing  in  them  now,  except  your  own  face."  They  were  fortified  in 
this  opinion  when,  a  few  weeks  later,  the  pictures  grew  indistinct  and 
seemed  fading  out  entirely. 

One  of  the  first  uses  Seward  made  of  the  appointing  power,  now 
within  his  control,  was  to  nominate  Abraham  Gridley,  of  Auburn,  to 
be  Clerk  of  the  State-prison  ;  and  another  was  to  nominate  Trum- 
bull  Gary,  of  Batavia,  Chandler  Starr,  of  New  York,  and  John  G. 
Forbes,  of  Syracuse,  to  be  Bank  Commissioners. 

Charles  Fenno  Hoffman,  of  New  York,  the  poet,  was  an  old  friend. 
He  had  established  the  Knickerbocker  Magazine,  had  been  associ 
ated  with  Charles  King  in  the  editorship  of  the  New  York  American, 
and  was  now  engaged  on  his  novel  of  "  Greyslaer,"  which  was  founded 
upon  the  incidents  of  a  tragedy  of  real  life  in  Kentucky.  Seward  had 
been  desirous  to  find  a  suitable  place  for  him  in  the  public  service,  but 
having  the  appointing  power  is  one  thing,  and  being  able  to  appoint 
whomsoever  one  wishes  is  another.  He  wrote  on  the  19th  of  Feb 
ruary  : 

MY  DEAR  HOFFMAN: 

It  was  an  evil  day  for  Governor  Leisler's  luckless  successor,  when  New  York 
became  ambitious  of  diplomacy.  I  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  gratify  one  out 
of  a  dozen  of  my  esteemed  friends  who  are  desirous  of  that  foreign  mission. 
You  must  permit  me  to  deal  frankly  with  you :  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  send 
you  to  England,  consistently  with  the  present  condition  of  the  question ;  but  I 


468  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

will  engage  to  make  the  refusal  satisfactory  to  you  whenever  I  have  the  pleasure 
to  look  upon  you,  and  we  will  all  go  in  to  elect  General  Harrison.  When  that 
is  done,  you  may  command  my  poor  influence,  great  or  small,  for  a  place  in  a 
mission  to  any  part  of  the  Old  World.  With  the  highest  appreciation  of  your 
talents,  and  a  sincere  pride  in  your  reputation,  I  am,  etc. 

A  happy  selection  among  the  candidates  for  health-officer  at  Staten 
Island  was  that  of  Dr.  A.  Sidney  Doane.  His  upright  and  faithful 
service  gave  such  general  satisfaction  as  to  be  long  remembered,  and 
the  friendship  which  sprung  up  between  him  and  Governor  Seward 
lasted  through  life.  Acknowledging  his  letter  of  thanks  for  the  nomi 
nation,  Seward  said  : 

I  am  entitled  to  little  of  the  gratitude  it  expresses.  I  became  convinced 
that  your  qualifications,  character,  and  habits,  rendered  you  the  more  suitable 
candidate.  Yet  it  was  a  difficult  and  embarrassing  duty.  I  am  sure  that  I  most 
cheerfully  abide  all  its  consequences. 

A  letter  to  another  friend  alluded  to  the  embarrassments  which,  as 
may  well  be  supposed,  had  arisen  in  endeavoring  to  distribute,  among 
his  many  intimate  and  warm  supporters  at  Auburn,  the  few  places  in 
his  gift  : 

Is  it  not  hard  that  I  must  be  compelled  to  select  for  advancement  one  from 
among  so  many  generous,  confiding,  and  faithful  friends,  and  yet  to  be  denied 
the  privilege  of  explaining  to  each  the  circumstances  as  I  understand  them,  which 
must  control  my  decisions?  Does  it  manifest  an  unpardonable  infirmity  that  I 
shrink  in  anticipating  the  misapprehension  that  the  disappointed  must  entertain  ? 
I  confess  to  you  that  the  appointment  to  the  one  office  of  surrogate,  in  Cayuga 
County,  gives  me  more  pain  than  all  my  other  official  duties ;  and  yet  I  know 
that  every  feeling  of  kindness  is  entertained  for  me  by  the  candidates. 

A  more  pleasant  task  was  the  compliance  with  the  request  of  his 
friend  and  townsman,  P.  H.  Myers,  the  author  of  "  Ensenore,"  who 
asked  permission  to  dedicate  to  him  that  poem,  which  was  founded  on 
a  legend  of  Owasco  Lake  : 

If  my  name  will,  in  your  opinion,  attract  a  single  eye  to  your  beautiful  little 
poem,  I  give  you  the  free  use  of  it,  and  pray  Heaven  the  poem  may  preserve  the 
name.  ...  I  have  a  good  recollection  of  it,  and  have  not  the  slightest  fear  of 
Executive  responsibility  in  the  matter. 

Two  other  requests  for  the  use  of  his  name  were  made  about  this 
time.  The  geologists  having  found  an  unnamed  peak  in  the  Adiron 
dack  Wilderness,  five  thousand  feet  high,  Prof.  Emmons  proposed 
to  call  it  Mount  Seward,  a  similar  one  having  been  named  Mount  Marcy 
after  his  predecessor.  It  stands  near  the  southern  boundary  of  Frank 
lin  County,  and  overlooks  what  the  Indians  called  "  In-ca-pah-cho,"  or 
"  Linden  Water,"  now  known  by  the  less  euphonious  title  of  "  Long 


1840.]  THE   APPOINTMENTS.  469 

Lake."  And  when  a  new  town  was  to  be  made  of  a  part  of  Sharon 
in  Schoharie,  and  a  part  of  Cherry  Valley  in  Otsego  County,  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  local  authorities,  it  was  christened  the  town  of  Seward,  by 
an  act  of  the  Legislature. 

To  Christopher  Morgan,  who  was  now  representing  the  Cayuga  dis 
trict  in  Congress,  he  wrote  : 

I  am  overworked,  but  not  careworn.  Things  go  well  here.  We  are  growing 
stronger  every  day,  and  shall  go  through  the  appointments  without  harm,  except 
in  New  York.  In  that  city  trouble  must  come.  But  it  is  trouble  for  me  only. 
That  I  do  not  regard. 

The  bank  at  Lyons  was  asking  the  appointment  of  a  notary  public. 
Different  names  being  proposed,  the  Governor  wrote  to  John  M.  Hoi- 
ley: 

I  am  satisfied,  after  all  that  has  taken  place,  I  ought  to  confer  the  appoint 
ment  upon  Coles  Bashford. 

That  the  selection  was  a  proper  one  was  proved  by  the  fact  that 
Coles  Bashford,  less  than  twenty  years  later,  was  Governor  of  Wis 
consin. 

The  Whigs,  on  the  whole,  were  fortunate,  or  wise,  or  both,  this  year, 
in  the  disposition  of  their  newly-acquired  patronage,  for  among  the  ap 
pointments  of  the  Governor  and  Senate  were  many  whose  names  have 
since  acquired  honorable  prominence.  Charles  Hathaway  was  appointed 
First  Judge  in  Delaware  County  ;  Nathan  K.  Hall,  in  Erie  ;  Daniel  B. 
Cady,  in  Columbia  ;  Donald  Mclntyre,  in  Fulton  ;  Thomas  C.  Chittenden, 
in  Jefferson ;  Archibald  L.  Linn,  in  Schenectady.  Among  the  new  sur 
rogates  were  Thomas  C.  Love,  of  Buffalo  ;  Harvey  Putnam,  of  Gen- 
esee ;  Dan  H.  Cole,  of  Albion ;  David  Rumsey,  of  Steuben  ;  William  B. 
Wright,  of  Sullivan ;  David  B.  Ogden,  of  New  York  ;  Moses  Patten,  of 
Albany  ;  George  H.  Wood,  of  Auburn  ;  and  Orson  Benjamin,  of  Ontario. 

A  magnanimous  and  manly  letter  from  an  unsuccessful  applicant  is 
a  rarity  ;  yet,  such  there  sometimes  are.  Replying  to  one,  he  wrote  : 

I  was  so  much  pleased  and  gratified  with  the  honorable  and  generous  spirit  it 
manifested,  that  I  handed  it  immediately  to  several  members  of  the  Senate. 
Those  desired  leave  to  show  it  to  others,  and  so  it  went  around  among  our  friends 
here,  and  did  not  return  to  me  again  until  this  morning.  I  need  not  assure  you 
that  I  anticipated  nothing  less  from  you,  and  that,  while  it  would  at  all  times 
have  given  me  great  pleasure  to  oblige  you,  I  now  shall  be  more  desirous  than 
ever  to  do  so. 

The  appointments  of  the  Governor  were,  as  usual,  the  subjects  of 
unsparing  criticism  by  political  opponents.  For  the  most  part  they 
were  such  as  could  stand  fire.  Two  or  three  were  notably  so.  Mr. 
James  Kane,  who  had  not  an  enemy,  and  whose  many  excellent  quali- 


470  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

ties  made  him  esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him,  belonged  to  a  family 
who  had  once  been  great  landed  proprietors  in  Albany.  Successive 
misfortunes  had  reduced  him  from  affluence  to  poverty.  The  cheer 
fulness  with  which  he  adapted  himself  to  his  altered  circumstances 
was  a  theme  of  admiring  comment.  No  one  would  have  imagined 
that  the  white-haired,  rosy-cheeked  gentleman,  dressed  with  scrupulous 
neatness,  with  long  cloth  cloak  and  huge  umbrella,  and  beaming  a  be 
nevolent  smile  through  his  gold  spectacles,  was  so  straitened  for  the 
necessaries  of  life  as  to  live  in  a  garret,  and  to  be  the  sole  purveyor  of 
his  frugal  meals  of  bread-and-milk.  When  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of 
the  Oneida  tribe  of  Indians  petitioned  that  a  new  agent  be  appointed, 
Seward  asked  Mr.  Weed  to  find  him  a  suitable  person  for  that  office. 
Two  hours  later  he  appeared  at  the  door,  bringing  with  him  James 
Kane,  to  whom  the  salary  was  as  unexpected  and  welcome  a  piece  of 
good  fortune  as  if  it  had  been  a  shower  of  gold. 

When  a  collector  was  to  be  appointed  at  Montezuma,  the  most 
important  office  between  Albany  and  Rochester,  being  at  the  junction 
of  the  Cayuga  &  Seneca  with  the  Erie  Canal,  there  was  an  outcry  be 
cause  the  Governor  had  passed  over  all  the  "leading  business-men  "  of 
Cayuga  County,  and  appointed  E.  B.  Cobb.  It  soon  ceased,  however, 
when  it  was  discovered  that  Mr.  Cobb  had  been  in  service  under  Com 
modore  McDonough,  and  lost  an  arm  at  the  battle  of  Lake  Champlain  ; 
and  that  "  the  leading  business-men  of  Cayuga  County  "  were  all  will 
ing  to  be  his  bondsmen. 

Early  in  the  year  Seward  wrote  to  General  Harrison  in  reference  to 
the  political  situation  in  New  York  : 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  letter  of  the  16th,  and  I  respect 
fully  return  you  my  thanks  for  the  interesting  information  it  contains. 

While  the  Legislature  remains  in  session  the  people  will  be  chiefly  interested 
in  questions  of  local  interest ;  but  when  that  time  shall  have  gone  by  you  will 
have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  demonstrations  of  feeling  as  ardent  and  generous  as 
those  in  Ohio.  .  .  .  You  will  see  accounts  in  our  papers  of  the  establishment  of 
Tippecanoe  clubs,  the  erection  of  log- cabins,  etc.  These,  I  can  assure  you,  result 
from  the  spontaneous  impulses  of  the  people,  without  the  suggestion  of  any 
central  committee. 

One  demonstration,  however,  it  was  deemed  fitting  and  proper  to 
make.  Washington's  birthday  was  chosen  as  a  suitable  occasion  for  a 
meeting  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  at  the  Capitol,  to 
indorse  the  nomination  of  Harrison  and  Tyler.  Speaker  Patterson  of 
the  Assembly  presided  ;  the  Clerk  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Andrews,  acted 
as  secretary;  resolutions  were  adopted,  and  speeches  made,  promising 
the  hearty  support  of  New  York  to  the  Whig  nominees. 

Washington's  birthday  was  commemorated  by  some  of  the  Govern 
or's  friends  who  lived  near  his  residence — G.  V.  S.  Bleecker,  J.  P.  Dick- 


1840.]  FOREIGN-BORN   CITIZENS.  471 

erman,  John  Dickson,  Thomas  James,  and  H.  G.  O.  Rogers.  They 
brought  him  on  that  day  a  marble  medallion  of  Washington,  executed 
by  Carew,  an  Albany  artist.  This  he  gave  the  post  of  honor  in  his 
collection.  It  hung  over  the  parlor  mantel  as  long  as  he  lived  in  Al 
bany. 

St.  Patrick  and  St.  George  had  the  usual  festivals  in  their  honor  on 
the  17th  of  March  and  the  18th  of  April.  The  Governor  was  invited 
to  attend  the  celebration  of  the  Irishmen  of  Albany.  On  visiting  their 
hall,  he  was  received  with  one  of  those  boisterous  outbursts  of  en 
thusiasm  in  which  Irishmen  excel.  In  acknowledging  it,  he  alluded 
half  humorously  to  the  charges  of  demagoguism  made  against  him  for 
speeches  on  similar  occasions: 

I  have  been  admonished  that  I  must  not  speak  of  your  country  and  your 
countrymen,  lest  I  may  be  thought  unduly  desirous  of  your  good  opinion. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  followed  a  plain  and  simple  rule  thus  far,  and  I  think  I 
shall  not  abandon  it  now.  It  is  to  speak  my  honest  opinions  on  all  proper  oc 
casions,  even  when  those  opinions  may  be  unpopular.  However  it  may  have 
been  heretofore,  we  have  now  one  Constitution  to  maintain,  one  country  to  de 
fend.  You  may  exclude,  from  the  calendar  of  your  saints,  ministers  whose 
teachings  I  venerate ;  and  I  may  not  revere  all  the  Christian  fathers  acknowledged 
by  your  Church  ;  yet,  whatever  there  is  right  in  the  creed,  or  pure  and  accept 
able  in  the  worship  of  either,  has  the  same  divine  authority,  and  is  imbued  with 
the  same  precious  hopes ;  and,  as  to  all  the  points  whereon  we  differ,  we  are 
alike  inhibited  from  judging  each  other.  Why  should  the  native  American  in 
dulge  prejudice  against  foreigners  ?  It  is  to  hate  such  as  his  forefathers  were. 
Why  should  a  foreigner  dislike  native  citizens  ?  It  is  to  hate  such  as  his  children 
born  here  must  be. 

Kindred  sentiments  were  expressed  in  his  letter  to  the  English 
men  on  St.  George's  day  : 

England  and  America  are  so  closely  bound  together,  that  there  can  be  no 
permanent  alienation  between  them.  Prejudices  excited  by  mercenary  traducers 
have  sometimes  occasioned  irritation,  and  political  questions  have  heretofore 
brought  us  into  fearful  contention.  Yet  the  citizens  of  both  countries  rejoice 
in  the  same  ancestry,  the  same  devotion  to  liberty,  the  same  reverence  for  the 
common  law,  the  same  language,  and  the  same  religion ;  while  commerce  and 
arts,  operating  with  equal  advantages  to  both  parties,  are  continually  bringing 
us  into  more  intimate  relations.  Notwithstanding  her  independence,  America 
derives  from  her  relations  with  England  greater  advantages  than  those  hereto 
fore  secured  by  her  colonial  dependence ;  and  England  finds  our  commerce  vastly 
more  profitable  than  she  could  have  realized  had  her  sovereignty  remained  un 
broken. 

The  public  mind  in  every  country  is  easily  roused  to  dislike  of 
foreigners.  In  the  State  of  New  York,  just  now,  there  was  an  especial 
sensitiveness  growing  out  of  the  discussions  in  reference  to  the  mes- 


472  LI^E  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

sage.  Whig  friends,  either  because  they  shared  in  the  dislike,  or  were 
apprehensive  of  damage  to  the  party,  remonstrated  strongly  against 
his  course.  He  remarked,  in  reply  to  one  of  them  : 

To  be  misrepresented  by  one's  opponents,  and  to  be  misunderstood  by  one's 
friends,  is  inevitable  by  those  in  public  service.  The  sentiments  I  have  expressed 
in  relation  to  foreigners  may  be  erroneous  ;  they  are  not  insincere.  For  myself, 
so  far  from  hating  any  of  my  fellow- citizens,  I  should  shrink  from  myself  if  I  did 
not  recognize  them  all  as  worthy  of  my  constant  solicitude  to  promote  their  wel 
fare,  and  entitled  of  right,  by  the  Constitution  and  laws,  and  by  the  higher  laws 
of  God  himself,  to  equal  rights,  equal  privileges,  and  equal  political  favor,  as  citi 
zens  of  the  State,  with  myself. 

Seward's  belief  in  the  "  higher  law  "  was  not  a  new  idea,  hit  upon  in 
the  heat  of  the  Californian  debate  in  1850.  On  the  contrary,  it  was 
a  settled  principle  of  his  life.  Although  he  used  the  very  expression 
in  this  letter  of  1840,  it  was  at  that  time  so  unobjectionable  that  none 
were  found  to  dispute  its  avowal.  Ten  years  later  it  was  denounced 
as  "  treason,"  and  became  the  theme  of  a  stormy  controversy,  whose 
echoes  have  not  yet  died  away. 


CHAPTER  XXVIH. 

1840. 

A  Talk  with  the  Onondagas. — Abraham  Le  Fort. — New  Railways  and  Canals. — Registry 
Law.— The  D'Hauteville  Case.— Manorial  Tenures.— Law  Reform.— Bankrupt  Law.— 
Silk  Experiments. — The  Staff  Snuffbox. — Smoking. 

TURXIXG  now  from  foreigners  and  their  descendants  to  the  real 
native  Americans,  the  Governor  held  a  conference,  in  March,  with  the 
Onondaga  Indians.  The  once  powerful  Six  Nations  had  gradually 
dwindled  away  to  a  mere  remnant  of  their  former  strength.  The 
Oneidas,  the  Onondagas,  and  the  Senecas,  retained  their  old  names, 
and  kept  up  the  semblance  of  their  ancient  nationality.  But  the  others 
were,  to  a  great  extent,  merged  with  them,  or  gone  with  tribes  who 
had  emigrated  from  the  State.  A  just  and  generous  policy  toward  the 
Indians  had  borne  its  fruits  in  the  exemption  which  the  State  of  New 
York  had  enjoyed  for  half  a  century  from  Indian  troubles,  and 
they  had  come  to  regard  the  white  man's  government  as  their  pro 
tector  rather  than  their  enemy.  Abraham  Le  Fort  came  down  to  Al 
bany,  to  hold  a  council  with  the  Governor.  He  was  the  last  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  Onondagas.  He  was  a  tall,  fine-looking  man,  thirty- 
six  or  forty  years  old  (the  son  of  Apenoquah,  who  fell  leading  the 
Indians  at  the  battle  of  Chippewa  in  1815),  was  educated,  and  a  Chris- 


1840.J  A   TALK   WITH    THE   ONONDAGAS.  473 

tian.  He  was  clad  in  the  white  man's  dress,  but  his  swarthy  counte 
nance  and  erect  form  gave  unmistakable  evidence  of  his  race.  Rising 
and  fixing  his  eyes  upon  the  Governor  with  a  gaze  at  once  grave,  mild, 
and  imploring,  he  began  : 

Great  Father,  your  children  the  Onondagas  have  sent  me  to  you,  and  they 
ask  you  to  open  your  ears  to  me,  and  hear  the  talk  which  they  have  sent  by  me 
to  you. 

Father,  your  red  children  the  Onondagas  are  in  great  trouble  ;  they  feel  that 
you  can  scatter  the  dark  clouds  that  are  collecting  and  thickening  around  them. 

He  then  went  on  to  detail  the  trouble  of  the  Onondagas — how  they 
were  alarmed  by  what  had  happened  to  the  Oneidas — how  the  Oneidas 
had  listened  to  bad  men,  and  sold  their  lands — received  their  pay  for 
them,  and  spent  it  for  strong-water — how  many  had  gone  beyond  the 
great  waters  of  the  West — how  they  had  become  a  poor,  wretched, 
scattered,  and  wandering  people — and  now  how  some  of  them  had  come 
back,  and  with  "  the  little  white  foxes "  were  trying  to  persuade  the 
Onondagas  to  sell  their  homes,  and  go  out  to  the  West  to  be  led  back 
to  habits  of  hunting  and  drunkenness.  The  Onondagas,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  given  up  hunting  and  strong-water — had  gotten  oxen  and 
horses,  had  cultivated  their  lands,  and  were  fast  getting  into  the  ways 
of  their  white  brothers.  He  closed  his  speech  with  this  appeal  : 

Father,  you  are  young  in  years,  we  hope  you  are  old  in  counsel;  so  our 
white  brethren  tell  us,  and  we  believe  it.  Your  red  children  desire  to  know  your 
mind.  We  wish  to  keep  together,  to  possess  the  land  which  the  Great  Spirit  in 
goodness  has  given  us,  to  stay  by  the  bones  of  our  fathers,  and  watch  the  ashes 
here  of  those  we  loved ;  to  live  by  the  side  of  those  we  know,  whom  we  have 
tried,  and  who  are  our  friends.  We  know  our  white  brethren  who  surround  us ; 
we  know  not  those  in  the  far  West.  Our  white  fathers  here  have  taken  us  by 
the  hand,  and  have  been  wise  to  us  in  counsel  here.  Who  will  be  our  fathers  in 
the  West  ?  Will  they  be  kind  to  us,  or  will  they  strike  us  down  ?  We  do  not 
desire  to  sell ;  we  do  not  desire  to  receive  the  principal  for  what  we  have  sold ; 
we  only  want  the  interest  annually.  We  could  not  keep  the  principal.  Our 
white  brethren  understand  this  matter  much  better  than  your  red  children. 
They  have  been  honest  with  our  nation,  and  always  paid  every  year.  Father, 
listen  once  more.  The  chiefs,  and  warriors,  and  women,  of  the  Onondagas,  have 
had  a  long  council— a  talk  of  three  days— and  their  request  to  their  father  is, 
that  he  will  shut  his  ears,  shake  his  head,  and  turn  his  face  away,  from  all  talk 
to  him  about  the  sale  of  the  lands  of  the  Onondagas. 

So  touching  an  appeal  to  be  saved  from  relapsing  into  barbarism, 
and  to  be  aided  to  achieve  civilization,  could  not  but  elicit  a  kind 
response  from  the  Governor  : 

Say  to  your  people  that  I  heard  their  message  with  attention ;  that  I  approve 
their  determination  to  retain  their  lands,  and  remain  under  the  protection  of  the 


474  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

State ;  that,  so  far  as  depends  upon  my  exertions,  the  treaties  made  with  them 
shall  be  faithfully  kept ;  that,  if  white  men  seek  to  obtain  their  lands  by  force  or 
fraud,  I  will  set  my  face  against  them.  If  red  men  propose  to  sell  their  lands,  I 
will  expostulate  with  them  and  endeavor  to  convince  them  of  their  error,  and 
to  persuade  them  that  their  true  happiness  would  be  promoted  by  retaining  their 
possessions,  cultivating  their  lands,  and  enjoying  the  comforts  with  which  our 
common  Father  has  surrounded  them.  The  Onondagas  may  confide  in  me. 

Of  course,  the  Whigs,  committed  by  their  whole  record  to  the  policy 
of  public  improvements,  did  not  allow  the  day  of  adjournment  to  come 
without  making  due  provision  for  their  prosecution.  On  the  22d  of 
February  the  two  Houses  proceeded  to  elect  five  Canal  Commissioners 
— Asa  Whitney,  S.  Newton  Dexter,  David  Hudson,  George  N.  Bough- 
ton,  and  Henry  Hamilton — in  the  place  of  their  Democratic  prede 
cessors,  Samuel  Young,  John  Bowman,  William  C.  Bouck,  Jonas  Earll, 
and  William  Baker.  The  Democrats  had  made  gallant  fight  on  behalf 
of  the  incumbents,  and  by  debate  and  dilatory  motions  had  staved  off 
the  election  for  a  week.  When  this  proved  unavailing,  they  moved  to 
adjourn  in  honor  of  Washington's  birthday  ;  but  the  Whigs  thought 
they  could  celebrate  it  by  electing  officers  to  carry  out  what  they 
claimed  to  be  Washington's  policy. 

Bills  were  passed  in  aid  of  the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Canal,  the 
extension  or  improvement  of  the  Black  River  Canal,  the  Cayuga  & 
Seneca  Canal,  the  Champlain  Canal,  the  Chemung  Canal,  the  Chenango 
Canal,  the  Genesee  Valley  Canal,  the  Oswego  Canal,  and  the  purchase 
of  the  Oneida  Lake  Canal.  Legislative  aid  and  encouragement  were 
given  liberally  to  the  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad,  the  Auburn  & 
Rochester  Railroad,  the  Albany  &  West  Stockbridge  Railroad,  the 
Buffalo  &  Batavia  Railroad,  the  Hudson  &  Berkshire  Railroad,  the 
Ithaca  &  Owego  Railroad,  the  Lewiston  Railroad,  the  Long  Island 
Railroad,  the  Tonawanda  Railroad,  and  the  Schenectady  &  Troy  Rail 
road. 

The  rapidity  with  which  internal  improvements  were  going  forward 
was  shown  by  the  fact  that,  although  it  was  hardly  more  than  twenty 
years  since  ground  was  broken  for  a  canal,  and  not  ten  since  the 
first  iron  rail  was  laid  in  the  State,  there  were  now  nearly  a  thousand 
miles  of  railway  completed  or  in  progress,  and  nearly  a  thousand  miles 
of  canal  in  actual  operation. 

The  Whigs  of  New  York  came  to  the  capital  this  winter  with  ear 
nest  appeals  for  the  registration  of  voters.  Convinced  that  fraud  had 
been  used  by  their  opponents  at  the  election  in  the  preceding  year, 
they  now  urged  a  bill  containing  stringent  regulations  for  a  registry. 
This  encountered  warm  opposition  from  the  Democrats,  who  had  no 
mind  to  see  their  power  abridged  in  the  city,  and  who  had,  moreover,  a 
strong  ground  in  their  argument  that  it  was  unrepublican,  and  unjust  to 


1840.]  THE  D'HAUTEVILLE   CASE.  475 

subject  the  electors  in  the  city  to  restrictions  which  were  not  imposed 
on  those  in  other  parts  of  the  State.  Nevertheless,  after  a  heated  and  bit 
ter  debate,  the  Whig  majority  carried  their  point,  and  passed  the  bill. 
It  was  brought  to  the  Governor  for  his  approval.  On  examination  of 
its  details,  many  of  them  seemed  to  him  objectionable.  His  views  had 
always  inclined  toward  free,  uncontrolled,  and  universal  suffrage.  He 
drew  up  a  veto  message  in  which,  while  expressing  his  high  approval  of 
the  policy  of  subdividing  the  wards  into  election-districts,  and  holding 
the  elections  on  a  single  day,  he  apprehended  that  the  bill  would  sub 
ject  voters  to  unnecessary  difficulties,  and  would  reduce  the  number 
of  votes  polled  in  the  city,  not  so  much  by  preventing  illegal  voting  as 
by  hindering  lawful  voters.  His  message  closed  with  the  expression 
of  a  belief  that  the  proposed  law  would  disappoint  the  expectations 
indulged  in  regard  to  it,  and  lead  to  frauds  and  vexations  which  would 
at  an  early  period  induce  its  repeal. 

When  it  became  known  that  the  Governor  contemplated  a  veto  of 
the  bill,  his  friends  from  the  city  were  almost  unanimous  in  endeavor 
ing  to  dissuade  him  from  it.  They  urged  that  some  such  measure  was 
of  vital  importance  in  the  city  of  New  York  ;  that  this  one  had  been 
framed  with  the  light  of  the  best  talent,  and  recent  experience  ;  that, 
if  wrong  in  detail,  it  could  be  subsequently  corrected ;  but  that,  to 
reject  it  utterly,  would  be  an  undeserved  rebuke  and  an  unmerited 
disappointment.  Moved  at  last,  by  these  and  kindred  considerations, 
the  Governor  consented  to  suppress  his  veto,  and  allow  the  bill  to  be 
come  a  law.  Its  results  justified  his  predictions,  however,  for  the  law 
was  found  so  distasteful,  after  one  year's  trial,  that  it  was  repealed  at 
the  next  session  of  the  Legislature.  The  problem  which  it  endeavored 
to  solve  has  since  received  the  attention  of  law-makers  ;  and,  though 
progress  has  been  made  toward  the  solution,  much  still  remains  to  be 
done  before  the  purity  of  the  elective  franchise  can  be  considered  as 
sured  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

There  was  another  veto  message  at  this  session  which  arrested  one 
of  those  acts  of  inconsiderate  legislation  which,  framed  to  meet  an 
individual  case,  forget  the  interests  of  society  at  large.  A  Boston 
lady  possessed  of  a  fortune,  traveling  in  Europe,  met  in  Switzerland 
a  Monsieur  d'Hauteville,  of  pleasing  address  and  high  family  connec 
tions.  As  has  happened  in  many  cases,  before  and  since,  she  married 
the  attractive  foreigner  in  haste,  and  repented  of  it  at  leisure.  Im 
mured  in  an  old  chateau,  and  subjected  to  a  series  of  petty  persecu 
tions,  she  had  one  son  ;  and,  separating  from  her  husband,  returned  to 
the  United  States,  bringing  the  little  boy  with  her.  Next  appeared 
on  the  scene  M.  d'Hauteville,  in  Boston,  requiring  that  she  should 
return  with  him,  or,  if  she  would  not,  then  that  she  should  surren 
der  the  child  to  him.  He  had  the  law  on  his  side,  but  her  friends,  who 


476  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

were  wealthy  and  influential,  thought  they  saw  a  way  to  save  wife, 
child,  and  property,  by  procuring  the  passage  of  a  law  at  Albany, 
under  the  protection  of  whose  provisions  she  might  take  refuge  in 
the  State  of  New  York.  The  sympathies  of  Senators  and  Assem 
blymen  were  moved  in  behalf  of  the  unfortunate  lady,  when  the  story 
was  told  to  them,  and  they  hurriedly  passed  a  general  act  providing 
that  when  a  father,  who  is  a  foreigner,  married  to  an  American  woman, 
shall  undertake  to  carry  his  children  out  of  the  country,  without  the 
mother's  consent,  the  Court  of  Chancery  may  interpose  and  take  charge 
of  the  children  and  fortune.  When  this  bill  started  in  the  Senate- 
chamber,  it  was  a  well-meaning  attempt  to  rescue  an  injured  woman 
from  the  supposed  cupidity  or  malice  of  a  persecuting  husband.  When 
it  was  laid  on  the  Governor's  table  in  the  Executive  chamber,  and  was 
calmly  scrutinized  by  him,  as  a  general  measure  affecting  not  one  but 
thousands  of  foreign  fathers  and  American  wives  and  children,  he  saw 
it  to  be  a  dangerous  innovation. 

He  accordingly  returned  it,  with  a  veto  message,  remarking  that, 
stated  in  a  more  simple  form — 

The  effect  of  the  bill  is,  that,  if  an  alien  father  shall,  in  any  case  whatever,  at 
tempt  or  threaten  to  carry  his  own  child  to  his  own  country,  without  the  consent 
of  its  mother,  he  shall  thereby  forfeit  his  natural  right  to  determine  what  is  ex 
pedient  for  his  child's  welfare,  and  the  Chancellor  shall  be  substituted  in  his 
place  with  power  over  his  property.  I  confess  it  does  not  seem  to  me  that  the 
natural  wish  of  an  alien  parent  to  carry  his  child  with  him  is  so  immoral  that 
it  ought  to  work  a  forfeiture  of  parental  rights.  .  .  .  Undoubtedly  cases  occur 
where  an  alien  husband  unreasonably  and  arbitrarily  requires  a  wife  to  leave 
her  native  country,  and  expose  herself  and  children  to  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune 
in  a  strange  land.  .  .  .  But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  may  be  instances  in  which 
a  wife  may  unreasonably  or  capriciously  refuse  to  abide  the  fortunes  of  a  faith 
ful  husband  in  the  country  to  which  he  belongs,  and  where  his  interests  and 
duty  may  require  him  to  reside.  Unfortunately,  the  bill  before  me  makes  no 
distinction  between  these  cases,  and  the  perverse  and  delinquent  wife  may, 
equally  with  her  who  is  injured  and  neglected,  carry  the  controversy  into  the 
Court  of  Chancery.  .  .  .  Alien  husbands  and  fathers  ought  to  be  subjected, 
while  residing  here,  to  the  control  of  our  laws ;  but  it  is  inconsistent  with  the 
spirit  of  the  age  to  have  one  system  of  laws  for  our  own  citizens,  and,  like  the 
Chinese,  a  different  and  more  severe  code  for  foreigners.  .  .  . 

On  receiving  the  veto,  the  Legislature  at  once  saw  its  force,  and 
the  bill  was  dropped.  The  public  wrong  was  prevented,  and  the  private 
one,  after  a  while,  was  adjusted  by  the  operations  of  natural  laws. 
The  wife  and  child  evaded  the  pursuit  of  D'Hauteville,  in  a  long  and 
romantic  chase  through  various  frequented  and  unfrequented  localities, 
until  at  last  the  boy  came  of  an  age  to  choose  his  own  residence,  and 
did  so.  He  remained  in  the  United  States,  and  became  a  respected 


1840.]  LAW-REFORM.  477 

citizen.  The  father  procured  a  divorce  in  Switzerland,  and  remained 
there. 

At  the  close  of  the  "Helderberg  War,"  as  the  military  demon 
stration  at  the  manor  was  jocosely  called,  the  tenants  remained  quiet 
in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Governor's  proclamation.  He  took 
early  occasion  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  Legislature.  In  his  an 
nual  message  he  called  attention  to  the  subject  as  one  not  altogether 
new  in  the  legislation  of  the  State,  a  bill  having  been  discussed  in  1812, 
which  was  reported  by  three  eminent  jurists.  The  Governor  urged 
that  some  measures  should  be  now  adopted  which,  without  injustice  to 
either  party,  should  assimilate  the  tenures  in  the  manor  of  Rensselaer- 
wyck  to  those  enjoyed  by  the  rest  of  the  community,  "  which  expe 
rience  has  proved  to  be  more  accordant  with  the  principles  of  republi 
can  government,  and  more  conducive  to  the  general  prosperity  and  the 
peace  and  harmony  of  society."  Upon  this  suggestion,  the  Senate  called 
for  information  ;  and  the  Governor  responded  by  a  special  message  on 
the  14th  of  March,  detailing  the  whole  history  of  the  trouble.  Petitions 
from  the  tenants  poured  in.  The  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a  select 
committee,  of  which  William  Duer  was  chairman.  Toward  the  end  of 
March  the  committee  brought  in  an  elaborate  report,  arguing  that  the 
tenures,  and  especially  the  quarter-sales,  were  contrary  to  good  public 
policy.  The  committee,  however,  thought  it  would  be  well  for  the 
State  to  act  as  mediator,  before  having  recourse,  as  a  final  resort,  to 
a  change  of  the  tenures.  They  accordingly  brought  in  a  bill  for  the 
appointment  of  commissioners  to  examine  into  all  grievances  com 
plained  of  by  landlord  or  tenants,  and  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to 
effect  a  settlement  upon  some  basis  mutually  satisfactory.  This  bill 
became  a  law  without  serious  opposition. 

Seward  had,  while  in  the  Senate,  labored  with  success  for  the  abo 
lition  of  imprisonment  for  debt.  There  was  still  a  class  of  debtors  not 
reached  by  that  repeal — those  who  were  non-residents — or  were  held 
by  process  issued  from  United  States  Courts.  The  present  seemed  a 
favorable  occasion  to  make  the  reform  complete.  He  had  the  satisfac 
tion,  before  the  close  of  the  session,  of  affixing  his  signature  to  a  law 
removing  the  last  of  these  ancient  usages  of  oppression,  which  no  one 
since  has  ever  sought  to  restore. 

His  other  projects  of  law-reform  were  also  pushed  forward.  The 
Senate  passed,  and  the  Assembly  promptly  concurred  in,  the  repeal  of 
the  law  associating  the  judges  with  the  supervisors  in  the  distribution 
of  county  patronage.  But  his  favorite  scheme  of  reform  (that  of 
reducing  the  costs  and  simplifying  the  proceedings  at  law)  was  not 
carried  through  without  a  struggle.  A  bill  was  introduced  early  in 
March,  by  Senator  Maynard,  who  represented  the  Governor's  own  dis 
trict.  In  its  progress  through  Judiciary  Committees  and  Committees 


4:78  LIFE  AXV  LETTERS.  [1840. 

of  the  Whole,  the  bill  encountered  strenuous  opposition,  especially  from 
lawyers,  who  saw  in  it,  not  merely  a  reduction  of  professional  income, 
but  a  measure  which  would  arouse  hostility  throughout  the  State. 
Nevertheless,  the  measure  was  so  just  and  right  in  itself  that  it  tri 
umphed  over  all  obstacles,  though  it  was  not  until  the  closing  hours  of 
the  last  day  of  the  session  that  it  was  finally  delivered  into  the  Gov 
ernor's  hands  for  approval. 

The  State  banking  system  did  not  spring  suddenly  into  existence. 
Every  such  system  must  grow  like  a  tree,  not  like  a  mushroom,  and 
years  are  required  to  round  out  its  full  proportions.  The  general  bank 
ing  law  was  a  great  step  in  advance  of  the  old  system  of  charters. 
Yet,  as  Seward,  its  strenuous  advocate  from  the  outset,  had  predicted, 
experience  continually  showed  the  need  of  its  revision  and  amendment. 
Two  defects  now  discovered  in  it  were,  the  lack  of  a  plan  for  the  re 
demption  of  notes  at  the  centres  of  trade,  and  some  further  security 
for  bill-holders  of  insolvent  banks.  These,  and  some  other  points  need 
ing  reform,  had  been  adverted  to  in  his  annual  message.  There  was  no 
lack,  however,  of  financial  projects  in  either  House — there  never  is. 
The  subject  is  always  an  attractive  one  to  legislators  ;  and  there  is 
hardly  any  man  who  does  not  believe  he  can  reform  the  monetary  sys 
tem.  Various  measures  were  discussed  and  adopted,  but  conforming 
for  the  most  part  to  the  spirit  of  the  Governor's  suggestions.  The  fun 
damental  difficulty  in  the  way  of  financial  reforms  was  not  to  be  removed 
for  many  years  to  come.  That  difficulty  was,  the  absence  of  a  uniform 
national  currency  throughout  all  the  States.  Uniformity,  however, 
was  possible  in  regard  to  the  relief  of  sufferers  by  commercial  disaster. 
There  were  many  such,  at  this  period.  The  seasons  of  financial  press 
ure,  depreciation  of  prices,  the  derangement  of  exchanges,  and  loss  of 
credit,  had  wrecked  not  only  the  rash,  but  even  many  of  the  most  care 
ful  and  prudent.  To  give  them  an  opportunity  to  recover  activity  and 
usefulness,  a  national  bankrupt  law  was  necessary.  Various  meetings 
were  held,  among  them  a  large  one  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to  urge 
upon  Congress  the  performance  of  the  duty  assigned  to  them  by  the 
Constitution  of  "  establishing  uniform  laws  of  bankruptcy."  Seward 
laid  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  before  the  Legislature  in  March. 
Warmly  seconding  the  appeal,  he  said  : 

There  is  no  moral  justice  in  holding  under  perpetual  and  hopeless  con 
straint  the  debtor  who,  having  contracted  his  debts  without  fraud,  voluntarily 
relinquishes  and  surrenders  to  his  creditors,  when  he  is  overtaken  by  unforeseen 
calamities,  all  the  property  he  has  in  any  manner  acquired.  The  creditor  so 
seldom  derives  any  advantage  from  the  power  he  retains  over  the  insolvent 
debtor,  who  has  honestly  surrendered  all  his  property,  and  the  obstinacy  of  one 
creditor  so  often  defeats  all  efforts  for  compromise  advantageous  to  all  parties, 
that  society  is  without  any  equivalent  for  the  privation  of  the  labor  and  enter 
prise  of  that  class  of  citizens. 


1840.]  EXPERIMENTS   IN   SILK-MANUFACTURE.  479 

The  Legislature,  on  receiving  this  communication,  passed  resolu 
tions  urging  the  representatives  of  the  State  in  Congress  to  use  their 
efforts  in  behalf  of  such  a  law. 

Attention  was  also  bestowed  upon  the  prisons.  A  bill  was  intro 
duced  by  the  Assembly  committee  on  the  penitentiary  system,  embody 
ing  the  recommendations  of  the  Governor  for  reforms  of  discipline  and 
management,  as  well  as  the  suggestions  of  philanthropists  ;  and  it  be 
came  a  law.  The  Governor  also  directed  that  each  prison  should  be 
supplied  with  one  of  the  district-school  libraries  ;  and  arrangements 
were  made  for  the  instruction  of  such  of  the  convicts  as  had  the  ca 
pacity  or  willingness  to  receive  it. 

Inauspiciously  as  the  spring  of  1840  opened  for  business  in  the 
commercial  cities,  one  form  of  enterprise  in  the  agricultural  regions 
continued  to  grow  in  popular  favor,  the  silk-culture.  It  had  now  been 
demonstrated  by  experiment  that  the  Morus  multieaulis  would  thrive, 
and  that  silkworms  could  easily  be  raised  in  most  parts  of  the  United 
States.  In  New  Jersey  and  Long  Island  raw  silk  had  been  raised,  ex 
ported  to  Europe,  and  received  there  with  commendation.  Farmers  in 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Maryland,  and  many  parts  of  New  York,  now  be 
gan  to  embark  largely  in  the  business.  As  this  disposition  spread,  it 
of  course  enhanced  the  price  both  of  mulberry-trees  and  of  silkworms'- 
eggs,  so  that  those  who  had  begun  early  were  now  reaping  handsome 
profits,  with  every  prospect  of  their  rapid  increase.  About  Auburn 
the  cultivation  received  a  special  stimulus. 

There  had  long  been  a  jealousy  of  prison-convict  labor  among 
mechanics  and  manufacturers  who  found  themselves  in  competition 
with  it.  It  was  a  desideratum  to  find  some  occupation  for  convicts 
which  would  not  compete  with  the  trades,  and  yet  would  meet  the 
prison  expenses.  It  was  now  claimed  that  the  manufacture  of  silk  was 
such  a  one. 

The  prison  had  abundance  of  operatives,  and  the  State  could  af 
ford  to  establish  machinery  beyond  the  reach  of  private  means.  When 
thus  turned  into  a  silk-manufactory,  the  prison,  instead  of  injuring  the 
mechanics,  would  be  benefiting  the  farmers  of  all  the  surrounding 
country,  by  furnishing  a  steady  market  for  all  the  cocoons  they  could 
raise.  The  experiment  was  tried.  Mulberry-trees  were  set  out  in  the 
prison-grounds  ;  a  silk-shop  was  established,  with  reels  and  throwing- 
mills,  spindles  and  dyeing-kettles.  In  and  around  Auburn  hundreds  of 
acres  were  planted  with  mulberry-trees,  and  cocooneries  were  built  or 
extemporized  out  of  farm-buildings  and  rooms  of  dwelling-houses.  The 
Legislature  passed  laws  encouraging  cultivation  by  bounties  on  cocoons; 
agricultural  societies  offered  premiums  ;  newspapers  and  periodicals 
teemed  with  advice  about  hatching  and  feeding  silkworms,  and  calcu 
lations  showing  how  easily  one  hundred  bushels  of  cocoons  per  annum 


4-80  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

could  be  produced  by  every  owner  of  an  acre  of  mulberry-trees.  Final 
ly,  as  if  to  set  all  doubts  at  rest,  an  advertisement  appeared  in  which 
the  agents  of  the  Auburn  Prison  offered  cash  prices  for  cocoons  and 
raw  silk.  Both  began  to  pour  into  the  market  thus  established,  and  for 
four  or  five  years  the  manufacture  went  on.  That  it  ultimately  was  dis 
continued  was  due  to  causes  which  had  not  entered  into  the  calculation. 
Adult  male  convicts,  however  cheaply  supported  or  easily  superintend 
ed,  lacked  the  delicate  touch  of  women  and  children,  and  the  skilled  ex 
perience  that  comes  to  silk-workers  by  life-long  training.  Worms  and 
trees,  though  both  may  be  raised  with  success  in  a  northern  climate, 
yet  cannot  be  so  cheaply  raised  as  in  a  milder  region.  So  the  enthusi 
asm  for  the  new  industry  gradually  died  away.  Of  course,  while  the 
"  fever  "  lasted  there  were  many  applications  from  friends  and  neigh 
bors  who  wanted  assistance  in  what  seemed  a  venture  so  sure  of  suc 
cess.  One  of  Seward's  letters  to  an  Italian  friend  (who  afterward  won 
distinction  in  the  War  for  the  Union),  in  referring  to  the  subject  of 
silk-culture  in  the  United  States,  contained  also  an  allusion  to  his  own 
pecuniary  affairs,  which  had  by  this  time  become  difficult  and  annoying: 

It  is  among  the  most  painful  embarrassments  of  stations  such  as  I  am  called 
to  fill,  that  they  are  necessarily  supposed  to  bring  with  them  pecuniary  re 
sources  ample  for  the  comfortable  enjoyment  of  the  incumbent,  and  the  pa 
tronage  of  merit  in  every  form.  The  contrary  is  almost  always  the  exact 
truth.  You  will  better  understand  this,  hereafter,  when  you  come  to  learn 
that,  in  republican  states,  we  confer  our  suffrages  most  generally  upon  those 
who  are  not  favored  with  wealth,  and  that  the  economy  of  our  system  often  re 
stricts  the  salaries  of  public  officers  to  narrower  bounds  than  their  unavoidable 
expenditures. 

His  worldly  estate  at  this  period  consisted  only  of  the  small  prop 
erty  he  had  been  able  to  lay  up  during  his  legal  practice  at  Auburn, 
and  the  Chautauqua  estate,  which,  though  embracing  a  large  extent  of 
land,  was  hardly  as  yet  paying  the  interest  on  the  heavy  debt  incurred 
for  its  purchase. 

Harassed  and  worn  with  perplexing  cares  of  the  Executive  office,  he 
could  not  but  smile  to  see  how  persistent  is  the  popular  belief  that 
official  life  is  a  bed  of  roses,  and  that  the  direst  threat  is  that  of  loss  of 
office.  A  friend  who  had  written,  warning  him  of  a  proposed  demon 
stration  against  him,  received  this  reply  : 

I  have  heretofore  assured  you  that  no  consideration  but  a  desire  for  the  pub 
lic  welfare  could  induce  me  to  continue  in  public  life.  The  citizens  referred  to 
in  your  letter  as  engaged  in  preparing  an  address  to  the  public,  showing  that 
my  continuance  in  office  is  not  required  by  that  consideration,  will  find  me  well 
disposed  to  yield  them  a  cordial  concurrence. 

A  souvenir  which  he  preserved  with  especial  pleasure  was  a  gold 


1840.]  SMOKING. 

snuffbox,  simple  in  design,  presented  to  him  by  his  military  staff, 
whose  names  were  inscribed  on  the  under  surface  of  the  lid.  In  his  let 
ter  of  acknowledgment  he  remarked  : 

It  has  been  a  source  of  great  satisfaction  to  me,  during  times  of  much  excite 
ment  and  wide  diversity  of  political  opinion,  that  the  personal  relations  existing 
between  the  members  of  the  general  staff  and  myself  have  been  kind,  generous, 
and  confidential.  The  enjoyments  arising  from  the  occupancy  of  places  of  public 
trust  are  to  be  looked  for  in  the  solaces  which  we  may  be  able  to  carry  into 
retirement,  rather  than  in  any  absolute  pleasure  resulting  from  the  exercise  of 
power. 

This  was  a  principle  that  he  always  dwelt  upon,  one  which  will  per 
haps  help  to  explain  why,  though  willing  to  undertake  official  trusts,  he 
was  always  ready  cheerfully  to  lay  them  down.  His  view  about  an 
official  career  was,  that  it  was  like  a  sea- voyage,  a  proper  thing  to  un 
dertake,  and  a  good  thing  to  have  accomplished  in  safety,  though  full 
of  discomforts  and  annoyance  while  in  progress. 

The  snuffbox  he  always  afterward  used.  It  traveled  with  him  in 
his  voyages,  and  at  home  occupied  a  drawer  in  his  writing-desk  when 
not  carried  in  his  pocket.  Taking  snuff,  however,  could  hardly  be  said 
to  be  a  habit  of  his  at  this  period.  An  occasional  pinch  in  the  course 
of  conversation,  or  of  work,  was  all  that  he  indulged  in,  having  been 
advised  that  it  was  useful  as  a  preventive  of  a  catarrhal  affection  to 
which  he  had  formerly  been  subject. 

Smoking  was  a  life-long  habit,  especially  during  seasons  of  hard 
and  laborious  study.  He  usually  lighted  a  cigar  when  he  sat  down  to 
write,  slowly  consuming  it  as  his  pen  ran  rapidly  over  the  page,  and 
lighted  a  fresh  one  when  that  was  exhausted.  The  number  varied  at 
different  periods,  though  it  rarely  fell  below  half  a  dozen  a  day.  There 
used  to  be  a  standing  joke  between  him  and  Dr.  Reed,  profes.sor  at 
Union  College,  to  the  effect  that,  once  when  the  two  were  driving  from 
Albany  to  Schenectady,  sixteen  miles,  they  found  themselves  out  of 
cigars,  and  at  the  first  tavern  bought  a  bundle  of  twenty-five.  On 
reaching  their  destination  the  cigars  were  all  gone.  Each  acknowledged 
that  he  had  smoked  a  dozen,  but  each  insisted  that  the  other  had 
smoked  the  odd  one  ! 


81 


482  LIFE  ANr>   LETTERS.  [1840, 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1840. 

Besults  of  the  Session. — Embarrassments  of  the  Appointing  Power. — Six  Thousand  Disap 
pointments.— The  Kathbun  Forgery  Case.— Outlook  for  the  Presidential  Contest. — 
Escape  of  Lett. — Establishment  of  the  Cunard  Line. 

THE  Legislature  adjourned  on  the  14th  of  May,  after  a  session  of 
more  than  four  months.  It  had  been  unusually  laborious,  for  this 
was  the  first  Whig  Legislature  ;  and,  while  the  members  and  their 
constituencies  were  eager  to  accomplish  many  projects  long  cherished, 
the  leaders  of  the  party  felt  a  grave  responsibility.  They  were  anxious 
to  avert  the  danger  which  always  threatens  when  a  new  party  comes 
into  power,  that  of  legislating  too  much,  too  hastily,  and  too  rashly. 
Three  hundred  and  seventy  laws  were  passed.  The  prosecution  of 
internal  improvements  had  been  provided  for,  the  redemption  of  bank 
notes  secured,  the  cost  of  legal  proceedings  reduced,  the  abolition  of 
imprisonment  for  debt  completed,  militia  reforms  accomplished,  politi 
cal  principles  in  regard  to  national  affairs  enunciated,  the  dead-lock  of 
the  previous  year  in  regard  to  appointments  removed,  the  Governor's 
nominations  confirmed,  the  vacant  United  States  senatorship  and  State 
offices  duly  filled  by  legislative  election,  and  the  usual  mass  of  local 
measures  scrutinized  with  unusual  care,  to  avoid  any  just  reproach. 
Besides  the  concurrent  resolutions  on  the  right  of  petition,  the  Legis 
lature  also  passed  resolutions  protesting  against  the  sub-Treasury  law, 
and  in  favor  of  limiting  the  presidential  office  to  one  term  ;  the  latter 
principle  being  one  that  the  minority  always  favors  when  it  finds  the 
majority  proposing  to  reelect  the  incumbent.  With  no  new  State  issue 
to  embarrass  them,  with  the  growing  unpopularity  of  the  financial  pol 
icy  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  the  growing  enthusiasm  in  behalf  of  Gen 
eral  Harrison,  they  separated,  to  go  home  and  enter  upon  the  political 
campaign. 

George  W.  Patterson's  second  term  as  Speaker  closed  with  this  ses 
sion.  Dignified,  courteous,  and  impartial,  he  was  one  of  the  most 
popular  presiding  officers  that  ever  occupied  the  chair.  The  general 
concurrence  in  the  vote  of  thanks  at  the  closing  hour  was  never,  in  his 
case,  a  mere  form. 

A  letter  written  this  spring  described  Seward's  feelings  in  regard 
to  his  appointments.  This  letter  was  called  out  by  a  generous  and 
manly  one  from  John  B.  Scoles,  waiving  his  own  aspirations  for  place 
if  they  should  be  found  inconvenient  or  incompatible  with  other  obli 
gations.  Seward,  after  thanking  him  for  it,  said  : 

I  have  never  been  vain  enough  to  suppose  that  a  trust  so  delicate  and  diffi 
cult  as  that  devolved  upon  me  last  winter  could  be  discharged  without  producing 


1840.]  MURDEU   CASES.  483 

much  disappointment  and  misapprehension.  The  list  of  appointments  made  this 
winter  is  fourteen  hundred,  for  all  of  which  I  of  course  am  responsible,  while 
in  many  if  not  most  instances  the  circumstances  under  which  the  nominations 
were  made  left  me  without  freedom  of  election.  When  I  look  over  it  now,  and 
recall  the  trying  circumstances  under  which  I  have  passed,  I  am  not  surprised 
by  any  manifestation  of  disappointment  or  dissatisfaction.  This  only  I  claim — 
that  no  interest,  passion,  prejudice,  or  partiality  of  my  own  has  controlled  any 
decision  I  have  made. 

The  applications  for  pardon  during  this  year  were  as  numerous  as 
in  the  year  preceding.  The  principles  which  governed  the  decisions 
were  the  same.  Two  or  three  are  especially  noticeable,  as  illus 
trating  his  habit  of  weighing  the  consequences  of  his  action,  not 
merely  upon  the  prisoner,  but  upon  the  interests  of  the  community. 
A  watchman  in  New  York  (this  was  before  the  days  of  metropolitan 
police)  had  come  upon  some  noisy  men  who  were  disturbing  the  streets 
at  a  late  hour  by  a  brawl,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  them  to  peace 
ably  disperse.  They  turned  upon  him,  beat  him  severely,  threw  stones 
at  his  companions  coming  to  his  assistance,  breaking  the  ribs  of  one, 
and  seriously  injuring  others.  After  the  arrest,  conviction,  and  sen 
tence  of  the  rioters,  the  friends  of  a  leading  one  came  to  the  Governor 
with  the  usual  pleas  of  "  highly-respectable  connections,"  "  drunkenness 
at  the  time  of  the  offense,"  and  "  the  suffering  of  an  innocent  family." 
His  reply  was  brief  and  decided  : 

Six  months'  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary  for  such  offenses  seems  to  me 
a  very  moderate  punishment.  I  should  be  very  happy  to  relieve  his  family  from 
the  suffering  he  has  brought  upon  them,  but  the  effect  of  such  clemency  would 
be  to  encourage  assaults  upon  the  police-officers  of  the  city. 

Jabez  Fuller,  who  had  murdered  a  woman  with  whom  he  lived, 
under  circumstances  of  peculiar  and  horrible  brutality,  was  sentenced 
to  be  hanged,  but  had  friends  and  counsel  to  urge  commutation  of  his 
punishment  to  imprisonment  for  life.  The  Governor,  after  a  careful 
review  of  the  disgusting  details  of  the  crime,  closed  his  decision  by 
saying  : 

The  apology  for  this  barbarous  murder  is,  that  both  the  deceased  and  the 
prisoner  were  drunken  and  depraved  persons,  and  were  in  some  degree  intoxi 
cated  when  the  murder  took  place.  I  confess  that  these  circumstances  seem  to 
me  not  to  commend  the  prisoner  to  Executive  clemency.  If  the  maintenance  of 
justice  ever  requires  the  example  of  capital  punishment,  this  seems  to  me  to  be 
of  all  others  a  case  in  which  public  sympathy  ought  not  to  save  the  offender. 
The  sheriff  will  make  this  decision  known  to  the  prisoner,  so  that  false  hopes 
may  not  interfere  with  his  preparation  for  the  great  change  before  him. 

A  rule  which  Seward  had  early  established  for  his  guidance  in  ex 
amining  applications  for  pardon  was,  that  in  all  cases  he  should  be 


4:84  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

furnished  with  the  minutes  of  the  testimony  taken  on  the  trial.  It 
was  of  infinite  value,  both  in  showing  him  where  mercy  might  properly 
be  exercised,  and  in  indicating  reasons  why  pardons  should  not  issue. 

But  the  case  which  most  excited  popular  attention  and  sympathy 
was  that  of  Benjamin  Rathbun,  the  owner  of  the  excellent  hotel  at 
Buffalo.  He  was  one  of  the  most  esteemed  and  prominent  citizens  of 
that  town,  and  had  gradually  amassed  a  fortune  by  active  business 
enterprise.  He  was  several  years  engaged  in  trade,  and  devoted  a  large 
portion  of  his  means  to  the  purchase,  improvement,  and  sale  of  real 
estate.  His  operations  gave  employment  to  a  great  number  of  people, 
and  an  impetus  to  the  business  of  the  town.  He  had  in  his  employ  at 
one  time  two  thousand  laborers,  besides  one  hundred  skilled  agents, 
assistants,  superintendents,  cashiers,  and  clerks.  Several  banks  were 
more  or  less  under  his  control,  and  his  extended  affairs  required  a  finan 
cial  agency  in  Buffalo  and  another  in  New  York.  Operations  like 
these  are  seldom  carried  on  without  considerable  resort  to  loans  and 
credits,  both  in  making  payments  and  in  receiving  returns.  The  com 
mercial  stringency  through  which  the  country  had  been  passing  had 
sometimes  rendered  the  negotiation  of  paper  difficult ;  and,  though  he 
was  prospering  and  making  money,  he  found  himself  occasionally  sub 
jected  to  unexpected  annoyance  and  difficulty  from  this  cause. 

In  an  evil  hour  he  yielded  to  the  temptation  to  save  some  paper 
from  protest  by  the  imitation  of  signatures.  It  was  of  no  great 
amount,  and  he  was,  of  course,  intending  to  take  up  the  paper.  But 
success  in  one  such  case  not  only  encouraged  a  repetition,  but  created 
necessities  for  further  proceedings  of  the  same  sort.  So  gradually 
grew  up  a  system  of  forged  notes,  into  which  his  cashier,  his  nephews, 
and  clerks  were  initiated,  and  ultimately  were  busily  employed  in  mak 
ing,  selling,  and  negotiating  spurious  paper.  Sometimes  there  would 
be  a  great  accumulation  of  it,  and  again  it  would  nearly  all  be  taken 
up.  The  names  of  between  thirty  and  forty  persons  and  firms  were 
used  for  purposes  of  renewal,  postponement,  or  payment ;  and  the 
whole  amount  of  forgeries  reached  two  or  three  million  dollars.  They 
were  so  accurately  done  that  it  was  impossible  for  Rathbun  himself  to 
distinguish  between  his  genuine  and  spurious  paper  without  referring 
to  private  marks  in  his  books.  Incredible  as  it  may  seem,  in  inaugu 
rating  this  gigantic  system  of  fraud,  neither  design  nor  apprehension 
was  entertained  that  any  one  would  be  injured  thereby.  It  soon  grew, 
however,  beyond  the  control  of  its  projector,  and  the  inevitable  discov 
ery  at  last  came.  One  note  was  detected  as  being  a  forgery.  This 
caused  suspicion  and  inquiry  into  all  the  others,  and  then  the  whole 
fabric  toppled  down  with  a  crash.  He  was  arraigned,  convicted,  and 
sent  to  prison. 

The  first  effect  of  the  case  upon  the  popular  mind  was  to  produce 


1840.]  THE   RATHBUN   CASE.  485 

an  indignant  outcry  at  the  crime  and  the  prisoner,  accompanied  even 
with  threats  of  violence  during  the  progress  of  his  trial.  But  once 
within  prison-walls  at  Auburn,  public  sentiment  took  a  turn  in  the 
opposite  direction.  It  was  remembered  how  largely  he  had  benefited 
Buffalo,  how  irreproachable  had  been  his  conduct  in  all  other  respects. 
It  was  found  that  even  his  forgeries  had  ruined  no  one  but  himself  ; 
and  it  was  claimed  that  they  were  executed  without  intent  to  gain 
money,  but  only  to  gain  time. 

A  warm  and  widely-expanded  feeling  of  sympathy  for  him  sprang 
up.  Letters  and  petitions  poured  in  upon  the  Governor  asking  his 
release.  One  petition,  signed  by  several  thousand  citizens  of  Buffalo, 
made  a  volume  in  itself,  embracing  the  signatures  of  nearly  all  the  lead 
ing  men  of  the  western  part  of  the  State.  Even  those  who  joined  in 
the  prosecution  took  part  in  the  appeal  for  pardon,  which  was  further 
strengthened  by  letters  from  the  prisoner's  numerous  personal  friends. 
The  pressure  was  a  strong  one  ;  and,  had  there  been  nothing  to  consider 
but  the  individual  case,  it  might  have  succeeded.  But  the  reasons  pro 
and  con  were  stated  in  the  Governor's  decision,  denying  the  prayer. 
After  narrating  the  history  of  the  case,  and  calling  attention  to  the 
fact  that  there  were  six  indictments  against  the  prisoner  remaining 
untried,  on  which  he  would  be  brought  to  trial,  even  if  pardoned  from 
the  first  conviction,  the  Governor  went  on  to  remark  : 

Extraordinary  as  are  the  circumstances  of  Benjamin  Rathbun's  conviction, 
the  sympathy  of  the  petitioners  in  his  behalf  is  by  no  means  without  cause.  He 
has  been  for  more  than  twenty  years  a  citizen  of  Buffalo.  While  living  there 
he  rose  by  industry  and  energy  from  an  humble  condition  to  wealth,  respectabil 
ity,  and  extensive  usefulness.  The  wharves,  streets,  and  institutions  of  that 
beautiful  city  furnish  many  evidences  of  his  enterprise  and  public  spirit.  He 
was,  until  the  forgeries  were  discovered,  generous  in  all  his  transactions,  courte 
ous  and  kind  in  all  his  relations,  munificent  to  the  public,  and  charitable  to 
the  poor.  Aged  and  respected  parents,  and  a  wife  even  more  eminent  for  her 
virtues  than  for  her  misfortunes,  are  involved  in  the  consequences  of  his  convic 
tion.  The  occasion  does  not  require  me  to  controvert  the  opinion  expressed  bj 
the  petitioners,  that  the  punishment  the  prisoner  has  already  suffered  by  being 
arrested  in  mid-career,  suddenly  stripped  of  his  dazzling  honors — torn  from  his 
family — cast  out  of  society — degraded  to  the  companionship  of  vileness  and 
crime — and  finally  stamped  indelibly  as  a  felon,  is  enough,  without  prolongation 
of  his  imprisonment,  to  reclaim  him  from  his  dangerous  ways  and  effect  his  ref 
ormation. 

The  criminal  code  has  one  purpose  more  important  than  the  reformation  of 
the  offender.  That  purpose  is  the  prevention  of  crime  by  the  example  of  pun 
ishment. 

Pointing  out,  then,  that  Rathbun's  offenses  exceeded  in  magnitude 
those  of  all  the  convicts  for  similar  crimes  in  the  State-prisons,  and  that 
his  education,  experience,  and  condition  in  life,  exempted  him  from  the 


4:86  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

necessities  and  temptations  which  they  have  to  plead  :  impartiality 
demanded  that  a  plea  in  behalf  of  one  whom  the  world  esteemed  and 
respected  ought  to  be  equally  efficacious  for  the  most  obscure  criminal 
in  his  solitary  cell.  It  would  be  altogether  inconsistent  with  the  pub 
lic  welfare  to  pardon  all  those  having  excuses  equally  plausible.  The 
decision  concluded : 

For  this  reason  I  deem  it  certain  that  there  is  no  other  offender  whose  par 
don  would  so  much  impair  the  public  confidence  in  the  firmness,  impartiality, 
and  energy  of  the  administration  of  justice.  His  conviction  was  necessary  to 
maintain  the  sway  of  the  laws  and  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  to  vindicate  the 
dignity  and  honor  of  the  State.  I  reluctantly  add  that  it  seems  to  be  a  case  in 
which  the  effect  of  that  conviction  must  not  be  impaired  by  the  exercise  of 
Executive  clemency. 

The  sequel  of  this  remarkable  case  was  perhaps  as  extraordinary  as 
the  circumstances  which  preceded  it  ;  Rathbun  endured  the  penalty  of 
the  law  with  resignation  and  firmness,  gained  the  esteem  of  all  the  offi 
cers  of  the  prison  by  his  conduct  while  there,  and,  when  liberated  at 
the  expiration  of  his  term,  was  received  and  welcomed  by  his  friends, 
and  apparently  reinstated  in  their  confidence.  Far  from  seeking  ob 
scurity  in  distant  lands,  or  by  change  of  name,  he  began  business-life 
anew,  not  only  with  vigor  and  energy,  but  prudence  and  success.  His 
just  and  upright  dealing  again  secured  him  public  confidence,  and  he 
was  a  respected  and  esteemed  citizen  of  New  York  until  his  recent 
death,  at  over  fourscore  years  of  age. 

The  measures  which  Seward  had  proposed  and  carried  through  the 
Legislature,  for  the  reduction  of  costs  and  the  simplification  of  pro 
ceedings  at  law,  continued  to  excite  dissatisfaction  among  lawyers, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  popular  interest  in  them,  though  of  course 
favorable,  was  not  sufficient  to  induce  any  concerted  or  extended  efforts 
in  their  behalf. 

One  of  the  measures  of  law-reform  was  an  act  reorganizing  the 
Court  of  General  Sessions  in  the  city  of  New  York,  which  dispensed 
with  the  judicial  services  of  aldermen.  Some  of  the  aldermen,  reluc 
tant  to  give  up  their  powers,  continued  to  act  as  judges,  in  violation 
of  the  law,  defending  their  action  by  saying  that  they  considered  the 
law  unconstitutional.  Opinions  were  divided  in  New  York.  The  re 
sisting  aldermen  were  fortified  by  the  support  of  the  recorder  ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  some  of  their  colleagues  were  asking  the  Execu 
tive  to  interpose,  remove  the  recorder,  and  punish  the  aldermen.  His 
reply  to  Aldermen  Baylis,  Woodhull,  Jones,  and  Graham,  remarked  : 

I  confess  my  surprise  that  such  functionaries  should,  in  the  present  instance, 
be  sustained  in  their  illegal  proceedings  by  an  officer  of  such  acknowledged  abil 
ity  and  learning  as  the  recorder.  But  the  constitution  prescribes  a  suitable 


1840.]  ESCAPE   OF   LETT.  487 

mode  for  correcting  every  error  and  removing  every  evil  in  the  administration 
of  justice.  It  is  true,  as  you  suggest,  that  the  constitution  authorizes  the  Senate 
to  remove  judicial  officers  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Governor.  Yet  the 
recorder  is  acting  as  a  judge,  under  the  solemnity  of  a  judicial  oath,  and  no  im 
proper  or  corrupt  motive  is  attached  to  him.  It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  that  it 
will  accord  better  with  the  spirit  of  the  constitution  to  leave  the  question  for 
the  consideration  of  the  Supreme  Court,  than  to  employ  the  Executive  power, 
and  thus  furnish  a  precedent  for  future  invasions  of  the  independence  of  the 
judiciary. 

Writing  to  Christopher  Morgan,  at  Washington,  in  regard  to  the 
effect  of  the  results  of  the  session  upon  the  political  prospects  of  the 
Whigs  in  the  coming  canvass,  he  said  : 

There  are  complaints  loud  and  deep  on  the  part  of  the  banks  against  the 
Whig  party  for  the  reform  measures.  The  lawyers  are  irritated  and  severely 
wounded.  Complaints  from  these  classes  must  command  attention.  Neverthe 
less,  the  heart  of  the  Whig  party  is  strong  and  confident ;  and  I  believe  that  there 
never  was,  with  the  exception  of  the  Jackson  party  in  1828,  a  party  in  this  State 
so  enthusiastic  as  ours.  The  general  result  of  the  legislation  of  the  last  session 
is  benign.  I  do  not  fear  the  profession.  Most  of  them  will  be  both  generous 
and  wise. 

You  have  no  idea  of  the  perpetual  labor  which  I  undergo.  It  is  now  almost 
midsummer,  and  my  table  groans  under  accumulating  business.  It  is  my  opin 
ion  that  General  Harrison  ought  to  answer  nothing.  I  so  advised  when  his  let 
ter  was  submitted  to  me.  I  shall  so  advise  hereafter. 

Accompanied  by  General  King,  and  Rogers  his  messenger,  he  now 
went,  for  a  few  days'  rest,  to  Auburn.  But  there  was  no  rest  or  quiet 
to  be  found  there,  or,  if  any  existed,  his  coming  dispelled  it,  for  a  throng 
of  visitors  soon  poured  in  upon  him.  The  front-room  was  turned  into 
an  office,  General  King  into  a  private  secretary,  and  Rogers  exercised 
his  functions  as  if  in  his  accustomed  place  at  the  door  of  the  Executive 
chamber  in  the  Capitol. 

Auburn  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  excitement  about  this  time  by 
the  daring  escape  of  Benjamin  Lett,  who,  after  blowing  up  General 
Brock's  monument  on  Queenstown  Heights,  had  made  an  attempt  to 
blow  up  the  steamboat  Great  Britain,  at  Oswego.  Having  been  tried 
and  convicted  there,  he  had  been  put  in  charge  of  the  sheriff,  to  be 
brought  to  the  Auburn  State-prison.  At  night,  as  the  cars  were  pass 
ing  through  the  woods,  four  or  five  miles  from  Auburn,  Lett  broke  away 
from  the  sheriff  and  jumped  off,  although  the  train  was  going  at  the 
rate  of  twenty  miles  an  hour.  The  train  was  stopped,  but  no  traces  of 
him  were  found,  and  he  was  believed  to  have  secreted  himself  in  the 
woods.  The  sheriff  offered  a  reward  of  one  hundred  dollars,  and  at  the 
request  of  the  authorities  the  Governor  issued  a  proclamation  offering 
an  additional  one  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  for  his  recapture. 


488  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1840. 

Scouting-parties  went  out  from  Auburn,  attracted  by  the  excitement 
of  so  novel  a  chase  ;  but  all  their  search,  through  forest  and  swamp, 
was  unavailing. 

Boston  was  rejoicing,  this  summer,  in  the  establishment  of  the 
Cunard  line  of  steamers.  A  public  dinner  was  to  be  given  to  Mr. 
Cunard  on  the  arrival  of  the  steamship  Britannia,  and  a  committee, 
among  whom  were  Robert  G.  Shaw,  William  Ward,  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr., 
and  Benjamin  T.  Reed,  invited  Governor  Seward  to  attend  it.  He 
wrote  from  Auburn,  regretting  his  inability  to  do  so,  while  warmly  ap 
proving  their  enterprise,  and  saying  : 

What  a  singular  change  has  come  over  the  relations  of  the  New  World  to  the 
Old,  within  the  last  sixty-five  years !  England  was  seen  exhausting  her  wealth 
in  1776  and  1777,  in  sending  troops  and  munitions  of  war  to  exact  tribute  from 
the  citizens  of  Boston ;  and  each  transport  consumed  a  period  of  about  two 
months.  Now,  Europeans  compete  with  each  other  in  sending  steamships  to 
secure  a  willing  commerce,  which  enriches  England  a  hundred  times  more  than 
the  statesmen  of  George  III.  anticipated  from  all  their  exactions.  .  .  .  We  see, 
in  the  enterprise  you  celebrate,  an  evidence  that  we  have  not  misestimated  the 
trade  of  the  Great  West,  to  secure  which  has  been  a  leading  object  in  our  policy. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

1840. 

Cherry  Valley  Centennial. — The  World's  Antislavery  Convention. — Georgetown  wanting 
to  get  out. — The  Sub-Treasury  Law. — Prison  Bibles. — Utica  Convention. — Kenomina- 
tion. — Webster  at  Saratoga. — Caleb  Gushing. — Edward  Stanley. — Case  of  Cornelius. 

CHEERY  VALLEY,  in  Otsego  County,  was  settled  in  1740.  Its  in 
habitants  determined  that,  on  the  4th  of  July,  of  1840,  they  would  cel 
ebrate  both  the  national  holiday  and  the  centennial  aniversary  of  their 
town's  existence.  Cherry  Valley  had  clinging  round  it  so  much  of  his 
toric  and  personal  recollection,  that  the  approaching  celebration  cre 
ated  interest  in  all  the  surrounding  country.  On ,  the  morning  of  the 
4th  its  streets  presented  a  scene  of  unwonted  animation.  Farmers' 
teams,  bringing  their  families  in  holiday  attire,  thronged  the  winding 
roads  which  led  into  the  picturesque  valley  among  the  Otsego  Hills, 
once  an  important  point  on  the  turnpike  that  was  the  thoroughfare  of 
western  travel,  but  since  left  far  at  one  side  of  the  railway,  which  had 
superseded  it.  The  prominent  citizens,  with  due  pride  in  their  historic 
region,  had  prepared  for  the  occasion  with  taste  and  care,  and  had  in 
vited  many  guests  to  share  in  the  ceremonies.  Among  those  present 
were  the  Governor  of  the  State  ;  President  Nott,  of  Union  College  ; 
Hammond,  the  historian  of  the  State  government  ;  and  Judge  Camp- 


1840.]  CHERRY   VALLEY   CENTENNIAL.  489 

bell,  who — born  and  reared  in  the  valley — had  recorded  its  eventful 
story  in  his  "  Annals  of  Tryon  County." 

There  was  a  large  assemblage.  The  exercises  were  impressive  and 
interesting.  An  address  was  delivered  by  Judge  Campbell,  who  re 
counted  the  tale  of  the  hardships  of  the  early  pioneers — the  incidents 
of  the  Revolutionary  campaign,  the  Indian  massacre,  and  the  scenes  in 
which  Brant  and  Sir  William  Johnson,  Washington,  Lafayette,  and 
Clinton,  had  participated.  At  the  dinner,  which  closed  the  celebration, 
the  Governor  was  called  upon  to  respond  to  some  complimentary  re 
marks.  He  said  : 

I  have  always  desired  to  visit  this  place,  so  long  an  outpost  of  civilization  in 
the  western  forest,  and  I  take  especial  pleasure  in  coming  to  it  at  a  time  when 
the  discordant  elements  of  party  strife  are  hushed  under  the  influence  of  recol 
lections  of  a  common  ancestry,  and  common  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  liberty. 
Only  a  hundred  times  has  the  scythe  passed  over  this  valley  since  your  ances 
tors  pursued  their  weary  way  up  the  Mohawk,  and  over  these  hills,  and  planted 
here  the  first  settlement  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  west  of  the  Hudson.  Yet,  a 
hundred  years  is  no  unimportant  portion  of  time.  In  a  single  century  four 
thousand  millions  of  human  beings  appear  on  the  earth,  act  their  busy  parts, 
and  sink  into  its  peaceful  bosom. 

Turning  then  from  the  effects  of  time  upon  the  valley,  he  gave  a 
rapid  review  of  the  changes  in  the  world  at  large  : 

That  century  dawned  upon  one  broad  scene  of  war,  extending  throughout 
Europe,  into  Asia  and  Africa,  and  even  this  remote  continent.  No  nation  es 
caped  the  tread  of  hostile  armies,  and  few  were  exempt  from  revolution.  Some 
maintained  their  sovereignty,  some  secured  their  independence ;  but  others  had 
gone  down  forever.  Yet,  dark  as  the  picture  of  the  last  century  seems,  it  is 
relieved  by  lights  more  cheering  than  any  that  have  shone  upon  our  race  in  the 
previous  course  of  time.  The  human  mind  has  advanced  with  unparelleled  rapid 
ity  in  discoveries,  in  science,  and  the  arts.  Civilization  has  been  carried  into 
new  regions,  and  has  distributed  more  equally  the  enjoyments  and  comforts  of 
life.  The  education  which,  a  hundred  years  ago,  was  a  privilege  of  the  few,  is 
now  aoknowledged  to  be  the  right  of  all.  What  were  luxuries  a  hundred  years 
ago  are  common  enjoyments  now.  A  renovating  spirit  is  abroad  in  the  world. 
The  slave-trade,  a  hundred  years  ago  regarded  as  lawful  commerce  by  all  Chris 
tian  nations,  is  now  denounced  as  piracy  by  most  civilized  states ;  and  the  rights 
of  man  are  secured  by  benign  and  wholesome  laws. 

What  could  have  been  the  condition  of  human  rights  before  the  days  of 
Lafayette,  Wilberf orce,  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  Washington ;  what  the  science 
of  law  before  Montesquieu,  Puffendorf,  Blackstone,  and  Bentham;  what  was 
natural  science  before  Herschel,  Franklin,  Davy,  Linnaeus,  and  Buffon;  and 
what  would  our  literature  be  if  we  struck  out  of  it  the  writings  of  Rollin,  Gib 
bon,  Hallam,  Hume,  Stewart,  Robertson,  Cowper,  Pope,  Gray,  Goldsmith,  John 
son,  Scott,  Burns,  Byron,  and  Goethe ! 

In  the  evening  he  drove  over  to  Cooperstown,  spent  Sunday  and 


490  LIFE   AND  LETTERS.  [1840. 

Monday  with  hospitable  friends  there,  among  them  Judge  Russell  and 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bowers,  attending  the  different  churches  on  Sunday,  and 
on  Monday,  accompanied  by  a  party  of  several  hundred,  making  an 
excursion  on  the  beautiful  lake.  At  "  Three-mile  Point "  an  address  of 
welcome  by  Lyman  J.  Walworth  was  followed  by  a  picnic  entertain 
ment. 

In  June  there  had  been  a  novel  and  remarkable  assemblage,  at  a 
spacious  hall  in  Great  Queen  Street,  London,  presided  over  by  the  ven 
erable  Thomas  Clarkson,  the  originator  of  the  movement,  in  1787,  for 
the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade.  This  was  the  World's  Antislavery  Con 
vention,  called  by  the  British  and  Foreign  Antislavery  Society  ;  which, 
though  principally  composed  of  members  from  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  was  also  attended  by  delegates  or  visitors  from  the  Con 
tinent,  from  the  West  Indies,  from  South  America,  and  even  from  Ori 
ental  lands.  It  was  unanimous  as  to  the  end  in  view,  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  Its  debates,  resolutions,  and  addresses,  therefore,  were  de 
voted  to  consideration  of  the  means  to  promote  that  end.  Its  chief 
value  was  in  the  comparison  of  views  held  by  residents  in  so  many  re 
gions.  Daniel  O'Connell  and  Dr.  Channing  were  among  those  who 
participated,  either  by  speech  or  letter.  Gerrit  Smith,  James  G.  Bir- 
ney,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and  Wendell  Phillips,  were  among  the 
American  delegates.  Among  the  proceedings  was  the  adoption  of  an 
address  to  the  heads  of  governments  throughout  the  world,  a  copy  of 
which  was  duly  forwarded  to  each  sovereign,  or  chief  magistrate.  Gov 
ernor  Seward  received,  toward  the  close  of  July,  the  one  addressed  to 
him,  over  Mr.  Clarkson's  signature. 

He  acknowledged  it  in  a  letter  to  the  chairman,  saying  : 

I  concur  entirely  with  the  convention,  and  with  enlightened  and  benevolent 
men,  in  all  civilized  countries,  in  regarding  slavery  as  a  great  moral  evil,  as  un 
just  in  principle,  a  violation  of  inalienable  human  rights,  inconsistent  with  the 
spirit  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  injurious  to  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
every  people  among  whom  it  exists.  Entertaining  these  views,  I  have  regarded, 
with  deep  interest  and  entire  approbation,  all  the  noble  efforts  which  have  been 
made  in  your  country  and  in  this  for  the  abolition  of  slavery ;  and  especially 
those  with  which  your  name,  and  that  of  your  compatriot  Wilberforce,  have 
been  associated ;  until  those  names  have  acquired  an  enduring  place  among  those 
of  the  most  distinguished  benefactors  of  mankind.  ...  I  have  not  the  slightest 
hesitation  in  assuring  you  that  at  no  time,  nor  under  any  circumstances,  shall  I 
fail  to  do  whatever  may  be  within  the  scope  of  my  lawful  power  and  rightful 
influence,  and  calculated  in  my  judgment  to  promote,  in  the  most  effectual  man 
ner,  the  great  and  philanthropic  work  of  universal  emancipation. 

The  citizens  of  Georgetown,  inspired  by  the  example  of  Alexandria, 
and  by  the  fear  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  had  become  convinced  that 
their  prosperity  would  be  promoted  by  a  retrocession  of  their  portion 


1840.]  CALEB   GUSHING.  491 

of  the  District  of  Columbia  to  the  State  of  Maryland.  They  adopted 
an  address,  which  they  sent  to  the  authorities  of  each  State,  asking 
them  to  instruct  their  representatives  in  Congress  to  give  consent. 
But  neither  the  Governor  nor  the  Legislature  of  New  York  were  at  all 
inclined  to  entertain  the  proposition  for  the  dismemberment  of  the 
District.  It  is  a  fresh  illustration  of  human  short-sightedness  in  poli 
tics,  that  the  denial  of  the  boon  she  asked,  and  the  passage  of  the  law 
she  dreaded,  have  been  the  chief  sources  of  Georgetown's  safety  and 
prosperity. 

An  invitation  was  received,  in  August  of  this  year,  to  a  dinner  to 
be  given  in  Boston  to  Caleb  Gushing,  who  was  then  a  Whig  repre 
sentative  in  Congress  from  Massachusetts,  and  had  won  popular  favor 
by  the  vigor  and  ability  he  had  displayed  in  the  sub-Treasury  debate. 
Seward  wrote,  expressing  his  regret  at  not  being  able  to  avail  himself 
"  of  an  occasion  to  manifest  respect  and  esteem  for  that  distinguished 
representative  of  the  people." 

This  versatile  and  accomplished  statesman  was  then  at  the  begin 
ning  of  his  long  political  career.  Though  in  accord  on  public  ques 
tions  at  that  time,  he  and  Seward  pursued  widely  divergent  paths  for 
years  afterward.  But  when  the  war  for  the  Union  had  commenced, 
they  were  reunited  to  render  effective  service  in  its  defense,  and  cor 
dial  relations  thenceforth  continued  between  them  until  the  end. 

Generosity  toward  personal  or  political  opponents  is  a  rare  trait, 
and  one  apt  to  arouse  the  jealousies  of  friends.  The  practice  of  it 
not  unfrequently  brings  reproaches.  Alluding  to  the  subject  in  an 
swering  a  letter  of  Alexander  H.  Wells,  of  Westchester,  he  said  : 

I  have  no  pleasure  in  speaking,  and  I  always  avoid  writing,  concerning  my 
own  position  or  relation  to  the  public  and  to  political  associates.  Although  I 
trust  I  am  not  ungrateful  for  personal  kindness  manifested  toward  me,  and  I 
feel  that  I  have  had  a  thousand  times  more  of  it  to  be  thankful  for  than  I  have 
ever  deserved,  I  have  nevertheless  always  regarded  equality,  justice,  and  the 
public  welfare,  as  paramount  to  personal  friendship  or  gratitude.  Hence,  if  I 
sometimes  appear  more  ungrateful  to  friends  than  politicians  are,  I  trust  I  am 
more  forgiving  to  opponents.  I  do  not  know  whether  this  is  wise  for  myself, 
but  I  am  sure  that  it  is  not  injurious  to  the  public  or  to  the  cause.  I  entertain 
no  confident  conviction  of  my  fitness  for  my  high  trust,  and  therefore  heresy  on 
that  subject  by  others  has  never  seemed  to  me  a  crime. 

His  expectations  of  being  able  to  pass  some  time  at  Auburn  were 
destined  to  disappointment.  As  the  summer  went  on,  cares  multiplied, 
and  now  came  the  season  of  excitement  and  labor  incident  to  the  presi 
dential  campaign. 

Tuesday  Evening. 

You  must  make  no  calculations  upon  me.  I  am  overloaded  with  cares  and 
labors,  besides  the  duty  of  perpetual  audience  and  attention. 


492  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

I  wish  the  boys  were  here.  There  is  a  very  handsome  rifle  company  from 
New  York  here.  They  have  pitched  their  tents  in  the  park,  directly  in  front  of 
our  house,  and  have  converted  that  beautiful  lawn  into  a  martial  scene  of  war. 
They  have  a  fine  brass  band,  and  the  music  is  very  cheering  to  one  fatigued  and 
careworn  as  I  am. 

August  25th. 

There  is  this  difficulty  in  writing  as  often  as  I  could  wish :  I  cannot  give  you 
details  of  what  happens  to  and  around  me.  The  week  before  last  brought  the 
Utica  Convention.  Its  delegates  began  to  pass  through  the  city  on  Sunday. 
My  time  was  occupied  with  them  almost  exclusively  during  that  week.  I  went 
one  day  to  the  Helderberg,  one  day  to  Ooxsackie,  and  one  day  was  devoted 
chiefly  to  reviewing  and  receiving  the  New  York  militia  here.  What  could  I 
write  you  about  these  things,  unless  all  in  the  first  person  singular,  and  an 
account  of  myself  as  the  person  magnified  ? 

Sunday  I  was  at  church.  Mr.  Verplanck  was  with  me  at  dinner,  and  during 
the  evening.  Monday  an  address  that  I  must  not  describe  was  rewritten,  and 
given  into  other  hands  to  be  finished  with  the  addition  of  what  concerned  myself. 
Mr.  Webster  had  gone  to  Saratoga,  jealous  and  unkind  toward  me.  Wise  and 
true  men  thought  it  was  necessary  that  I  should  be  there.  I  thought  it  due  to 
him  and  due  to  myself  to  show  him  not  less  attention  than  I  had  to  others  last 
year.  I  went  up  on  Tuesday.  From  the  hour  I  arrived  there  I  was  never  alone. 
The  town  was  full  of  people,  to  the  number  of  thousands.  They  were  with  me. 
They  broke  down  the  piazza  upon  which  I  met  them,  but  fortunately  no  harm 
ensued  from  the  accident.  I  returned  here  wearied  beyond  measure  on  Friday 
night.  On  Saturday  morning  I  commenced  rewriting  my  reply  to  the  Governor 
of  Virginia.  It  was  begun  with  Willis  Gaylord  Clark  in  the  house ;  K.  M.  Blatch- 
ford  came  in  the  afternoon.  The  deplorable  accident  at  the  wharf  occurred  that 
afternoon,  and  the  consequent  funerals  came  on  Sunday.  Notwithstanding  all 
these  distracting  circumstances,  besides  others  too  minute  to  be  remembered  or 
recorded,  my  letter  to  Governor  Gilmer  was  finished  yesterday  morning,  and 
laid  out  before  me,  forty-one  foolscap  pages  in  length. 

A  letter  requiring  much  care,  to  the  State  Convention,  a  vindication  of  the 
pardoning  power  as  exercised  since  I  came  into  office,  a  review  on  Friday  next,  a 
visit  to  Sing  Sing  Prison,  are  now  before  me.  Besides  these  are  other  duties, 
such  as  ordinarily  fall  upon  me.  It  became  necessary  for  Jennings  to  go  to  Cin 
cinnati  to  see  General  Harrison;  but  it  was  desirable  that  it  should  not  be 
known.  I  did  not  so  write  to  you,  lest  it  might  transpire  through  the  post-office. 
He  will  be  here  in  a  day  or  two.  Mr.  Stanley,  a  member  of  Congress  from 
North  Carolina,  and  his  wife,  spent  two  days  with  me.  I  have  much  to  tell  you 
of  them.  Few  persons,  entire  strangers  to  each  other,  have  so  great  curiosity 
concerning  one  another.  Mr.  Stanley  and  I  had  each  been  assured  that  the  other 
was  his  counterpart  in  person.  For  myself,  I  was  quite  desirous  to  see  how  I 
did  look,  since  my  unfortunate  person  had  brought  me  so  many  ungrateful  atten 
tions,  in  opposition  newspapers  and  speeches.  I  believe  I  will  not  tell  you  now 
what  was  the  conviction  of  the  truth  of  these  disparaging  reflections;  time 
enough  when  we  meet.  My  Virginia  letter  is  finished ;  my  pardon  document 
gone  to  press.  I  breathe  more  freely. 

The  Virginia  letter  was  a  continuation  of  the  correspondence  about 


1840.]  EDWARD  STANLEY.  493 

the  three  colored  men.  Edward  Stanley  was  already  a  prominent 
Whig  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  acquaintance 
thus  commenced  continued  through  life,  and  they  were  destined  to  act 
together  more  than  once  in  times  of  public  danger. 

The  resemblance  which  mutual  acquaintances  remarked  between 
them  was  at  that  period  quite  striking.  Stanley  was  of  about  the  same 
height,  of  rather  slighter  frame,  with  hair  and  features  resembling 
Seward's  more  nearly  than  any  of  his  brothers,  and  quite  as  much  as 
some  of  his  pictures.  This  resemblance  grew  less  marked  in  later 
years,  though  both  had  the  same  genial  manner  and  winning  address, 
and  their  views  on  political  questions  corresponded  more  nearly  than 
was  usual  at  that  day  among  the  Whigs  of  the  North  and  those  of  the 
South. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  year,  both  parties  were  watching  with 
strong  interest  the  progress  of  the  sub-Treasury  bill  in  Congress,  and 
both  anticipating  marked  effects  upon  the  election.  It  had  passed  the 
Senate  in  the  winter  under  the  advocacy  of  Calhoun  and  Benton,  and 
despite  the  opposition  of  Clay  and  Webster.  It  dragged  in  the  House, 
but  was  finally  put  through,  as  Benton  described  it,  by  the  "summary, 
silent,  and  enforcing  process  of  the  previous  question,"  at  the  close 
of  June. 

The  President,  to  give  it  national  significance,  approved  it  on  the 
4th  of  July.  Guns,  drums,  and  bells,  resounded  in  its  honor,  and 
speeches  were  made  in  its  praise  as  the  news  reached  different  cities, 
in  the  fond  belief  that,  the  cure  having  been  found,  Whig  complaints 
of  the  disease  in  the  body  politic  would  be  overcome.  But  it  was  too 
late.  The  patient  no  longer  cared  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  pana 
cea,  and  was  only  solicitous  to  change  the  physicians.  There  was  not 
time  enough  before  the  election  for  the  law  to  demonstrate  its  benefi 
cent  character,  if  such  it  had.  There  was  only  time  enough  for  the 
Whigs  to  inveigh  more  bitterly  than  ever  against  what  they  called  a 
new  "experiment."  Judicious  as  many  of  its  provisions  were,  and 
eager  as  Mr.  Van  Buren's  friends  in  Congress  had  been  to  pass  it,  it  prob 
ably  gave  more  votes  to  his  opponents  than  to  him. 

In  a  political  campaign  the  party  press  seldom  scruples  to  seize  an 
occasion  for  attack,  whether  grounded  in  justice  or  not.  One  of  the 
themes  for  attack  upon  Seward  was  that  he  had  abused  the  pardoning 
power,  by  reckless  bestowal  of  it  upon  the  unworthy  and  criminal  on  the 
score  of  their  political  affiliations,  and  in  order  that  they  might  vote  at 
elections.  The  incidents  already  narrated  show  what  patient  and  labo 
rious  care  he  bestowed  on  every  case  before  a  pardon  left  his  hands. 
Under  his  direction  an  elaborate  summary  was  now  prepared,  stating 
each  instance  in  which  a  pardon  had  been  issued,  and  the  grounds  upon 
which  it  was  granted,  since  he  took  the  oath  of  office.  This  statement 


494  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840, 

showed  that,  although  the  number  of  convicts  had  increased,  he  had 
granted  fewer  pardons  than  any  predecessor  ;  that  Governors  Clinton, 
Yates,  Van  Buren,  Throop,  and  Marcy,  each  averaged  more  than  one, 
two,  or  three  hundred  per  annum,  while  he  had  granted  during  his  first 
year  but  sixty-four,  and  during  the  second  but  seventy-two.  It  showed 
also  that  none  had  been  granted  on  the  mere  application  of  friends,  or 
without  a  careful  examination  of  the  minutes  of  the  testimony  of  the 
case.  It  showed  that  those  which  were  granted  were  usually  recom 
mended  by  the  judges,  juries,  or  prosecuting  officers  who  had  obtained 
the  conviction ;  and  finally  that,  so  far  from  pardoning  them  in  order 
that  they  might  vote,  it  was  an  established  rule  to  withhold  the  rights 
of  citizenship  until  the  pardoned  convict  had  proved,  by  a  year  or 
more  of  good  conduct,  that  he  was  worthy  to  exercise  them. 

Among  the  many  touching  incidents  connected  with  the  exercise  of 
the  pardoning  power  was  the  case  of  Joseph  P.  Cornelius,  of  Newbury- 
port,  Massachusetts.  He  was  in  prison  under  a  conviction  of  grand  lar 
ceny,  upon  his  own  confession.  His  wife's  letter  to  the  Governor  said  : 

It  is  with  feelings  of  pain  that  I  address  your  Excellency,  to  plead  for  one  who 
is  dearer  to  me  than  all  earthly  ties.  It  is  true  that  he  has  violated  the  laws  of  God 
and  man ;  but  still  it  is  not  an  unpardonable  offense.  Your  Excellency  must  be 
aware  of  the  numerous  temptations  there  are  to  young  men  in  the  city  of  New 
York ;  therefore  you  will  not  be  surprised  that  my  husband  has  committed  such 
a  crime.  Last  fall  his  health  was  miserable,  and  what  little  writing  he  could  do 
was  barely  sufficient  to  pay  his  board.  My  situation  at  the  time  was  such  that 
he  knew  I  must  have  money,  or  suffer  for  the  comforts  of  life.  He  knew  that  I 
had  been  brought  up  with  care  and  tenderness,  and  had  never  known  a  want ;  he 
could  not  bear  to  see  me  or  my  children  want  for  anything,  and,  in  an  unguarded 
moment,  yielded  to  the  tempter.  We  are  both  young  and  have  two  children, 
one  of  whom  is  but  three  months  old ;  and  now  that  my  husband  is  confined, 
every  means  of  support  is  cut  off,  and  we  are  left  destitute  and  penniless  and  en 
tirely  dependent  upon  the  kindness  of  his  friends,  for  I  have  neither  father, 
mother,  sister,  nor  brother ;  and,  moreover,  I  have  no  blood  relation  in  the  world 
that  I  am  aware  of,  so  that  I  have  no  one  to  call  upon  for  assistance.  Therefore 
I  beg  and  entreat  you  to  be  merciful,  and  do  all  you  can  to  have  him  pardoned. 
His  disposition  is  such  that  I  have  every  reason  to  think  he  will  never  commit 
such  a  crime  again.  Naturally  industrious,  amiable,  and  affectionate,  he  could 
not  be  happy  to  continue  such  a  course  of  life.  God  grant  that  all  I  have  said  in 

behalf  of  my  husband  may  have  the  desired  effect ! 

MARGARET  CORNELIUS. 

The  Governor  in  his  answer  said  : 

The  affecting  case  you  have  presented  to  me  is  by  no  means  singular.  I  have 
almost  every  day  to  receive  applications  for  pardon  which  I  must  not  grant,  and 
which  it  requires  a  hard  heart  to  deny.  I  am  favorably  impressed  concerning 
your  husband,  by  so  many  evidences  of  his  affectionate  disposition,  and  the  cir 
cumstances  of  destitution  on  your  part,  to  relieve  which  he  committed  his  great 
error.  I  think  I  see  indications  propitious  to  his  reformation,  in  the  sympathy 


1840.]  THE   HARRISON   CAMPAIGN.  495 

your  misfortunes  and  his  have  excited.  I  must  bring  that  sympathy  to  aid  his  ref 
ormation,  and  make  that  aid  a  condition  Of  my  interposition  in  his  behalf. 
Whenever  your  husband's  friends  shall  have  found  some  employment  for  him, 
which  the  Hon.  Mr.  Gushing  shall  certify  to  me  will  in  his  opinion  be  sufficient 
for  the  support  of  your  family  and  may  be  reasonably  expected  to  be  permanent 
if  your  husband  continues  to  conduct  himself  well,  I  will  grant  the  application 
for  pardon. 

It  was  not  long  before  assurances  came,  from  the  gentlemen  at  New- 
buryport  who  were  interested  in  the  case,  that  they  had  found  employ 
ment  for  Cornelius  in  accordance  with  the  Governor's  requirement. 
The  pardon  was  granted,  and  he  returned  to  his  family  and  to  habits 
of  industry  and  usefulness. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

1840. 

The  Presidential  Campaign.— "  Old  Tip."— Mass-Meetings.— Speeches  and  Songs.— The 
Conservatives.— Bishop  Hughes.— The  "Forty-Million  Debt."— The  Glentworth  Ex 
plosion. — Reception  at  Albany. — The  Last  Time  a  Candidate. 

THE  presidential  campaign  was  now  in  full  blast.  It  was  a  memo 
rable  one.  Beginning  immediately  after  the  nomination  of  Harrison 
and  Tyler,  at  Harrisburg,  in  the  preceding  December,  the  popular  en 
thusiasm  had  rapidly  increased.  The  Whig  papers  likened  the  move 
ment,  not  inaptly,  to  the  spread  of  the  "prairie-fires."  The  Whig 
leaders,  of  course,  aided  it  with  all  the  appliances  that  political  skill  or 
experience  could  suggest ;  and  the  Democrats,  as  not  unf requently  hap 
pens  to  those  on  the  unpopular  side  of  a  controversy,  found  their  argu 
ments  and  even  their  ridicule  of  the  Whig  candidate  turned  to  his 
advantage.  Some  one,  alluding  to  pioneer  habits  in  the  West,  had  ad 
vised  that  Harrison  be  given  a  log  cabin  and  plenty  of  hard  cider  to 
drink  ;  implying  that  that  condition  of  life  was  more  befitting  for  him 
than  the  White  House.  It  was  an  unfortunate  sneer  for  the  Democrats, 
for  it  supplied  the  spark  that  only  was  needed  to  kindle  popular  sym 
pathy  into  a  blaze.  The  Whigs  fanned  the  flame.  He  became  the  "  log- 
cabin  candidate."  The  log  cabin  became  the  emblem  of  his  pioneer 
life,  of  his  military  services,  of  his  kindred  feelings  with  the  farmers, 
of  his  unrequited  toil  for  his  country.  A  log  cabin  sprang  up  in  near 
ly  every  city — a  club-house  and  rallying-place  for  Whigs.  Log-cabin 
raisings  and  house-warmings  were  held,  with  music  and  political 
speeches.  Log-cabin  medals  were  struck,  and  passed  from  hand  to 
hand.  Miniature  log  cabins  were  carried  in  processions  and  displayed 


496  LIFE   AND  LETTERS.  [1840. 

on  platforms.  Log-cabin  pictures  were  hung  in  the  bar-rooms  and 
parlors.  Log-cabin  magazines  and  song-books  found  ready  sale.  La 
dies  made  log-cabin  fancy-work  for  fairs,  and  children  had  little  log 
cabins  of  wood,  tin,  and  confectionery.  The  Whig  State  Committee 
got  up  a  campaign  newspaper,  to  be  published  simultaneously  in  New 
York  and  Albany,  and  named  it  the  Log  Cabin,  calling  Horace  Greeley 
to  its  editorial  chair,  and  it  had  a  popularity  equaled  by  no  campaign 
paper  before  or  since.  For  him  it  was  the  stepping-stone  to  fame  and 
fortune  ;  for  the  energy  and  skill  displayed  in  it,  and  its  wide  circula 
tion,  opened  the  way  for  its  successor,  the  Tribune. 

All  the  appliances  and  appurtenances  of  the  log  cabin  came  into 
favor.  There  was  the  barrel  of  hard  cider,  to  stand  by  the  door ;  there 
was  the  coon-skin,  to  be  nailed  by  its  side ;  there  was  the  latch-string, 
to  admit  the  welcome  guest,  and  it  was  remembered  that  Harrison  told 
his  old  soldiers  they  would  never  find  his  door  shut  or  the  latch-string 
pulled  in.  There  was  the  rye-and-Indian  bread  ;  and  there  were  the 
strings  of  dried  apples,  and  pumpkins,  and  bunches  of  corn  and  pep 
pers,  hanging  from  the  roof;  and  there  was  the  broom  at  the  door, 
typical  of  the  purpose  of  the  Whigs  to  make  a  clean  sweep.  Nothing 
was  wanting  to  point  the  contrast  between  "  the  poor  man's  friend " 
and  "  the  rich  man's  candidate,"  but  to  recount,  as  Whig  stump-speak 
ers  did,  with  gusto,  the  items  of  national  expense  for  "  gilt  candelabra, 
porcelain  vases,  satin  chairs,  and  damask  sofas,"  in  "  Van  Buren's 
palace,"  the  White  House  at  Washington. 

But  the  log  cabin  was  not  the  only  ad  captandum  argument  at  the 
service  of  the  Whigs.  Taking  a  lesson -from  their  own  crushing  defeats 
by  the  hero  of  New  Orleans,  they  proceeded  to  hoist  flags,  fire  salutes, 
and  declaim  panegyrics  on  the  "  Hero  of  the  Thames,"  the  "  Defender 
of  Fort  Meigs,"  the  "Victor  of  Tippecanoe."  Tippecanoe,  besides 
being  the  leading  exploit  of  the  military  chieftain,  was  a  good  sonorous 
name  for  the  orators  to  pronounce,  ore  rotundo,  and  clubs  to  sing  in 
swelling  chorus.  For,  by  this  time,  the  irrepressible  enthusiasm  had 
burst  out  in  song  ;  campaign  songs,  campaign  songsters,  glee-clubs,  and 
Harrison  minstrels,  were  now  in  vogue.  Popular  airs  and  national  an 
thems  were  pressed  into  service.  English  and  Scotch  ballads  and  negro 
melodies  were  adapted  to  new  words.  The  familiar  strains  of  the  "  Star- 
Spangled  Banner,"  "Yankee  Doodle,"  the  "Marseillaise  Hymn,"  "  Scots 
wha  hae,"  "Paddy  Carey,"  the  "Bonnets  of  Blue,"  "McGregor's 
Gathering,"  and  "  Old  Rosin  the  Bow,"  resounded  through  halls  and 
streets,  to  the  words  of  political  songs — "  The  Buckeye  Cabin,"  "  The 
Hero  of  the  Thames,"  "  Old  Fort  Meigs,"  "  Tippecanoe  Gathering," 
"Old  Tip,"  and  «  Up  Salt  River." 

But  the  "song  of  songs"  was  .one  which,  having  little  music  in  it, 
everybody  could  sing.  And  nearly  everybody  did.  This  was  : 


1840.]  "TIPPECANOE   AND   TYLER  TOO."  4.97 

"  What  has  caused  this  great  commotion,  motion,  motion, 
Our  country  through  \ 
It  is  the  ball,  a-rolling  on — 

CHORUS. 

"  For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too, 
For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too. 

"  And  with  them  we'll  beat  little  Van, 
Van,  Van — Van  is  a  used-up  man  ; 
And  with  them  we  will  beat  little  Van." 

This  chant  was  hummed  in  parlors  and  kitchens,  sung  by  the  boys 
in  the  streets,  marched  to  in  political  processions,  and  was  the  grand 
finale  of  all  Whig  meetings,  the  whole  audience  shouting  it  through 
their  thousand  throats  with  as  much  fervor  as  French  republicans 
chant  the  "  Marseillaise,"  or  Englishmen  sing  "  God  save  the  Queen." 

The  song  was  capable  of  indefinite  expansion  ;  for  new  verses  could 
be  extemporized  for  each  locality,  or  each  incident  of  the  campaign  ; 

thus  : 

"  Who  shall  we  have  for  our  Governor, 
Governor,  Governor? 
Who,  tell  me  ?    Who  ? 
Let's  have  Bill  Seward,  for  he's  a  team, 
For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,  etc. 

"  Have  you  heard  from  old  Kentuck, 
Tuck,  tuck,  tuck, 
Good  news  and  true  ? 
Seventeen  thousand  is  the  tune, 

For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,  etc." 

Most  presidential  candidates  have  a  nick-name  ;  and  General  Har 
rison,  long  before  the  summer  was  over,  was  universally  known  as 
"  Old  Tip."  There  were  Tippecanoe  banners,  Tippecanoe  clubs,  Tippe 
canoe  meetings.  Steamboats  were  named  after  him  ;  children  chris 
tened  for  him  ;  dogs  were  called  "  Tip  ; "  and  spans  of  horses  were 
"Tip "and  «Ty." 

Political  meetings  took  on  a  new  character.  They  were  no  longer 
forced  assemblages  in  club-rooms,  but  spontaneous  out-door  crowds 
overflowing  with  enthusiasm.  The  journals  which  used  to  descant  with 
pride,  in  large  type,  upon  "  Six  Hundred  Freemen  in  Council,"  now 
found  themselves  chronicling  the  gatherings  of  thousands  with  no  need 
of  exclamation-points.  Whole  counties  were  called  to  assemble  in 
mass-meeting ;  whole  States  were  invited  to  assemble  in  mass-con 
ventions.  Great  meetings  were  held  in  cities,  and  obscure  country 
towns  became  the  gathering-points  for  thousands.  There  was  a  meet 
ing  of  three  thousand  at  Martinsburg,  of  four  thousand  at  Ellicott- 
ville,  of  five  thousand  at  Auburn,  of  six  thousand  at  Jamestown,  of 
seven  thousand  at  Niagara,  of  eight  thousand  at  Fonda,  of  ten  thou 
sand  at  Glens  Falls,  of  ten  thousand  at  Goshen,  of  twenty  thousand  at 
32 


498  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

Utica,  and  of  sixty  thousand  at  Syracuse.  A  grand  Whig  Convention 
of  seventy-five  thousand  at  Bunker  Hill,  with  a  procession  five  miles 
long,  seemed  to  crown  the  series  ;  but  even  this  was  outdone  by  a 
mass-convention  at  Dayton,  in  Harrison's  own  State  of  Ohio,  which  the 
Whigs  claimed  was  "  one  hundred  thousand  strong  !  " 

One  of  the  mass-meetings  which  excited  most  public  interest  was 
the  Whig  Young  Men's  Convention  at  Baltimore,  held  in  May,  at  which 
fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  delegates  were  present  from  the  various 
States  of  the  Union.  Intense  popular  indignation  was  excited  by  the 
murder  of  one  of  the  marshals,  by  a  blow  from  a  ruffian,  as  the  proces 
sion  was  marching  through  the  streets. 

"How  long  is  this  procession?"  asked  a  by-stander,  of  one  of  the 
marshals  of  the  cavalcade  at  Erie,  Pennsylvania. 

"  Indeed,  sir,  I  cannot  tell,"  was  the  reply  ;  "the  other  end  of  it  is 
forming  somewhere  in  the  State  of  New  York." 

Finally,  they  took  to  measuring  the  size  of  meetings  by  the  acre.  At 
Dayton  surveyors  computed  the  throng  by  counting  the  number  of  men 
who  stood  on  a  quarter  of  an  acre,  and  then  a  mathematical  survey  of 
the  whole  ground  covered  gave  them  the  sum  total  of  the  mass.  When 
no  hall  or  church  could  hold  the  meeting,  it  gathered  in  some  grove  or 
in  the  fields,  like  a  mustering  army.  The  most  eloquent  speakers  on  the 
Whig  side  were  called  into  requisition  to  address  these  assemblages,  and 
traveled  from  point  to  point.  Webster  and  Clay,  Crittenden,  Stanley, 
Tallmadge,  Ogden  Hoffman,  Preston,  Southard,  Leigh,  Legare",  Rives, 
Corwin,  Governor  Call,  General  Wilson,  and  a  hundred  of  lesser  note, 
were  on  the  stump.  General  Harrison  himself  made  a  speech  at  the 
Dayton  Convention.  His  clear,  sonorous  voice  was  echoed  by  the  im 
mense  multitude,  swaying  to  and  fro,  like  the  leaves  of  a  forest  in  a 
strong  wind.  "  Are  you  in  favor  of  paper-money  ?  "  they  demanded. 
"  I  am,"  was  the  reply,  and  then  the  shouts  of  applause  were  deafening. 
Between  the  speeches  there  would  be  singing  by  trained  vocalists,  or  a 
grand  chorus  by  the  entire  assemblage.  Covert  and  Dodge,  the  favor 
ite  singers  at  mass-meetings,  became  known  throughout  the  Union. 

Held  by  daylight,  the  meeting  made  a  holiday  for  the  whole  sur 
rounding  region.  Farmers  flocked  in  by  all  the  country  roads,  bring 
ing  their  wives  and  children  as  they  would  to  a  Fourth-of-July  cele 
bration.  Delegations  came  by  rail  and  steamboat  from  the  adjoining 
cities.  The  meetings  took  various  forms  in  different  regions.  They 
were  not  only  meetings,  but  conventions,  clam-bakes,  barbecues,  ex 
cursions,  celebrations  of  historic  anniversaries.  Nothing  attracts  a 
crowd  so  rapidly  as  the  knowledge  that  there  is  a  crowd  already  ;  and 
when  it  was  known  that  there  was  to  be  not  only  a  crowd,  but  music, 
festivity,  flags,  decorations,  and  processions,  eloquence  of  famous  men, 
and  keen  political  humor,  few  could  resist  the  infection. 


1840.]  MOTTOES   AND  PICTURES.  499 

Never  was  there  a  political  campaign  so  abounding  in  pictures. 
Wood-engravers  and  lithographers  were  busy.  There  were  illustrated 
Harrison  papers,  Harrison  almanacs,  and  lives  of  Harrison.  In  one 
picture  he  was  welcoming  his  old  comrades  in  arms  at  the  door  of  his 
log  cabin.  In  another,  he  was  addressing  Bolivar,  the  South  American 
liberator.  In  another,  he  was  driving  his  plough,  as  the  "  farmer  of 
North  Bend."  In  another,  he  was  building  the  stockade  for  the  de 
fense  of  Fort  Meigs.  In  another,  he  was  mounted  on  an  impossible 
horse,  leading  his  army  to  unheard-of  exploits  at  Tippecanoe.  His  por 
trait  not  only  hung  upon  walls,  but  was  borne  in  procession  and  dis 
played  by  flags.  Caricatures  were  at  every  street-corner.  There  was 
the  rooster,  emblematic  of  the  Indiana  elections,  ironically  labeled, 
"  Tell  Chapman  to  crow  !  "  There  was  the  "  ball  "  depicted  as  "  rolling 
on  "  and  over  Van  Buren  and  his  cabinet.  There  was  Benton,  repre 
sented  as  the  man  who  killed  the  goose  that  laid  the  golden  eggs,  in  the 
vain  hope  of  more.  There  was  the  canoe,  with  "  Old  Tip  "  as  an  In 
dian  chief,  paddling  swiftly  to  the  White  House,  whence  Van  Buren 
was  escaping,  as  "  the  flying  Dutchman."  There  was  the  log  cabin 
arranged  as  a  trap  which  had  fallen,  and  the  captured  fox,  with  Van 
Buren's  face  looking  out  of  the  window. 

Flags  and  transparencies  flaunted  mottoes,  proclaiming  principles 
and  purposes,  or  derision  of  opponents,  thus  :  "  Harrison,  Seward,  and 
Better  Times,"  "No  Standing  Army,"  "No  Reduction  of  Wages," 
"  O.  K.  Off  to  Kinderkook,"  "  Van  Buren  and  Eleven  Pence  a  Day, 
or  Harrison  with  Two  Dollars  and  Roast  Beef,"  "Harrison  and  Reform," 
"  One  Presidential  Term,"  "  Where's  the  Promised  Better  Currency  ?" 
"  The  Farmer  of  North  Bend,"  "  Protection  to  American  Industry," 
"  Liberty  in  Log  Cabins  rather  than  Slavery  in  Palaces." 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  Van  Buren  men  tried  to  stem  this  current. 
Their  speakers  were  able  and  eloquent,  but  they  could  draw  no  such 
audiences.  They  called  Harrison  "  an  old  granny,"  styled  the  Whigs 
"  coons  "  and  "  cider-suckers,"  but  all  with  no  avail.  Leading  minds 
among  them  declared,  and  continued  years  afterward  to  believe,  that 
all  this  popular  ferment  was  in  the  nature  of  a  crazy  fanaticism,  stimu 
lated  by  adroit  appeals  to  popular  sympathy.  There  was  some  truth 
in  this  opinion,  yet  it  did  grave  injustice  to  the  common-sense  of  the 
American  people,  and  gave  undue  importance  to  the  power  of  politi 
cians.  The  Whig  popular  demonstrations  bore  the  same  relation  to  the 
underlying  public  feeling  that  the  foam  and  spray  of  Niagara  do  to 
the  deep,  swift,  resistless  undercurrent  which  produces  them.  The 
people  had  grown  tired  of  twelve  years  of  the  dominant  party's  rule. 
They  had  had  "  hard  times,"  derangements  of  currency  and  prices,  fre 
quent  and  ruinous.  They  believed,  whether  justly  or  not,  that  these 
were  the  direct  results  of  experiments  in  finance,  made  by  their  rulers. 


500  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

The  overthrow  of  the  National  Bank,  the  suspension  of  specie  pay 
ments,  the  passage  of  the  sub-Treasury  law,  the  refusal  of  protection 
by  tariff,  the  tampering  with  the  mails,  and  the  denial  of  the  right  of 
petition,  were  all  regarded  with  apprehension  and  alarm,  not  so  much 
because  of  actual  ill-effects  as  because  they  were  proofs  of  the  exist 
ence  of  arbitrary  power  at  Washington,  which,  if  not  checked,  might 
lead  to  still  graver  oppression.  Nothing  could  be  more  acceptable  to 
a  majority  entertaining  such  apprehensions  than  the  nomination  of  a 
candidate  known  to  be  a  patriot,  and  believed  to  be  of  a  condition  in 
life  which  would  make  his  interests  and  sympathies  identical  with  their 
own.  They  dreaded  an  aristocracy  which  might  give  them  a  King 
Stork  ;  they  had  no  fear,  even  if  their  own  candidate  should  turn  out 
to  be  a  King  Log.  It  is  quite  probable  that,  with  a  different  candi 
date,  the  Whigs  would  still  have  carried  the  election  ;  for  the  popular 
mind,  as  the  last  two  years  had  evinced,  was  bent  upon  a  change  of 
rulers.  That  the  results  of  1840  were  not  produced  by  the  arts  of 
politicians,  or  the  infection  of  excitement,  is  sufficiently  shown  by  the 
fact  that  politicians,  with  their  utmost  skill,  have  never  been  able  to 
imitate  them,  even  in  times  of  greater  excitement,  since.  To  this  day, 
the  highest  praise  that  a  party  newspaper  can  bestow  upon  a  great 
meeting  is,  that  it  was  like  the  old  scenes  of  "  the  Harrison  campaign 
in  1840." 

Among  the  humorous  light  literature  of  the  campaign  were  the  let 
ters  over  the  nom  de  plume  of  "  Major  Jack  Downing."  Improving  on 
the  themes  of  the  log  cabin,  the  major  wrote  a  series  of  letters  from 
the  cabin  itself  at  North  Bend,  describing  his  visit  to  "  the  Gineral," 
and  his  talks  with  him  on  politics,  farming,  and  finance.  As  early  as 
April,  he  announced :  "  The  Ohio  has  riz — and  so  has  the  whole  West 
ern  Resarve — one  by  hard  rain,  and  t'other  by  hard  cider." 

Every  two  or  three  days,  as  the  campaign  went  on,  the  newspapers 
would  announce  that  some  prominent  Democrat  had  left  his  party,  and 
avowed  himself  for  Harrison.  Each  renunciation  stimulated  fresh 
ones,  and,  as  it  drew  near  November,  they  came  thick  and  fast. 

The  Whig  State  Convention  met  at  Utica  on  the  12th  of  August, 
and,  like  other  gatherings  of  this  extraordinary  campaign,  it  was  made 
the  occasion  of  a  mass-meeting.  Instead  of  the  few  hundred  people 
who  usually  assemble  on  such  occasions,  Utica  was  thronged  with 
twenty-five  thousand.  There  were,  of  course,  processions,  miles  in 
length,  speeches,  music,  banners,  paintings,  log  cabins,  schooners,  balls 
rolling  on,  and  all  the  other  devices  of  the  canvass.  The  business- 
meeting  of  the  convention  proper,  instead  of  an  assemblage  for  debates 
and  votes,  was  rather  an  enthusiastic  ratification  of  conclusions  already 
arrived  at.  Peter  R.  Livingston  was  made  its  presiding  officer.  Gov 
ernor  Seward  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Bradish  were  unanimously  re- 


1840.]  THE   CONTEST  FOR  GOVERNOR. 

nominated  by  acclamation.  A  Harrison  electoral  ticket  was  agreed 
upon  without  a  dissenting  voice,  headed  by  James  Burt,  one  of  the  sur 
viving  electors  of  Jefferson  in  1800,  and  General  Peter  B.  Porter,  who 
fought  at  Chippewa  in  1812.  Resolutions  and  an  address  were 
adopted,  a  State  Central  Committee  named  with  the  same  unanimity 
and  celerity,  and  the  convention,  which  had  met  on  Wednesday  morn 
ing,  accomplished  its  business,  and  adjourned  before  Thursday  noon. 
The  address  was  presented  and  read  by  the  Governor's  neighbor,  Chris 
topher  Morgan. 

The  Central  Committee  was  composed  of  Lewis  Benedict,  John 
Townsend,  Sandford  Cobb,  James  Horner,  Samuel  Stevens,  Robert 
Thompson,  and  John  Taylor.  Among  the  delegates  were  Joel  B.  Nott, 
John  L.  Schoolcraft,  John  A.  Collier,  R.  P.  Johnson,  Francis  H.  Rug- 
gles,  B.  F.  Rexford,  Isaac  C.  Platt,  William  N.  Tobey,  Erastus  Root, 
George  A.  Simmons,  David  A.  Bockee,  Lewis  Averill,  E.  Minturn,  M. 
O.  Roberts,  Francis  Hall,  E.  W.  Leavenworth,  Alvah  Worden,  Phineas 
Rumsey,  William  C.  Hasbrouck,  Charles  H.  Carroll,  John  Whiting, 
John  L.  Overbaugh,  John  R.  Thurman,  and  Henry  B.  Northrup. 

The  Democratic  State  Convention  met  at  Syracuse,  and  nominated 
— for  Governor,  William  C.  Bouck  ;  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  Daniel 
S.  Dickinson,  and  a  Van  Buren  electoral  ticket,  headed  by  Samuel 
Young  and  George  P.  Barker.  The  Democratic  nomination  for  Gov 
ernor  was  a  strong  one  in  one  respect.  Mr.  Bouck  had  been  a  Canal 
Commissioner,  a  zealous,  faithful,  and  prudent  one.  He  had  been  re 
moved  purely  on  political  grounds,  to  make  way  for  a  Whig  successor. 
The  Democrats  claimed  support  for  him  now  as  an  acknowledgment 
due  to  a  faithful  public  servant,  who  had  been  unjustly  treated.  Fur 
thermore,  he  could  hardly  be  accused  by  the  Whigs  of  hostility  to  in 
ternal  improvements,  since  he  had  advocated  and  aided  their  comple 
tion,  and  he  was  commended  to  Democratic  indorsement  as  one  whose 
scrupulous  economy  and  exact  accounts  proved  him  to  be  trustworthy. 

Seward  had,  therefore,  in  him  a  more  formidable  competitor  for  the 
vote  of  the  State  than  General  Harrison  had  in  Mr.  Van  Buren.  But 
there  were  other  and  still  more  potent  causes  for  opposition  to  Seward's 
reelection.  His  recommendations  in  regard  to  law  reform  had  excited 
hostility  on  the  part  of  a  profession  that  in  every  election  is  an  influ 
ential  one.  His  distribution  of  patronage,  like  that  of  every  Executive 
who,  while  appointing  one  disappoints  ten,  had  raised  up  opposers. 
The  most  effective  weapon,  however,  against  him  was  the  misrepresen 
tation  of  his  views  on  the  public-school  question.  This  was  a  two- 
edged  sword  :  Protestants  were  urged  to  vote  against  him  because  he 
was  giving  undue  privileges  to  Catholics,  and  Catholics  were  urged  to 
vote  against  the  Whig  party  because  it  could  not  be  relied  upon  to 
carry  out  his  recommendations.  The  recommendation  in  regard  to 


502  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

schools  had  been  made  after  conference  with  Protestant  divines,  and 
with  their  concurrence.  Though  subsequently  charged  to  have  been 
adopted  under  Catholic  influence,  no  Catholic  had  ever  seen  it,  or  been 
consulted  in  regard  to  it.  That  it  would  bring  into  the  school-houses 
of  the  State  children  otherwise  doomed  to  grow  up  in  ignorance  in  the 
streets,  was  its  chief  motive.  If  Dr.  Nott  and  Dr.  Luckey  had,  in  ad 
dition  to  this  motive,  any  bias  of  sectarian  feeling,  it  was  the  hope  and 
belief  that  education  in  the  public  schools  would  be  more  likely  to  con 
vert  Catholic  children  to  Protestantism  than  to  lead  any  Protestant 
child  to  Catholicism. 

The  attacks  upon  the  Governor  not  unnaturally  attracted  the  atten 
tion  of  Bishop  Hughes,  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Warmly  condemning 
their  injustice,  he  sent  word  to  the  Governor,  through  a  mutual  friend, 
that  he  should  be  glad  to  visit  and  converse  with  him.  Seward  an 
swered  that  he  should  have  great  pleasure  in  conversing  with  the  bishop 
on  the  subject,  and  would  hear  his  views  with  respect,  and  communi 
cate  his  own  opinions  with  frankness,  "  on  a  subject  which  ought  to 
excite  not  only  a  patriotic  zeal  but  Christian  philanthropy."  Soon 
afterward  the  bishop  came  to  Albany,  and  called  upon  the  Governor. 
He  was  at  this  time  a  fine-looking,  well-proportioned  man,  with  round 
head,  blue  eyes,  high  forehead,  delicately-cut  features,  with  the  smooth 
face  and  close-cut  hair  of  his  order.  The  acquaintance  thus  began  was 
continued  during  subsequent  years. 

There  were,  as  there  always  are,  friends  who  would  have  had  Sew 
ard  explain  away,  withdraw,  or  recant  the  unpopular  doctrine  by  some 
public  avowal,  in  order  to  save  his  election.  To  all  such  his  answer  was 
firm  and  decided.  He  believed  the  principle  to  be  right  ;  and  not  less 
so  because  it  was  unpopular  for  the  moment.  He  should  adhere  to  it, 
let  the  election  go  which  way  it  might.  Perhaps  an  extract  or  two 
from  his  correspondence  on  the  subject  will  serve  to  illustrate  this 
feeling. 

In  a  private  letter  to  Major  Mordecai  M.  Noah  he  wrote  : 

I  early  learned  the  injury  the  State  was  suffering  from  the  failure  of  our 
public  schools  to  educate  a  large  portion  of  the  children  of  foreigners  in  our 
cities,  and  upon  the  public  works.  I  discovered  also,  as  I  thought,  that  the  fail 
ure  arose  from  a  want  of  harmony  and  sympathy  between  native  and  voluntary 
citizens.  I  have  believed  no  system  of  education  could  answer  the  ends  of  a 
republic  but  one  which  secures  the  education  of  all.  I  ventured  to  promise 
myself  that  one  of  the  chief  benefits  I  might  render  the  State  was,  to  turn  the 
footsteps  of  the  children  of  the  poor  foreigners  from  the  way  that  led  to  the 
House  of  Refuge  and  the  State-prison,  into  the  same  path  of  moral  and  intel 
lectual  cultivation  made  so  smooth  and  plain  for  our  own  children.  My  first 
message  to  the  Legislature  contained  a  suggestion  for  that  purpose,  and  in  my 
last  the  subject  was  asserted  more  distinctly.  If  there  was  one  policy  in  which 
J  supposed  all  republican  and  Christian  citizens  would  concur  it  was  this.  I 


1840.1  THE  FORTY-MILLION   DEBT. 


503 


found,  however,  to  my  surprise,  that  the  proposition  encountered  unkind  recep 
tion.  A  press,  that  should  have  seconded  it,  perverted  my  language  and  assailed 
my  motives.  My  surprise  was  followed  by  deep  mortification  when  I  found 
that  a  considerable  portion  of  the  press  of  the  political  party  to  which  I  belonged 
adopted  the  same  perversion,  and  condemned  the  policy  recommended.  Never 
theless,  1  am  not  discouraged  by  all  this.  I  am  only  determined  the  more  con 
clusively  to  discharge  the  responsibility  resting  upon  me,  of  doing  what  may  be 
in  my  power  to  render  our  system  of  education  as  comprehensive  as  the  inter 
ests  involved,  and  to  provide  for  the  support  of  the  glorious  superstructure  of 
universal  suffrage — the  basis  of  universal  education.  This,  I  know,  can  be  done 
without  injustice  or  inequality ;  but  the  details  of  the  improvement  must  neces 
sarily  be  a  subject  of  careful  consideration.  .  .  . 

The  "Conservatives,"  who  had  rendered  the  Whigs  useful  help 
during  the  past  three  years,  still  maintained  their  distinctive  organiza 
tion.  They  called  a  convention  to  meet  at  Auburn  on  the  1st  of  Octo 
ber.  William  C.  Rives,  of  Virginia,  and  Hugh  L.  Legare",  of  South 
Carolina,  came  up  to  attend  it,  stopping  on  the  way  at  Albany  to 
breakfast  with  Governor  Seward,  and  to  confer  with  him  in  regard  to 
the  issues  of  the  campaign.  The  breakfast  was  a  pleasant  and  satis 
factory  gathering,  as  was  the  convention  itself  on  the  ensuing  day  at 
Auburn.  It  was  well  attended,  presided  over  by  General  Pierre  Van 
Cortlandt,  addressed  by  Messrs.  Tallmadge,  Rives,  Legare",  and  others, 
and  it  indorsed  all  the  nominations  previously  made  by  the  Whigs  at 
Utica. 

Seward,  in  accordance  with  what  he  deemed  the  proper  rule  of 
action  for  a  chief  magistrate,  remained  at  his  official  post  at  Albany  in 
the  discharge  of  its  duties,  and  declined  to  attend  the  popular  meetings ; 
though,  in  response  to  numerous  letters  of  invitation,  he  gave  them  his 
hearty  concurrence  and  support,  to  displace  "  an  Administration  that 
substitutes  experiment  for  experience." 

Log  cabins,  ingeniously  made  of  various  materials,  were  sent  to 
the  Governor  by  ardent  Whigs.  A  committee,  headed  by  J.  C.  Derby, 
greeted  him  with  one  on  his  arrival  at  Auburn  just  before  election. 

This  curious  and  pretty  relic  of  by-gone  politics  is  still  standing, 
with  "  the  latch-string  out,"  in  the  old  house  at  Auburn.  It  is  a 
miniature  cabin,  two  feet  long,  thickly  incrusted  with  crystals  deposit 
ed  upon  it  by  some  chemical  process,  so  that  it  glittered  and  sparkled 
like  a  cabinet  of  jewels.  Time  has  crumbled  away  the  crystals,  and 
the  rude  logs  assert  themselves. 

Napoleon  used  to  say  that  the  French  were  the  only  nation  that 
went  to  war  for  an  idea  ;  but  the  Americans,  in  their  political  con 
tests,  sometimes  even  join  issue  upon  ideas  having  no  foundation  in 
fact.  One  of  these  phantasms  was  the  "  forty -million  debt,"  which 
during  the  campaign  of  1840  was  assailed  by  the  Democrats  and  de 
fended  by  the  Whigs  as  if  it  were  a  real  entity.  There  was  no  such 


504:  LIFE  AND   LETTERS. 

debt  ;  there  never  had  been  any  such  debt  ;  there  never  was  to  be  any 
such  debt.  Nobody  had  recommended  the  creation  of  any  such  debt. 
But  it  was  declared  that  there  would  be  such  a  debt  if  the  Whigs 
were  left  in  power. 

Partisans  in  an  active  canvass  lose  no  opportunity  to  secure  votes, 
and  convicts  are  equally  watchful  for  chances  of  pardon.  A  curious 
illustration  of  both  these  points  was  the  fact  that,  in  the  heat  of  the 
Harrison  campaign,  shoals  of  applications  poured  in  upon  the  Govern 
or  for  the  restoration  of  pardoned  criminals  to  the  rights  of  citizen 
ship,  the  inference  being  implied,  though  not  expressed,  that  they 
would  vote  the  Whig  ticket.  These  projects  the  Governor  nipped  in 
the  bud,  by  declining  to  consider  the  questions  until  after  election. 

All  eyes  were  now  turned  toward  the  elections  in  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  and  Indiana,  which  were  regarded  as  foreshadowing  the  general 
result  in  November.  The  returns,  when  they  came  in,  were  full  of 
auspicious  promise  for  the  Whigs.  Ohio  had  been  carried  by  a  large 
majority  ;  Indiana  seemed  to  have  followed  in  the  same  direction.  The 
strength  of  the  Jackson  and  Van  Buren  men,  in  Pennsylvania,  was 
evidently  so  reduced  as  to  leave  the  result  there  in  doubt,  with  a  cer 
tainty  that,  if  there  was  a  Democratic  majority  on  the  local  ticket,  it 
was  exceedingly  small,  indicative  of  a  probability  of  a  Whig  one  at 
the  presidential  election. 

Toward  the  close  of  October,  while  Seward  was  making  a  visit  to 
Chautauqua,  came  the  explosion  of  a  political  mine,  of  which  the 
train  had  been  ingeniously  laid,  and  which  was  expected  to  seriously 
damage  the  Whigs  in  the  election.  Some  politicians  in  New  York 
arrested  Glentworth,  the  tobacco  inspector,  brought  him  before 
the  recorder  and  Justice  Matsell,  on  a  charge  of  having  been  an 
emissary  to  Philadelphia,  in  October,  1838,  to  procure  illegal  voters 
to  help  elect  Governor  Seward.  It  was  alleged  that  he  had  been 
employed  in  this  nefarious  scheme  by  Moses  H.  Grinnell,  R.  M. 
Blatchford,  Simeon  Draper,  James  Bowen,  and  R.  C.  Wetmore,  leading 
Whig  managers  ;  and  it  was  claimed  that  by  these  means  Governor 
Seward  had  been  elected,  and  had  rewarded  Glentworth  with  the  to 
bacco  inspectorship.  The  city  rung  with  this  astounding  story.  The 
press  teemed  with  editorials,  affidavits,  letters,  proofs,  and  denials. 
Handbills  were  struck  off,  and  sent  far  and  near,  representing  that 
Governor  Seward  had  been  arrested  ;  that  some  of  his  friends  had  fled 
from  justice,  and  others  were  in  the  hands  of  the  courts.  Doubtless 
the  tale  was  largely  believed  by  Democrats,  and  even  those  who  did 
not  fully  believe  thought  it  would  aid  them  in  the  election.  The 
Whigs,  though  disbelieving,  had  serious  apprehensions  that  such  would 
be  its  result.  Both  were  mistaken,  for  the  public  mind,  even  at  that 
day,  had  learned  to  be  incredulous  of  charges  against  candidates  made 


1840.]  THE   GLENTWORTH   CASE.  505 

just  before  election.  When,  afterward,  the  evidence  came  to  be  sifted, 
there  was  enough  to  show  it  was  at  least  plausible.  Glentworth  had 
been  sent  to  Philadelphia  in  1838,  by  the  gentlemen  named,  as  they 
testified,  to  watch  and  check  apprehended  efforts  to  import  illegal 
voters  to  New  York.  Whether  he  was  tempted,  by  the  insight  thus 
gained  into  such  frauds,  and  by  the  facility  with  which  they  could  be 
executed,  is  not  clear ;  but,  at  any  rate,  his  Whig  employers  became 
alarmed,  on  the  last  day  of  October,  by  the  suspicion  that  he  was  em 
barking  in  some  enterprise  similar  to  that  which  he  was  to  check.  They 
had  at  once  disavowed  and  denounced  any  such  project,  and  ordered 
him  to  abandon  it.  The  correspondence  of  October,  1838,  was  pro 
duced,  and  the  evidence  before  the  recorder  attested  the  truth  of  the 
indignant  denials  of  these  gentlemen  of  any  complicity  in  such  frauds. 
No  frauds,  in  fact,  had  been  committed  ;  and  if  any  had  been  contem 
plated,  on  either  side,  Grinnell,  Blatchford,  Bowen,  Draper,  and  Wet- 
more,  had  frustrated  them.  A  revulsion  of  popular  feeling  took  place 
in  their  favor,  and  a  procession  of  fifteen  thousand  people  marched  to 
Grinnell's  house,  and  tendered  him  a  nomination  to  Congress. 

The  extraordinary  proceeding  culminated  when  Glentworth  made 
affidavit  that  Democratic  managers  had  persuaded  and  bribed  him,  by 
offers  of  money  and  of  the  consulate  at  Havre,  if  he  would  make  state 
ments  implicating  Governor  Seward  and  his  leading  friends  in  New 
York  "  in  a  charge  of  having  countenanced  frauds  at  the  election  in 
New  York  City,  in  the  year  1838." 

Seward,  to  whom  the  whole  story  was  a  surprise,  read  it  first  in  the 
papers  while  on  his  western  trip.  By  the  time  he  returned  to  Albany, 
the  storm  had  not  only  broken,  but  cleared  away  ;  and  he  learned  for 
the  first  time  from  his  New  York  friends  of  Glentworth's  mission  to 
Philadelphia  in  1838,  and  of  the  part  they  had  had  in  it. 

On  his  return  from  Westfield,  traveling  rapidly  and  unostentatiously, 
public  demonstrations  were  as  much  as  possible  avoided,  though  he 
was  everywhere  received  and  greeted  by  friends  who  were  busily 
engaged  in  the  work  of  the  canvass,  and  had  already  begun  to  enter 
tain  expectations  of  victory.  He  paused  a  day  at  Rochester,  where  a 
review  in  the  afternoon  was  followed  by  a  meeting  and  speech  in  the 
evening.  He  reached  Albany,  as  he  had  purposed  to  do,  on  the  night 
before  election.  A  committee  waited  upon  him  in  behalf  of  a  meeting 
of  the  citizens  to  bid  him  welcome.  Jared  L.  Rathbone  was  president, 
and  among  the  vice-presidents  were  Robert  Hunter,  John  Taylor,  Clark 
Durant,  George  R.  Payne,  James  Gould,  John  White,  and  Jacob  Lan 
sing  ;  and  among  the  secretaries,  Joseph  Davis  and  Robert  S.  Cush- 
man.  He  answered  them  at  some  length,  saying  : 

It  is  a  sublime  spectacle  to  see  a  nation  of  twenty  millions  of  free  people  in 
telligently  and  intently  engaged  in  reviewing  the  policy  and  conduct  of  those 


506  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

who  administer  their  government,  and  rendering  that  solemn  judgment  in  which 
all  are  bound  to  acquiesce. 

On  such  an  occasion  it  must  be  expected,  and  it  is  right,  that  the  severest 
scrutiny  into  the  conduct  of  public  men  should  be  exercised,  and  the  broadest 
latitude  of  examination  be  demanded. 

I  rejoice  in  assurances  from  all  quarters  of  the  Union  that  the  distinguished 
citizen  of  Ohio  who  is  our  candidate  for  the  presidency  is  passing  safely  through 
the  canvass,  and  that  a  grateful  people  have  vindicated  his  well-earned  fame. 
The  nation  will,  I  trust,  now  enjoy  a  season  of  repose  and  prosperity.  .  .  .  For 
myself,  I  have  not  desired  to  avoid  scrutiny  or  circumscribe  examination. 

He  then  proceeded  to  review  the  leading  questions  of  that  period, 
the  measures  which  had  been  proposed  or  carried  out,  the  difficulties 
encountered,  and  the  progress  made  in  regard  to  each.  In  conclusion, 
he  said  : 

I  am  well  aware  that,  amid  these  and  other  difficulties,  I  have  erred  often 
from  defect  of  judgment,  but  I  have  erred  often,  also,  by  reason  of  wrong  infor 
mation,  for  truth  is  not  always  swift  to  enter  the  Executive  chamber.  When 
the  excitement  and  the  interests  of  the  present  time  pass  away,  it  may  perhaps 
be  allowed  that  I  have  sometimes  been  thought  wrong  by  those  who  received 
their  impressions  through  misrepresentation.  Nevertheless,  I  have  been  sus 
tained  by  the  reflection  that  I  have  been  conscious  of  no  motive  calculated  to 
sway  me  from  equal  and  exact  justice.  .  .  . 

And  I  have  been  cheered  by  the  hope  that,  when  the  annalist  of  our  State 
shall  write  the  history  of  its  roads  and  canals,  its  schools  and  its  charities,  and 
its  benign  legislation,  it  may  at  least  be  allowed  to  me  that  I  endeavored  to 
act  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  the  age. 

Election-day  passed  off  quietly.  The  next  morning,  the  meagre 
returns  from  the  vicinity  of  Albany,  the  river  counties,  and  the  city  of 
New  York,  were  not  reassuring.  Dutchess  and  some  other  counties 
had  failed  to  come  up  to  the  Whig  expectations  ;  but,  as  the  day  wore 
on,  and  returns  began  to  come  in  from  the  north  and  west,  the  pros 
pect  brightened.  A  day  or  two  later  success  had  become  a  certainty  ; 
and  the  "  Unionists,"  as  the  Whig  association  in  Albany  was  called, 
turned  out  en  masse  to  greet  Governor  Seward,  and  march  around  his 
house  in  a  torch-light  procession  with  cheers,  bonfires,  fireworks,  and 
transparencies,  congratulating  him  on  his  reelection,  and  proclaiming 
that  the  Empire  State  was  safe  "  for  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too." 

Then  came  the  reports  from  other  States,  which  soon  put  Harrison's 
election  beyond  doubt.  He  had  carried  seventeen  States,  which  would 
give  him  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  electoral  votes,  to  sixty  for  Van 
Buren.  New  York  had  been  carried  for  him  by  thirteen  thousand  ma-, 
jority.  Seward,  having  been  made  the  special  point  of  attack  by  the 
opposing  party,  who  had  hoped  to  secure  the  State,  even  if  they  could 
not  stem  the  tide  of  national  enthusiasm,  was  reflected,  but  by  a  dimin 
ished  majority  of  between  five  and  six  thousand. 


1840.]  WHIGS   AND   THE   FOREIGN   VOTE.  507 

In  regard  to  the  Legislature,  the  Democrats  were  more  successful, 
having  gained  enough  members  of  Assembly  to  reduce  the  Whig 
strength  to  a  bare  majority  of  four.  Of  the  eight  new  Senators  elected 
this  year,  four  were  Whigs,  and  four  Democrats.  So  the  Whigs 
retained  their  control  of  that  House.  Of  the  members  of  Congress 
elected,  twenty-one  were  Democrats  and  nineteen  Whigs — a  Demo 
cratic  majority  of  two. 

After  eyery  election  comes  the  discussion  of  the  causes  which  led 
to  its  results.  The  echo  of  the  enthusiastic  outburst  of  Whig  rejoicing 
had  hardly  died  away  before  there  began  to  be  expressions  of  disap 
pointment  that,  riding,  as  they  had  been,  on  the  topmost  wave  of  popu 
lar  enthusiasm,  they  had  not  achieved  a  greater  triumph  in  the  State. 
The  grounds  of  the  special  opposition  to  Governor  Seward  were  again 
freely  canvassed.  His  avowed  antislavery  opinions,  and  his  sympathy 
with  foreigners,  were  charged  with  having  been  the  cause  of  the  mis 
chief.  It  was  said  that  if  he  had  avoided  the  Virginia  controversy,  and 
had  not  encouraged  "  abolition  "  legislation,  and  had  not  made  his  rec 
ommendations  about  the  schools,  he  would  have  had  double  the  majority. 
"  Depend  upon  it,"  political  wiseacres  said,  u  the  Whig  party  will  never 
get  along  until  it  cuts  loose  from  all  connection  with  the  niggers  and 
the  Irish."  So  far  as  the  "  abolitionists  "  were  concerned,  this  view  of 
the  case  did  them  injustice.  They  had  given  twenty-five  hundred  votes 
to  Birney  and  Gerrit  Smith,  but  the  growing  antislavery  sentiment  act 
ually  had  a  much  larger  following ;  and  at  least  one-half  of  the  avowed 
antislavery  men  had  voted  the  Whig  ticket,  because  they  believed  the 
Whig  party,  on  the  whole,  more  opposed  to  slavery  than  the  other. 
The  law-reforms,  which  also  cost  Seward  so  many  votes,  were  subse 
quently  engrafted  on  the  statute-book  and  in  the  constitution,  and  his 
views  in  regard  to  slavery  are  now  universal. 

In  his  acknowledgments  of  numerous  letters  from  friends,  whether 
of  congratulation  or  upbraiding,  Seward's  replies  had  but  one  tone. 
Writing  to  Colonel  C.  D.  Barton,  of  Keeseville,  he  said : 

The  victory  in  its  general  results  is  all  that  was  ever  hoped ;  in  its  details,  we 
have  succeeded  as  well  as  it  was  reasonable  to  expect.  For  myself,  I  am  abun 
dantly  satisfied  with  the  measure  of  public  approbation  awarded  to  me.  It  is 
perhaps  more  than  I  have  deserved.  Besides,  it  is  quite  unimportant  to  the 
public  welfare  whether  that  measure  is  full  or  scanty. 

To  Benjamin  Silliman,  a  warm-hearted  and  earnest  friend,  who,  deem 
ing  the  adopted  citizens  ungrateful  toward  Seward,  spoke  of  a  policy 
of  opposition  to  them,  he  replied  : 

The  adopted  citizens,  en  masse,  have  long  been  opposed  to  the  party  to  which 
I  belong.  They  owed  me  no  fidelity.  True,  I  am,  or  mean  to  be,  just  to  them. 
But  I  am  the  representative  of  a  party  that  is  unwilling  to  be  so.  They  voted 


508  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

against  me,  as  such  representative,  deceived  and  misled  as  they  were  by  Amer 
icans  in  both  parties,  representing  me  insincere  and  deceitful.  .  .  . 

Remarking  that  the  world  is  apt  to  judge  wrongly  the  day  after  an 
election  which  does  not  go  to  their  mind,  he  concluded  : 

And  here  we  will  drop  the  whole  matter — at  least  I  will,  for  I  do  not  desire 
to  inhibit  you.  I  like  so  well  to  hear  from  you  that  I  would  rather  read  your 
wayward  reflections  upon  Jesuitism  than  endure  your  silence.  God  bless  you, 
whether  you  are  Whig  or  Native  American  I 

So  closes  the  record  of  Seward's  share  in  the  election  of  1840,  the 
last  election  in  which  he  was  ever  a  candidate  at  the  polls.  His  national 
reputation  had  hardly  yet  begun,  and  he  was  destined  for  years  to  come 
to  be  a  leader  of  national  opinion,  and  an  actor  in  public  events  with  a 
following  of  millions,  who  voted  in  accordance  with  his  counsels.  But 
not  one  man  of  those  millions,  at  any  popular  election,  was  ever  to 
have  on  his  ballot  the  name  of  William  H.  Seward. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

1840. 

Rush  for  Federal  Appointments. — Whig  Jubilations. — Antislavery  Party. — Virginia  Con 
troversy  continued. — Thanksgiving. — Murder  Cases. — The  Electoral  College. 

ALMOST  before  the  printer's  ink  was  dry  that  announced  the  elec 
tion  of  General  Harrison,  applicants  for  Federal  offices  were  preparing 
their  papers,  and  canvassing  the  chances  for  obtaining  the  coveted 
places.  Writing  on  this  subject  to  Seth  C.  Hawley,  Seward  said  : 

Yon  very  rightly  suppose  that  there  will  be  an  humiliating  spectacle  exhib 
ited  in  the  multitudinous  and  eager  applications  for  Executive  patronage  at 
Washington.  My  own  experience  teaches  me  that  the  part  to  be  performed  in 
the  exhibition  by  citizens  of  this  State  will  not  be  the  least  active.  The  Presi 
dent  will  need  disinterested  support  through  the  fiery  trial.  .  .  .  Behold,  then, 
my  course,  not  only  until  after  the  Legislature  meets,  but  throughout.  It  is 
neither  to  look  to  the  General  Government  for  anything,  nor  to  receive  from  it 
anything — absolutely  to  refrain  from  interfering  in  any  way  with  the  dispensa 
tion  of  Federal  patronage,  and  with  the  competition  of  my  fellow-citizens  for  it, 
throughout  General  Harrison's  term. 

A  confiding  support  of  the  Whig  Executive  of  the  Union  in  his  measures 
and  policy,  sustaining  them  with  zeal  and  what  ability  I  possess,  allaying  dis 
contents  and  soothing  disappointments  when  they  occur,  as  my  own  experience 
teaches  me  they  must,  and  finally  exerting  my  best  efforts  in  cooperation  with 
his  and  all  others,  to  render  the  triumph  of  Whig  principles  beneficial  to  the 
country. 


1840.]  AFTER   ELECTION.  509 

The  official  returns  showed  that  Mr.  Grinnell,  after  the  Glentworth 
excitement,  ran  ahead  of  the  rest  of  the  ticket — "  the  only  instance," 
said  a  Whig  journal,  "  we  can  find,  in  the  Union,  where  a  local  candi 
date  has  outstripped  Old  Tip." 

Shortly  there  was  a  new  phase  in  the  Glentworth  case.  The 
grand-jury  in  New  York,  who  had  been  examining  the  witnesses, 
found  no  ground  for  indictment,  but  rather  unexpectedly  turned  upon 
the  recorder.  He  had  charged  them  "  deliberately  to  inquire,  and  true 
presentment  make  ; "  and  they  presented  his  own  proceedings,  in  the 
search  and  newspaper  publications,  as  u  making  him  a  party  to  any 
illegality  that  may  have  taken  place." 

During  the  preceding  year  dissensions  had  broken  out  among  anti- 
slavery  men  in  New  England,  on  questions  of  organization  and  meth 
ods  of  action.  Those  in  New  York  had  urged  the  formation  of  a  dis 
tinctive  political  party.  Myron  Holley  and  Alvan  Stewart  were  active 
in  this  movement,  which  led  to  founding  the  Liberty  party,  and  call 
ing  a  National  Antislavery  Convention  at  Albany  on  April  1,  1840, 
which  nominated  for  President  James  G.  Birney.  Born  in  Kentucky, 
a  slaveholder,  he  had  manumitted  his  slaves  and  given  up  his  home 
for  the  cause.  Thomas  Earll,  a  descendant  of  the  Massachusetts 
Quakers,  an  editor  in  Pennsylvania,  was  the  candidate  for  Vice-Presi 
dent.  The  candidates  were  personally  unobjectionable ;  but  the  dis 
cord  among  antislavery  men,  the  manifest  impossibility  of  success, 
and  the  conviction  that  to  throw  their  votes  away  on  Birney  was  but 
to  aid  the  election  of  Van  Buren,  led  the  great  mass  of  antislavery 
men  throughout  the  Union  to  cast  their  votes  for  General  Harrison. 
The  Liberty  party  ticket,  therefore,  received  but  seven  thousand  votes 
in  all  the  States. 

The  month  of  November  was  one  of  Whig  jubilation.  As  fresh 
returns  came  in,  they  were  made  fresh  subjects  of  rejoicing.  The 
column  of  figures  showing  the  electoral  votes  that  Harrison  was  to  re 
ceive  was  styled  "Reports  from  Old  Tip's  Keepers."  The  counties 
west  of  Cayuga  Bridge  were  found  to  have  surpassed  their  former 
majorities.  Erie  gave  three  thousand,  Chautauqua  twenty-six  hun 
dred,  Genesee  thirty-three  hundred.  Very  few  days  sufficed  to  show 
that  Harrison  was  elected  ;  but  the  respective  majorities  given  him  by 
the  several  States  became  a  subject  of  fresh  interest.  Vermont  am} 
Kentucky  each  laid  claims  to  be  "the  banner  State,"  and  to  have 
given  the  largest  majority  in  proportion  to  the  popular  vote.  The 
"  banner  "  was  finally  awarded  to  Kentucky  on  her  twenty -five  thou 
sand  majority.  Pennsylvania  was  in  doubt  for  a  fortnight,  the  vote 
being  so  close,  but  finally  the  official  returns  showed  a  Harrison  major^ 
ity  of  three  hundred. 

Usually  the  excitement  of  an  election  dies  away  when  the  bonfires 


510  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

smoulder  out  on  the  night  after  the  victory  ;  but  this  year  the  "  great 
commotion  "  could  not  subside  so  easily.  The  log  cabins  continued  to 
be  dressed  with  flags,  the  cannons  to  peal  salutes,  the  processions  to 
march,  and  the  songs  to  resound,  long  after  the  flag  on  the  hickory- 
pole  in  front  of  Tammany  Hall  had  been  hauled  down.  Fresh  melo 
dies  were  penned  :  "  Up  Salt  River,"  "  Farewell,  farewell  to  Thee, 
Governor  Morton,"  "  Who  killed  Little  Matty  ?  Who  saw  him  die  ?  " 
etc.  ;  and  the  glee-clubs  of  Albany  gave  concerts  at  Stanwix  Hall,  of 
which  the  proceeds  were  devoted  to  the  Orphan  Asylum  and  other 
charities  ;  and  the  audiences  seemed  never  to  tire  of  rising  to  join  in 
the  grand  final  chorus,  "  What  has  caused  this  great  commotion  ?  "  In 
the  letters  of  congratulation  which  covered  the  Governor's  table  day 
after  day,  there  was  mingled  an  undertone  of  regret  that  his  majority 
had  been  reduced  to  only  five  or  six  thousand  Whatever  disappoint 
ment  he  himself  may  have  felt  on  this  subject,  he  expressed  none  in 
his  letters. 

Mr.  Greeley,  in  the  Log  Cabin,  reflected  a  general  sentiment  in 
closing  an  elaborate  article  on  the  subject  of  the  reduced  vote,  with  the 
words  : 

We  have  never  penned  a  eulogium  on  William  H.  Seward ;  we  shall  offer  none 
now ;  but  at  least  in  one  earnest,  ardent,  indignant  heart,  he  will  henceforth  b* 
honored  more  for  the  three  thousand  votes  he  has  lost,  considering  the  causes, 
than  for  all  he  has  received  in  his  life. 

But  now  there  was  other  work  to  be  done  besides  rejoicing,  or 
grieving  over  the  past.  The  accumulated  business  and  correspondence 
of  weeks  was  to  be  disposed  of.  First,  and  most  important,  was  the 
task  of  replying  once  more  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia.  On  the  9th 
of  November,  Seward  finished  and  sent  his  third  letter  in  this  contro 
versy.  In  it  he  informed  the  Governor  that  the  subject  had  been  sub 
mitted  to  the  Legislature,  in  accordance  with  Virginia's  request,  and 
communicated  the  action,  or  rather  the  non-action,  they  had  decided 
upon,  and  their  approval  of  his  own  course. 

The  very  next  day  brought  fresh  letters  from  the  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  written  before  this  answer  was  received.  •  In  these  Governor 
Gilmer  remarked  that  Governor  Seward  was  in  error  in  understanding 
as  a  menace  of  secession  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  threat  that  Vir 
ginia  would  "  appeal  from  the  canceled  obligations  of  the  compact  to 
original  rights  and  the  law  of  self-preservation." 

To  this  disclaimer  Seward  said  : 

Since  your  Excellency  assures  me  that  my  inference  was  erroneous,  I  have 
great  pleasure  in  acknowledging  my  satisfaction  with  the  explanation,  although 
your  Excellency  has,  doubtless  inadvertently,  omitted  to  explain  what  was  the 
true  understanding  of  the  expression  misapprehended. 


1840.]  THANKSGIVING   DAY.  511 

Finally,  he  added  : 

According  to  the  views  I  have  adopted,  the  true  positions  of  the  parties  are 
these :  The  Executive  of  Virginia  demands  what  is  not  authorized  by  the  Con 
stitution,  and  the  Executive  of  this  State  declines  a  compliance  with  the  uncon 
stitutional  demand.  It  is  not  without  sincere  regret  that  I  perceive  that  in  per 
sisting  in  this  demand  the  State  of  Virginia  protracts  a  question  of  deep  and  ex 
citing  interest. 

When  "  the  sere,  the  yellow  leaf  "  begins  to  fall,  every  American 
household  begins  to  think  of  the  annual  family  gathering  under  the  old 
roof  ;  every  child  begins  to  think  of  the  feast  of  turkey  and  pumpkin- 
pie  ;  every  clergyman  begins  to  think  of  preparing  the  annual  sermon 
in  which  he  is  at  liberty  to  refer  to  things  secular,  and  even,  if  he 
chooses,  "to  preach  politics;"  and  every  Governor  begins  to  think 
that  the  time  has  come  to  make  his  annual  proclamation,  giving  official 
sanction  to  these  time-honored  customs  and  observances.  This  part  of 
his  public  duties  was  always  a  pleasure  to  Seward.  His  proclamations 
show  that  with  him  it  was  no  mere  form,  but  a  hearty  and  earnest  be 
lief  that  the  American  people  have,  above  all  the  world,  ground  for 
thanksgiving  ;  and  that  he  was  already  sharing  in  anticipation  the  en 
joyment  of  that  high  festival.  His  proclamation,  this  year,  remarked  : 

God  has  been  pleased  to  preserve  our  lives  during  another  year,  and  to  bless 
our  land,  and  to  make  it  very  plenteous.  Health,  peace,  and  liberty,  have  dwelt 
among  us,  and  Religion  has  administered  her  divine  counsels  and  consolations. 
No  danger  has  menaced  us  from  abroad,  nor  has  any  alarm  of  intestine  commo 
tion,  sedition,  or  tumult,  disturbed  the  quiet  of  our  dwellings.  The  clouds  have 
not  withheld  from  the  earth  their  timely  rain,  nor  the  sun  its  genial  heat.  The 
plough  has  not  been  staid  in  the  furrow,  nor  has  blight  or  mildew  diminished 
the  abundant  harvest.  We  have  exhibited  to  the  world  the  sublime  spectacle  of 
millions  of  freemen  carefully  discussing  the  measures  and  policy  which  concern 
their  welfare,  and  peacefully  committing  the  precious  trust  of  their  interests  and 
hopes  to  the  care  of  chosen  magistrates. 

Far  less  attractive  was  that  other  duty,  perpetually  recurring,  of 
listening  to  the  appeals  of  counsel,  or  of  relatives,  to  avert  justly-de 
served  punishment  from  hardened  criminals.  A  murderer  in  Onondaga 
County  was  to  be  hanged  on  the  19th.  In  the  denial  of  the  commutation 
of  his  sentence,  Seward  alluded  to  the  general  fact,  now  forced  upon 
him  by  official  observation  of  so  many  cases,  that  illicit  connections 
seem  to  lead  directly  toward  the  crime  of  murder.  Not  even  drunken 
brawls  are  a  more  prolific  source  of  it.  Nine-tenths  of  all  the  murders 
committed  are  traceable  to  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  causes.  He 
closed  his  decision  by  saying : 

The  prisoner's  licentious  life  has  led  to  a  conclusion  not  unusual  in  such  cases, 


512  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1840. 

and  I  could  not  interfere  to  avert  the  doom  that  awaits  him  without  seeming  to 
regard  the  extravagance  of  illicit  passions  as  an  excuse  for  reckless  murder. 

Nevertheless,  the  murderer's  friends  seldom  despair  of  thwarting  the 
law,  until  the  noose  is  actually  fastened  about  his  neck.  In  this  case, 
they  were  back  again  at  the  Executive  chamber,  four  days  later,  to 
ask  that  the  execution  might  be  suspended  until  February,  so  that  they 
might,  meantime,  solicit  the  interposition  of  the  Legislature.  The 
Governor  answered  that,  however  he  might  personally  rejoice  in  an  es 
cape  from  this,  the  most  painful  of  all  official  responsibilities,  he  could 
not  conceive  it  right  to  submit  to  the  Legislature  a  question  properly 
belonging  to  the  Executive,  and  absolutely  vested  in  him  by  the  con 
stitution. 

In  another  case  of  application  for  pardon  for  a  wife-murderer,  who 
was  to  be  hanged  in  the  Albany  jail,  he  remarked : 

It  does  indeed  happen,  occasionally,  that,  without  impairing  the  salutary 
force  of  example,  a  victim  may  be  rescued  from  the  gallows  ;  but  who  shall  be 
left  to  the  murderer's  fate  if  it  be  not  he  who  slays  the  mother  of  his  children  ? 

In  this  case,  that  of  Jacob  Leadings,  the  petition  was  based  upon 
somewhat  novel  ground.  This  was  that,  notwithstanding  the  efforts 
of  the  clergymen  and  friends  of  the  prisoner,  he  showed  no  signs  of 
repentance,  and  he  would  therefore  pass  from  time  to  eternity  unpre 
pared.  To  this,  the  Governor  answered  : 

It  is  a  fearful,  and  I  earnestly  hope  it  may  be  a  mistaken,  apprehension.  But 
I  can  scarcely  conceive  the  obduracy  which  the  petitioners  describe.  However 
this  may  be,  the  plea,  nevertheless,  cannot  be  allowed ;  for  it  would  be  to  ex 
ecute  the  judgment  of  the  law  upon  the  penitent  and  broken-hearted,  and  save 
those  whom  neither  conscience  nor  the  fear  of  death,  or  of  the  tribunal  beyond 
the  grave,  softens  or  subdues. 

Launcelot  Waugh  was  convicted  of  stealing  fourteen  cakes  from  a 
colored  boy  in  Schenectady,  and  sentenced  to  State-prison  for  two 
years.  After  he  had  been  there  one  year,  the  boy  from  whom  the 
cakes  were  stolen  made  oath  that  he  was  mistaken  about  it,  and  that 
no  theft  had  been  committed.  The  judge,  the  sheriff,  the  clerk,  and 
the  jury,  thereupon  united  in  asking  Waugh's  release.  The  Governor 
granted  the  pardon.  Then  came  an  outburst  of  indignation  from 
some  of  the  opposing  party  newspapers,  who  averred  that  Waugh  was 
pardoned  because  he  was  a  Whig.  The  files  of  the  Executive  cham 
ber  were  referred  to,  and  a  letter  was  found  from  the  prisoner  himself, 
which  commenced  thus  : 

Mr.  Governor  Marcey — Sir  i  have  taken  the  oppertunity  to  rite  these  few 
lines  to  you.  dear  Sir,  i  got  into  a  little  quarrel  with  a  neighbor  the  forth  day  of 


1840.]  THE  ELECTORAL   COLLEGE.  513 

July  last.  Mr.  Whig  Kane  gave  him  a  warrant  for  nothing  to  have  me 
taken.  .  .  .  Two  more  Whig  men  put  their  heads  together  and  sentenced  me  to 
the  Albany  County  jail.  The  Whig  ofice  holders  is  geting  so,  if  a  Jackson 
man.  ...  I  was  allwaiae  was  a  good  Jackson  man.  Mr.  Gov.  Marcey.  If  you 
would  be  so  kind  as  to  send  me  two  or  three  lines  to  Mr.  Williams,  he  will  let 
me  go. 

And  this  settled  the  question  of  the  prisoner's  politics. 

Colonel  Amory  having  resigned  the  position  of  aide-de-camp,  the 
Governor  appointed  James  Bowen,  of  New  York,  to  the  place.  Colo 
nel  Bowen  was  one  of  the  three  intimate  friends  in  New  York  whom 
the  Herald  not  inaptly  called  the  "  clique." 

The  Herald  had  already  achieved  a  reputation  as  being  the  most 
"  witty  and  wicked  "  of  papers,  especially  at  the  expense  of  the  Whigs. 
It  was  consistent  in  its  opposition  to  Governor  Seward  throughout  his 
administration,  nor  did  it  spare  his  friends.  It  said  this  "  clique " 
generally  took  the  Albany  boat  Saturday  night,  and  spent  the  Sundays 
in  plotting  and  scheming  with  the  Governor.  "  We  will  not  mention 
their  names,  but  their  initials  are  Draper,  Blatchford,  and  Bowen." 

On  Wednesday,  December  2d,  the  electoral  college  was  to  meet  at 
the  Capitol.  The  forty -two  electors  began  to  arrive  in  town  from  their 
various  districts  early  in  the  week.  On  Tuesday  they  met  informally 
at  the  Executive  chamber  to  exchange  congratulations  and  political 
reminiscences  with  the  Governor  and  with  each  other.  Their  senior 
member  was  Colonel  James  Burt,  of  Orange  County,  who  commanded 
in  1814  the  militia  regiment  of  which  the  Governor's  father  was  lieu 
tenant-colonel.  Eighty  years  had  shrunk  and  bent  his  soldier-like 
figure,  and  whitened  his  hair,  but  he  was  still  hale  and  vigorous.  Even 
more  so  was  the  erect  and  dignified  Pierre  Van  Cortlandt,  but  a  few 
years  his  junior,  who  had  voted  with  him  for  Jefferson  in  the  electoral 
college,  forty  years  before.  Archibald  Mclntyre,  who  was  one  of  the 
Madison  electors,  General  Peter  B.  Porter,  of  Niagara,  ex-Comptroller 
Jenkins,  and  Gideon  Lee,  were  among  the  other  men  of  historic  note, 
besides  several  of  legislative  prominence.  The  Governor's  table,  that 
day,  reached  from  end  to  end  of  the  long  dining-room.  Other  leading 
Whigs  met  the  electors  at  dinner,  or  came  in  after  the  cloth  was  re 
moved,  and  the  hours  were  marked  by  that  unanimity  which  is  possible 
to  partisans  in  the  brief  interval  of  triumph  after  the  election  is  over 
and  before  the  struggles  for  place  begin. 

The  next  morning,  at  half -past  ten,  the  electors  met  in  the  Senate- 
chamber.  The  venerable  senior  member  was  presiding  officer.  All 
were  present.  After  a  prayer  by  Dr.  Campbell,  the  tellers  were 
appointed,  and  the  forty-two  ballots  were  cast,  with  all  due  formality, 
for  William  Henry  Harrison  for  President,  and  then,  with  equal  for 
mality,  for  John  Tyler  for  Vice-President.  When  the  tellers  announced 
33 


514  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840., 

this  result,  the  crowded  lobbies  burst  into  enthusiastic  applause,  taken 
up  and  echoed  by  cheers  from  the  throng  without,  and  then  by  the 
cannon  pealing  the  salute  of  forty-two  guns.  Silence  restored,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  John  C.  Spencer,  laid  on  the  broad  table  the  three 
certificates,  duly  prepared  for  the  signatures  of  the  whole  body.  An 
hour  or  more  passed,  while  the  forty-two  electors  appended  their  names 
in  the  order  of  their  districts.  One  certificate  was  to  be  sent  by  spe 
cial  messenger  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
and  Herman  M.  Romeyn,  of  Ulster,  was  elected  such  messenger,  and 
returned  his  thanks.  A  second  certificate  was  to  be  sent  by  mail,  and 
a  committee  of  electors  was  appointed  to  put  it  in  the  post-office. 
The  third  certificate  was  to  be  deposited  with  the  United  States  Judge 
of  the  Northern  District,  and  Albert  Crane,  an  elector,  was  duly  em 
powered  to  take  it  to  him.  A  vote  of  thanks  to  the  presiding  officer, 
and  his  acknowledgment,  closed  the  proceedings. 

That  night  there  was  a  great  dinner  at  Stanwix  Hall,  given  to  the 
college  by  the  citizens  of  Albany,  under  the  auspices  of  the  State  Com 
mittee.  The  hall  was  hung  with  banners  and  transparencies,  and 
resounded  with  the  familiar  strains  of  the  popular  political  airs,  alter 
nately  given  by  the  brass-band  and  the  glee-clubs.  At  the  table,  John 
C.  Spencer  presided,  and  toasts  and  speeches  lasted  till  a  late  hour- 
Those  of  Gulian  C.  Verplanck  and  Gideon  Lee  were  especially  felicitous. 
When  the  Governor  was  called  on  for  his  speech,  he  gave  the  college 
his  recollections  of  the  mountainous  and  secluded  little  town  in  Orange 
County  which  was  the  home  of  their  venerable  President,  and  of  the 
time  when  news  came  there  that  the  Capitol  had  been  laid  in  ashes  by 
the  public  enemy,  and  James  Burt  tendered  his  services  as  a  volunteer,, 
and  set  out  for  the  field  where  he  became  the  brother  soldier  of  the 
chief  whom  they  to-day  had  elected  to  the  presidency. 

The  Governor's  toast  was  :  "  The  recent  election.  It  has  conclu 
sively  proved  that  the  people  are  competent  to  the  consideration  of  all 
questions  affecting  their  welfare."  Cicero  Loveridge  gave  :  "Clay  and 
Harrison.  The  last  shall  be  first  and  the  first  last " — alluding  to  what 
was  already  considered  settled  by  the  Whigs,  that  Mr.  Clay,  having 
aided  Harrison's  election,  should  be  his  successor  at  the  expiration  of 
the  "  one  term  "  to  which  he  was  pledged.  An  overflowing  feeling  of 
exultation  pervaded  the  Whig  party  at  this  commencement  of  what 
they  fondly  believed  to  be  a  long  lease  of  power. 

Monday,  the  7th,  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  Con 
gress  ;  but  a  great  snow-storm  had  blocked  the  roads  and  impeded 
navigation  in  the  rivers  ;  so  it  was  three  days  without  a  quorum.  On 
Thursday,  members  enough  had  gathered  to  begin  the  session,  and 
receive  the  President's  message.  This  document  was  largely  devoted 
to  the  discussion  of  the  financial  questions  which  had  occupied  so 


1840.]  EDWARD   EVERETT.  515 

prominent  a  place  in  his  Administration.  Perhaps  the  fact  about  it  that 
will  be  longest  and  best  remembered  to  Mr.  Van  Buren's  honor  was 
that  the  closing  recommendation  of  his  official  career  was  a  strong  and 
earnest  appeal  to  Congress  to  take  measures  to  suppress  the  African 
slave-trade. 

But  the  words  of  outgoing  Presidents,  whether  for  good  or  ill,  fall 
upon  unheeding  ears.  The  faces  of  politicians,  like  those  of  Parsees, 
are  turned  toward  the  rising  sun.  The  public  attention  was  engrossed 
now  not  with  what  Mr.  Van  Buren  might  think,  but  with  what  General 
Harrison  was  going  to  do,  about  his  appointments,  his  inaugural,  and  his 
policy.  The  newspapers  were  already  busy  constructing  cabinets,  and 
tearing  them  to  pieces  ;  while  the  office-seekers  were  legion. 

Even  to  the  struggle  for  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  State  Executive, 
an  added  impetus  seemed  to  have  been  given  by  the  election  ;  and 
those  who  found  or  feared  failure  at  Washington  naturally  enough 
turned  toward  Albany,  and  vice  versa. 

In  a  letter  to  Thomas  C.  Chittenden,  Seward  described  a  year's  ex 
perience  in  the  dispensation  of  patronage  : 

From  the  day  the  election  closed  last  year,  until  the  1st  of  April,  I  received 
about  ten  thousand  applications  for  fifteen  hundred  offices.  With  the  exception 
of  the  time  saved  in  the  night,  I  surrendered  myself  entirely  to  the  visits  and 
explanations  of  those  who  interested  themselves  in  this  and  other  departments 
of  my  public  duty.  My  correspondence  swelled  so  entirely  beyond  all  bounds, 
that  it  was  not  until  last  May  that,  with  the  aid  of  a  private  secretary,  letters 
received  in  December  were  acknowledged ;  and  it  was  not  until  last  month  that 
the  petitions  and  letters  were  filed  and  registered.  Between  the  Yth  of  January 
and  the  10th  of  April  I  nominated  and  appointed  fifteen  hundred  public  offi 
cers,  being  an  average  of  one  hundred  a  week,  and  fifty  each  executive  day. 
No  secular  day  passed,  during  that  time,  in  which,  from  eight  in  the  morning  to 
twelve  at  night,  my  doors  were  not  open  and  my  hall  occupied.  You  will  per 
ceive  that  it  will  be  vain  for  me  to  try  to  explain,  to  the  vast  number  whose 
applications  resulted  unfavorably,  the  reasons  for  the  selection  of  others. 

Congress,  as  usual,  did  little  of  importance  before  the  holidays. 
The  two  chief  events  were  the  introduction  by  Mr.  Clay  of  a  resolution 
to  repeal  the  sub-Treasury  law,  and  Mr.  Webster's  calling  attention  to 
what  in  those  days  was  considered  a  startling  fact,  that  the  national 
expenditures  of  the  year  exceeded  the  income  by  seven  million  dollars. 
Then  came  the  adjournment  for  the  season  of  social  festivities. 

The  Governor's  table  was  again  thickly  covered  with  invitations  to 
take  part  in  these  gatherings,  but  he  declined  on  the  score  of  pressing 
duties.  A  letter  to  the  New  England  Society  contained  a  toast,  sug 
gested,  perhaps,  by  recent  sneers,  in  Parliament,  at  "  Yankee  degen 
eracy  :  " 

If  it  be  not  improper  to  mingle  with  homage  paid  to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 


516  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1841. 

just  acknowledgment  to  those  of  their  descendants  who  illustrate  their  virtues, 
permit  me  to  propose  the  name  of  one  of  our  countrymen  now  in  England,  Ed 
ward  Everett.  The  moat  convincing  proof  our  transatlantic  brethren  could  give 
us  of  our  "  degeneracy  "  would  be  to  send  us  a  superior  representative. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

1841. 

Second  Inauguration. — A  Prosperous  State. — Burning  of  the  Caroline. — Fox  and  Forsyth. — 
The  Legislature  on  the  Virginia  Question. — The  Colonial  History. — Brodhead's  Search 
among  Dusty  Records. — Cabinet-Making. — Granger. — No  Secrets. — Legislative  Fun. — 
John  Duer. — Death  of  his  Brother. 

THURSDAY  night  the  New  Year  came  in  as  usual  with  a  serenade  at 
midnight,  followed  by  another  at  daybreak.  At  nine  the  Governor  and 
Lieutenant-Governor,  attended  by  the  staff  of  the  former,  went  up  to 
the  Capitol  to  take  the  oath  of  office  at  the  opening  of  the  new  term, 
administered  this  time  by  the  Chief -Justice.  Returning  to  the  Execu 
tive  mansion,  the  day  passed  off  there  much  as  in  previous  years, 
though  with  more  order  and  quiet.  The  authorities  and  associations 
made  their  customary  visits,  and  the  house  was  thronged  by  several 
thousands.  One  old  man  among  the  visitors  created  amusement  by 
the  positive  earnestness  with  which  he  insisted  that  "  he  had  been 
voting  the  Whig  ticket  for  over  fifty  years,  having  begun  immediately 
after  the  Revolution  ! "  A  heavy  snow-storm  in  the  afternoon  brought 
the  reception  to  an  end.  At  five  o'clock  came  the  State  dinner — the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  Chief -Justice  Nelson,  Chancellor  Walworth,  Gen 
eral  King,  and  Colonels  Cannon,  Austin,  and  Benedict,  of  the  staff, 
being  among  the  guests. 

The  next  day  the  Governor  wrote  to  Christopher  Morgan,  now  re- 
elected  to  Congress.  Alluding  to  his  relations  with  Granger,  and 
warmly  approving  his  selection  for  a  cabinet  office,  Seward  remarked  : 

The  world,  however,  will  gossip  about  rivalry  between  Granger  and  myself. 
I  cannot  prevent  that  gossip.  I  can  show  to  Mr.  Granger  the  same  justice  and 
magnanimity  that  he  manifests  toward  me.  I  should  not  be  in  that  position  if 
the  members  of  Congress  or  General  Harrison  were  left  to  suppose  that  I  had 
interests  or  opinions  inconsistent  with  Granger's  preferment.  .  .  .  The  positions 
assigned  to  him  in  the  State  by  the  Whig  party,  of  candidate  for  Governor  and 
Yice-President,  were  fairly  his  due,  and  were  honorably  maintained.  .  .  .  Gen 
eral  Harrison  can  make  no  appointment  that  will  be  more  satisfactory  or  more 
agreeable  to  me.  ...  I  desire  you  to  give  this  letter  to  Mr.  Fillmore ;  and  it  is 
free  to  any  use  he  or  Mr.  Granger  may  wish  to  make  of  it. 

It  was  less  easy,  however,  to  adhere  to  his  resolution  about   the 


1841.]  THE   MESSAGE   OF   1841.  517 

minor  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  new  President,  for  which  there  was  such 
a  multitude  of  applicants  among  the  Whigs  of  New  York.  He  re 
marked  : 

I  feel  sometimes  in  regard  to  appointments  as  Paul  did  about  his  bonds.  It 
is  hard  enough  to  see  one's  worthiest  friends  struggling  for  what  they  eminently 
deserve,  and  not  be  able  to  render  them  any  aid,  or  be  allowed  even  to  wish 
them  success. 

Monday  evening  the  legislative  caucuses  were  held.  The  Whigs 
nominated  Peter  B.  Porter  for  Speaker,  and  the  Democrats  named  L. 
S.  Chatfield.  When  the  Legislature  met,  on  the  following  day,  the 
Whig  candidate  was  duly  elected,  and  the  Governor's  message  re 
ceived  and  read. 

This  message  differed  from  his  previous  ones.  They  had  recom 
mended  great  and  sweeping  reforms,  which,  aided  by  legislative  action, 
had  now  been  fairly  inaugurated  ;  this  message  reported  progress,  and 
advised  continuance,  while  recommending  few  new  changes. 

Reviewing  the  condition  of  the  universities,  schools,  and  asylums, 
he  noticed  that  the  school-district  libraries  now  contained  a  million 
books.  The  geological  survey  was  to  be  completed  in  the  summer,  the 
State  Museum  to  be  fitted  up,  and  the  reports  to  be  made  next  year, 
"  a  nobler  tribute  to  science  than  any  which  has  yet  been  offered  in 
our  country."  The  revenue  from  the  canals  was  now  over  a  million 
dollars,  and  the  annual  surplus,  after  paying  the  interest  on  the  debt, 
was  nearly  half  a  million.  In  view  of  this  result,  he  tendered  his  con 
gratulations  upon  the  happy  termination  of  past  embarrassments.  O£ 
the  three  great  railroads  he  had  advised  in  1839,  the  central  one  was 
completed,  or  in  progress,  from  Albany  to  within  forty  miles  of  Lake 
Erie.  The  southern  one  had  pushed  forward  as  far  as  Goshen,  and  the 
work  was  going  on.  The  northern  one  was  surveyed,  and  the  reports 
were  submitted.  The  repeal  of  the  "  Small-bill  Law,"  the  plan  for  the 
redemption  of  notes,  and  the  general  banking  law,  had  had  the  bene 
ficial  results  of  maintaining  credit  and  circulation  ;  and,  for  the  first 
time  in  thirty  years,  the  Legislature  was  relieved  from  applications 
and  complaints  on  that  subject. 

The  prisons,  too,  were  improved.  Discipline  had  been  regulated, 
male  and  female  converts  separated,  cruelty  abolished,  and  books  placed 
in  every  cell.  The  Auburn  Prison  was  earning  nearly  seven  thousand 
dollars  a  year  over  its  expenses,  and  the  Sing  Sing  Prison  falling  only 
six  thousand  dollars  short  of  paying  its  way. 

The  law  reforms  had  proved  successful,  and  others  were  suggested. 
Only  one  relic  of  imprisonment  for  debt  remained,  and  of  this  he 
advised  the  abolition.  Elections,  he  recommended,  should  be  held 
upon  one  day,  instead  of  three  ;  and  towns  should  be  divided  into 


518  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

smaller  election  districts.  Turning  then  to  broader  questions  of  public 
policy,  he  submitted  the  papers  in  regard  to  the  Virginia  correspond 
ence  and  the  anti-rent  troubles.  He  reiterated  his  views  in  regard  to 
immigration,  education,  and  suffrage.  Remarking  that  he  had  not  rec 
ommended,  nor  did  he  seek,  an  education  of  any  class  in  foreign  lan 
guages,  or  in  particular  creeds  of  faith,  he  did  desire  the  "  education 
of  all  the  children  in  the  Commonwealth,"  and  deemed  our  system  de 
ficient  in  comprehensiveness  in  "  the  exact  proportion  of  the  children 
that  it  leaves  uneducated."  He  renewed  his  arguments  for  the  distri 
bution  of  the  surplus  revenue  of  the  United  States,  and  its  applica 
tion,  in  this  State,  to  education  and  internal  improvements. 

Giving  a  r'esum&  of  the  history  of  canal  enlargement,  he  remarked  : 

That  there  was  need  of  enlargement  was  attested  by  the  simple  fact  that 
there  is  one  boat  every  eleven  minutes  at  every  lock  on  the  Erie  Canal.  The 
Western  States  are  no  hostile  nor  rival  powers ;  they  are  communities  bound  to 
us  by  interest  as  well  as  by  consanguinity.  Their  prosperity  is  our  prosperity. 
The  Great  Lakes,  twenty-five  hundred  miles  in  length,  may  be  regarded  as  a 
prolongation  of  the  canal  we  have  made  across  the  isthmus  which  separates 
their  waters  from  those  of  the  Atlantic.  .  .  .  When  we  consider  the  vast 
amount  and  value  of  the  agricultural  productions  received,  we  can  form  some 
imperfect  conception  of  the  interest  we  have  in  the  success  of  the  system  of 
internal  improvement  in  the  Western  States ;  and  when  such  conceptions  be 
come  as  familiar  as  tbey  are  just,  we  shall  manifest  more  of  wisdom  than  even 
of  philanthropy  by  lending  our  Western  brethren  all  the  aid  in  our  power  "  to 
complete  what  none  but  free  and  enlightened  States  could  ever  have  undertaken." 

The  message  was  favorably  received,  both  by  the  Legislature  and 
the  community  ;  for  its  statements  of  the  progress  and  prosperity  of 
the  State  were  undeniable  and  gratifying.  It  was  announced  that  the 
Governor's  message  had  reached  New  York  within  twelve  hours  and  a 
quarter — "  Dimick,  who  had  charge  of  the  horse-express,  having  driven 
down  with  it  in  a  cutter,  at  the  average  rate  of  twelve  miles  an  hour, 
making  ten  changes  of  horses  on  the  way." 

A  change  in  one  habit  of  correspondence  seemed  now  to  have  be 
come  a  necessity.  Seward  wrote  to  Isaac  Sherman : 

The  experience  of  a  thousand  misapprehensions  of  letters,  written  in  ac 
knowledgment  of  applications  for  office,  has  at  last  obliged  me  to  adopt  the 
practice  of  all  who  have  held  stations  similar  to  my  own ;  and  it  is,  therefore, 
an  invariable  rule  with  me  not  to  write  in  reply  to  letters  on  that  subject. 

Jefferson,  after  like  experience,  adopted  this  rule  ;  and  ever  since 
his  time  it  has  been  practised  by  the  Executive  at  Washington.  It  is 
unquestionably  a  wise  one.  Though  it  may  seem  at  first  uncourteous, 
it  is  the  only  one  that  is  impartially  just  ;  nor  is  it  more  unsatisfactory 
than  any  other.  Successful  applicants  need  no  answer,  and  unsuccess- 


1841.]  THE  McLEOD   CASE.  519 

fill  applicants  will  not  find  any  answer  satisfactory.  The  clerical  force 
would  need  to  be  doubled  to  merely  make  acknowledgments,  and  the 
head  of  the  Government  will  have  no  time  for  his  duties  to  the  com 
munity  as  a  whole,  if  he  stops  to  give  reasons  to  each  as  individuals. 

Now  came  from  Washington  the  published  correspondence  between 
the  British  minister,  Mr.  Fox,  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  For- 
syth.  The  minister  wrote  that  he  was  informed  that  Alexander  Mc- 
Leod,  a  British  subject  and  an  ex-sheriff,  had  been  arrested  on  the  12th 
of  November  at  Lewiston,  and  that  he  was  waiting  trial  in  February 
for  murder  and  arson.  He  called  upon  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  for  "  prompt  and  effectual  steps  for  his  liberation." 

The  destruction  of  the  "  piratical  steamboat  Caroline  "  was,  he 
said,  "  the  public  act  of  persons  in  her  Majesty's  service  obeying  the 
orders  of  their  supreme  authorities  ;  "  and,  therefore,  could  not  be 
made  the  ground  of  legal  proceedings  against  individuals,  and  could 
only  be  a  subject  of  discussion  between  the  national  Governments. 
Furthermore,  he  stated  that  McLeod  was  not  engaged  in  that  transac 
tion.  To  this  Mr.  Forsyth  replied  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  several 
States  was  independent  of  the  Federal  Government  ;  that  the  offense 
was  one  against  the  laws  and  citizens  of  New  York,  and  within  the 
competency  of  her  courts.  "  The  act  itself  was  an  unjustifiable  inva 
sion  in  time  of  peace,  involving  destruction  of  property,  murder,  and 
outrage.  Such  offenders  cannot  have  impunity,  under  the  plea  of 
orders  of  superior  officers."  As  to  the  question  whether  the  courts  or 
the  Governments  should  discuss  the  subject,  he  reminded  the  British 
Government  that  the  case  of  the  Caroline  had  long  ago  been  brought 
to  their  attention,  and  redress  of  the  outrage  asked.  No  answer  had 
been  made.  "  If  the  act  was  done  under  orders  of  her  Majesty's  Gov 
ernment,  no  such  admission  had  been  made  by  that  Government  to  the 
United  States." 

When  this  correspondence  was  laid  before  the  House  of  Represent 
atives,  a  warm  debate  arose,  involving  the  inevitable  question  of  State 
rights.  Mr.  Fillmore  said  :  "  McLeod  would  have  a  fair  trial.  If  guilty 
he  would  be  hanged  ;  if  not  guilty,  acquitted."  Mr.  Granger  said  : 
"  New  York  proposed  to  do  her  duty.  The  Caroline  was  destroyed  in 
1837.  It  is  now  1841,  and  the  British  Government  has  made  neither 
reparation  nor  reply." 

Excitement  on  the  frontier  followed  this  news.  The  Governor 
hastened  to  send  Commissary-General  Chandler  to  Buffalo,  to  consult 
with  the  commanding  officer  of  the  United  States  troops  there,  to  ascer 
tain  the  extent  of  the  grounds  of  alarm,  and  to  take  efficient  measures 
to  secure  the  arms  and  other  public  property  lying  exposed  in  that 
quarter.  This  duty  was  promptly  performed. 

Among  the   first   nominations  sent  in  to  the  Senate  by  the  Gov- 


520  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

ernor,  and  at  once  confirmed,  was  that  of  Egbert  Benson,  of  New 
\Tork,  to  be  inspector  of  tobacco,  vice  Glentworth,  removed.  Hugh 
Maxwell  and  Gary  V.  Sackett  were  nominated  and  confirmed  as  com 
missioners  to  settle  the  disputes  growing  out  of  the  manorial  tenures  ; 
William  Kent  and  Gideon  Lee  had  been  previously  named,  but  had 
declined. 

In  the  Assembly  the  question  of  capital  punishment  was  brought  up 
by  the  introduction  of  a  resolution,  by  Mr.  O'Sullivan,  requesting  the 
Governor  to  postpone  the  execution  of  persons  sentenced  to  death  until 
after  the  adjournment,  on  the  ground  that  there  might  possibly  be  a 
law  abolishing  the  death-penalty.  Mr.  Duer  and  Mr.  Hawley  insisted 
that  this  was  an  unwarranted  interference  with  the  pardoning  power. 
It  received  support  from  opposition  members,  not  so  much,  perhaps,  be 
cause  it  was  adverse  to  the  death-penalty,  as  because  it  was  supposed 
to  be  adverse  to  the  Whig  administration. 

General  Hubbell,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Militia  in  the 
Assembly,  brought  in  a  report  recommending  various  reforms  of  the 
system  in  accordance  with  the  Governor's  suggestions. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  week  resolutions  were  introduced,  par 
tially  approving  and  partially  condemning  the  Governor's  course  in  the 
Virginia  controversy.  Animated  debates  ensued  during  the  next 
three  weeks,  until  finally  the  Assembly  indefinitely  postponed  the  reso 
lutions,  implying  its  disposition  to  leave  the  question  where  it  belonged, 
in  the  hands  of  the  Executive. 

Early  in  1839  Seward  had  sent  a  message  to  the  Legislature,  calling 
attention  to  the  memorial  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  praying 
for  a  law  to  authorize  the  appointment  of  an  agent  to  visit  Europe  to 
transcribe  documents  remaining  in  the  public  offices  of  England,  France, 
and  Holland,  relating  to  the  colonial  history  of  this  State.  Adverting 
to  the  efforts  made  by  other  States  in  the  same  direction,  the  Governor 
warmly  advocated  the  measure,  and,  in  accordance  with  his  recom 
mendation,  a  law  was  passed  in  May.  The  names  of  several  gentle 
men,  of  literary  or  political  prominence,  were  presented  as  candidates 
for  the  agency  ;  among  them,  John  L.  Stephens,  the  celebrated  trav 
eler  ;  John  Howard  Payne,  the  author  of  "  Home,  Sweet  Home  ; " 
Charles  Fenno  Hoffman,  the  novelist  and  poet  ;  and  Colonel  William 
L.  Stone,  of  the  Commercial  Advertiser.  Circumstances,  unnecessary 
to  detail  here,  led  ultimately  to  the  selection  of  John  Romeyn  Brod- 
head.  He  was  of  Dutch  descent,  and  his  familiarity  with  European 
languages  especially  fitted  him  for  the  trust. 

Mr.  Brodhead's  description,  after  his  return  from  the  scene  of  his 
labors,  of  the  way  in  which  they  were  prosecuted,  illustrates  some  of 
the  difficulties  of  the  historian's  task,  and  explains  why  its  results  are 
often  so  imperfect : 


1841.]  THE   COLONIAL    HISTORY.  521 

At  the  Hague,  upward  of  four  hundred  volumes,  and  bundles  of  papers, 
many  of  them  old,  decayed,  and  worm-eaten,  were  examined.  Most  of  the  docu 
ments  were  written  in  perverse  and  obscure  characters,  common  in  the  seven 
teenth  century.  At  Paris,  enormous  cartons,  or  portfolios,  in  which  are  placed 
loosely,  and  without  the  slightest  attempt  at  arrangement,  a  vast  mass  of  original 
documents,  were  to  be  examined ;  and  a  task  more  appalling  to  the  investigator 
could  scarcely  have  been  proposed.  Dusty,  decayed,  imperfect,  without  order, 
often  without  a  date,  a  paper  relating  to  Dieskau's  defeat  jostling  a  dispatch  of 
Count  Frontenac,  an  account  of  Montcalm's  last  effort  at  Quebec  pell-mell  with 
a  letter  of  Governor  Dongan — the  expedition  of  1619  mixed  up  with  the  attack 
on  Fort  William  Henry — De  la  Barre  and  Duquesne,  the  Hurons  and  Manhat 
tans,  Boston  and  the  Ottawas,  side  by  side,  in  the  most  admirable  confusion. 
But  worst  of  all  was  the  mortification  and  regret  on  finding,  at  the  West  India 
House,  at  Amsterdam,  that  the  valuable  papers  of  the  West  India  Company,  re 
lating  to  the  New  Netherlands,  though  preserved  till  the  year  1812,  were  now 
irrecoverably  lost ;  eighty-one  thousand  pounds'  weight  of  them  having  been 
sold  at  public  auction,  at  some  trifling  sum  per  pound.  Scattered  and  dissipated 
through  Holland  and  Germany,  used  as  wrapping-paper  by  shopkeepers  and 
tradesmen,  or  ground  up  in  paper-mills,  the  destruction  of  these  priceless  old 
memorials  has  left  a  chasm  in  the  original  materials  for  the  illustration  of  our 
history  which  we  look  in  vain  to  any  other  source  to  supply. 

Nevertheless,  the  nine  great  quarto  volumes  of  documents  relating 
to  "  The  Colonial  History  of  New  York,"  published  by  the  State,  are 
an  enduring  record,  showing  how  faithfully  he  accomplished  that 
work. 

State  officers  were  again  to  be  elected  by  the  Legislature.  Bates 
Cook,  the  Comptroller,  resigned  toward  the  close  of  January,  and  was 
nominated  by  the  Governor  for  Bank  Commissioner.  The  Legislature 
elected  John  A.  Collier  Comptroller  in  his  place,  reflected  Jacob  Haight 
to  be  State  Treasurer,  and  Orville  Holley  Surveyor-General.  While 
the  State  cabinet  was  thus  undergoing  change,  speculations  about  the 
national  one  filled  the  newspapers  ;  and,  two  or  three  weeks  before  the 
inauguration,  it  was  announced  that  the  cabinet  would  consist  of 
Webster  in  the  State  Department,  Ewing  in  the  Treasury,  Bell  in  the 
War,  and  Badger  in  the  Navy,  with  Crittenden  as  Attorney-General 
and  Granger  as  Postmaster-General. 

A  reference  by  Mr.  Starkweather  to  the  innuendoes  of  those  who 
thought  him  insincere  as  regarded  Mr.  Clay,  led  Seward  to  say  in  his 
reply: 

I  was  not  unaware  that  some  persons  affected  to  speak  of  me  as  you  describe. 
But  I  can  well  enough  afford  them  their  full  indulgence ;  no  man  speaks  so  of 
me  who  knows  me  well.  Quite  the  opposite  of  concealment,  I  trust,  is  the  error 
of  my  character  as  a  public  man.  Every  mortal  being  is  at  full  liberty  to  reveal 
any  word,  verbal  or  written,  he  has  from  me.  You  will  find  it  all  consistent 
with  itself,  and  with  my  letter  to  you. 


522  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

The  characteristic  here  referred  to  was  a  marked  one.  He  had  no 
inclination  or  capacity  for  double  dealing  or  political  intrigue.  Partly, 
perhaps,  because  of  natural  frankness,  partly  from  habits  of  thought 
acquired  during  ten  years  of  opposition  to  secret  societies,  he  was 
averse  to  stratagem  or  hidden  contrivance  in  his  political  action.  Never 
reserved,  either  in  conversation  or  correspondence,  he  early  learned  that 
it  was  wise  to  say  nothing  that  might  not  be  repeated,  and  to  write 
nothing  that  might  not  be  published.  The  same  trait  ran  through  his 
private  life.  He  seemed  to  have  no  secrets.  He  locked  up  no  private 
papers.  It  is  not  within  the  recollection  of  his  family  that  he  ever  had 
a  locked  drawer,  or  carried  a  key.  His  letters  when  confidential  were 
only  so  because  those  to  whom  they  were  addressed  desired  it.  He 
used  to  dislike  even  to  have  secrets  confidentially  imparted  to  him,  since 
that  implied  an  obligation  to  maintain  a  reserve  that  was  foreign  to  his 
nature. 

Although,  as  these  letters  show,  Seward  was  not  only  in  political 
accord,  but  on  terms  of  mutual  respect  and  friendship,  with  Granger, 
Fillmore,  and  Collier,  a  feeling  of  hostility  to  him  was  already  begin 
ning  to  grow  up  among  some  of  the  Whigs  who  preferred  their  lead  to 
his  own.  The  origin  of  this  feeling  is  now  easily  traceable.  Seward 
was  the  junior  of  these  Whig  leaders,  not  only  in  years,  but  in  the 
public  service  ;  and  it  was  natural,  perhaps,  that  their  friends,  on  seeing 
him  the  recipient  of  confidence  and  advancement  at  the  hands  of  the 
party,  should  think  that  he  was  preceding  those  wThom  he  ought  to 
follow. 

An  opposition  paper  jocosely  remarked  that,  under  Governor  Sew- 
ard's  administration,  "  going  to  State-prison  was  not  so  burdensome, 
since  one  could  have  good  clothing,  substantial  food,  exercise  in  the 
open  air  of  the  stone-quarry,  and  the  volumes  of  Harper's  Library  for 
amusement.  The  only  wonder  is,  that  the  Governor  did  not  recommend 
hard  cider  in  each  cell." 

Early  in  February,  while  McLeod  was  in  jail  at  Lockport,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  bail  him  out,  which  created  a  disturbance  and  threatened 
riot.  In  view  of  the  popular  excitement  the  bondsmen  withdrew  their 
bail,  and  he  was  put  in  confinement  again  to  await  his  trial,  and  shortly 
after  was  indicted  for  the  murder  of  Amos  Durfee,  at  the  time  of  the 
burning  of  the  Caroline. 

Seward  wrote  on  the  27th  of  February  to  Secretary  Forsyth,  ac- 
knowleding  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of  the  correspondence  between  the 
two  Governments.  He  then  proceeded  to  detail  the  circumstances  of 
the  case.  McLeod  was  indicted  for  murder  and  arson,  and  would  be 
tried  at  the  next  term.  The  Governor  concurred  in  the  views  taken 
by  the  General  Government,  and  the  public  authorities  of  the  State 
would  support  his  action  in  accordance  with  those  views.  Solicitous 


1841.]  LEGISLATIVE   INCIDENTS.  523 

to  preserve  harmony  with  Great  Britain,  the  State  must,  nevertheless, 
regard  the  transaction  at  Schlosser  as  an  unjustifiable  invasion  in  time 
of  peace.  The  crimes  committed  in  the  aggression  fell  under  the  juris 
diction  of  the  State  ;  and  McLeod,  having  come  within  that  jurisdiction, 
was  arrested,  and  would  be  brought  to  justice  in  the  same  manner  that 
citizens  of  the  State  were. 

Now  came  the  final  phase  of  the  Glentworth  business.  The  At 
torney-General  (Willis  Hall),  to  whom  the  Governor  had  referred  the 
charges  against  Recorder  Morris,  gave  an  elaborate  opinion,  sustaining 
them.  Upon  this  the  recorder  was  removed  by  the  Governor  and  Sen 
ate,  and  Frederick  A.  Tallmadge  was  nominated  and  confirmed  in  his 
place. 

Fault  having  been  found  with  the  Governor  for  not  removing  Glent 
worth  before,  the  Evening  Journal  replied  : 

The  Senate  met  on  the  5th  day  of  January  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  at  precisely 
five  minutes  thereafter,  by  the  Shrewsbury  clock,  that  body  received  the  Gov 
ernor's  message  recommending  the  removal  of  James  B.  Glentworth. 

A  letter  on  the  22d  of  February  to  William  Robinson  paid  a  tribute 
to  an  old  friend  : 

You  ask  me  to  speak  of  Mr.  Duer  as  I  think.  This  is  an  easy  and  grateful 
duty.  I  was  his  pupil,  and  he  has  been  my  patron  and  friend.  Taking  into 
consideration  his  intellectual  powers,  his  learning,  his  moral  principles,  and  hon 
orable  sentiment,  Mr.  Duer  combines  more  high  qualities  than  any  man  I  have 
ever  known.  If  I  could  mark  a  character  for  my  children  to  attain,  I  should  set 
before  them  that  of  my  old  master,  John  Duer. 

In  a  letter  to  Marshall  O.  Roberts,  who  had  named  a  son  after  him, 
he  said  : 

There  is,  I  am  sure,  no  higher  expression  of  confidence.  I  am  in  a  perilous 
walk  now ;  but  I,  too,  have  children  who  must  bear  my  name.  For  their  sake 
and  for  yours,  and  all  who  love  and  respect  me,  I  will  endeavor  to  take  care  that 
the  name  shall  bring  upon  those  who  bear  it  no  reproach. 

The  legislative  session  did  not  pass  without  some  of  those  ludicrous 
incidents  that  mark  every  such  season  of  grave  debate.  In  the  Senate, 
General  Root  one  day  introduced  a  resolution  directing  an  inquiry  into 
the  expediency  of  furnishing  each  of  the  colleges  and  academies  of  the 
State  with  a  centigrade  thermometer.  The  resolution,  as  usual,  was 
laid  over  for  a  day. 

Lieutenant-Governor  Bradish  was  stately,  precise,  and  courteous. 
His  pronunciation  was  as  faultless  as  his  dress,  and  his  manners  those 
of  Sir  Charles  Grandison.  After  the  adjournment  he  suggested  to 
George  Andrews,  the  Clerk,  that  he  had  made  an  error  of  pronunciation 


524  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1841. 

ID  reading  the  resolution,  and  repeated  once  or  twice  for  his  instruction 
the  correct  French  name  of  the  instrument.  Andrews,  who  was  a  wag, 
saw  an  opportunity  for  a  joke;  and  so,  promising  compliance,  waited 
till  the  subject  came  up  next  day.  Then,  with  great  unction  and  so 
norous  voice,  he  read  the  resolution :  "  To  furnish  each  of  the  colleges 
and  academies  with  a  sonteegrad  tairmomate."  General  Root  was  on 
his  feet  in  a  moment.  "  Stop,  sir  !  What  is  that  ?  Read  that  again." 
Andrews  complied:  "  To  furnish  each  of  the  colleges  and  academies 
with  a  sonteegrad  tairmomate"  The  old  general,  red  with  indigna 
tion,  declared  he  had  never  introduced  any  such  resolution,  and  de 
manded  to  see  it.  When  the  little  page  ran  to  place  it  in  his  hands, 
he  glanced  at  it,  and  said  with  supreme  contempt  :  "I  thought  so — 
centigrade  thermometer,  Mr.  President,  if  you  had  a  Clerk  that  knew 
how  to  read  the  English  language." 

A.  B.  Dickinson,  in  the  Senate  from  Chemung  County,  an  able  de 
bater,  with  strong  common-sense,  though  without  the  advantages  of 
early  education,  soon  took  rank  as  a  Whig  leader.  One  of  the  Demo 
cratic  Senators,  eulogizing  Mr.  Van  Buren,  had  compared  him  to 
Quintus  Curtius,  "  who  had  leaped  into  a  gulf  to  save  his  country." 
Dickinson,  if  not  familiar  with  classics,  was  with  politics.  "I  don't 
know  anything  about  the  Mr.  Curtis  the  gentleman  speaks  of.  I  know 
Edward  Curtis  and  George  Curtis  ;  but  I  never  heard  of  that  one.  All 
I  can  say  is,  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  did  just  the  contrary  ;  for  he  tum 
bled  the  country  into  a  hole,  and  then  wanted  to  be  saved  himself." 
The  Lieutenant-Governor's  gavel  was  necessary  to  restore  the  Senate 
to  order  after  this  retort. 

General  Harrison  was  now  on  his  way  to  Washington,  receiving 
ovations  at  Wheeling,  Pittsburg,  and  other  towns.  Seward  had  stead 
ily  refused  to  address  him  concerning  appointments,  but  wrote  him  : 

"With  some  little  experience  of  the  perplexities  attending  the  dispensation  of 
Executive  patronage,  I  have,  at  least,  thought  it  was  my  duty  in  no  way  to  con 
tribute  to  your  embarrassment  in  the  performance  of  your  responsible  and  deli 
cate  duties  of  the  same  kind. 

He  adhered  to  this  rule  throughout  the  disputes  between  rival  per 
sonal  claims,  only  departing  from  it  in  a  few  cases,  where  an  appoint 
ment  seemed  demanded  by  some  important  public  consideration.  The 
general  arrived  at  Washington  ;  was  welcomed  with  speeches  and  fes 
tivities  ;  and  dined  with  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  accordance  with  the  good 
old  custom  of  interchange  of  courtesies  between  the  retiring  and  the 
incoming  Presidents,  which  had  not  yet  fallen  into  disuse.  Great 
preparations  were  making  for  the  inauguration  ceremonies.  Washing 
ton  was  already  filled  to  overflowing  with  Whigs,  and  the  general's 
doors  were  beleaguered,  night  and  morning,  by  people  who  had  made 


1841.]  HARRISON   INAUGURATED.  525 

speeches  for  him,  written  articles  about  him  and  biographies  of  him, 
organized  meetings,  controlled  conventions,  built  log  cabins,  drunk 
hard  cider,  marched  in  procession  and  sung  songs  for  him — each  think 
ing  he  had  acquired  a  special  claim  thereby  to  his  favor. 

One  of  Seward's  sons  was  lying  dangerously  ill,  when,  on  the  last 
day  of  February,  came  news  of  the  sudden  death  of  his  elder  brother. 
Jennings,  recently  married,  was  on  his  way  to  Chautauqua  ;  had  stopped 
at  Florida  to  visit  his  parents,  and  had  died  after  a  few  days'  illness. 
Seward  had  the  melancholy  duty  of  proceeding  to  Orange  County  to 
console  his  parents  and  bury  his  brother. 

Jennings  was  in  his  forty-sixth  year.  "  Estimable  and  benevolent," 
said  Seward,  "  I  believe  he  has  left  more  friends  than  any  man  of  equal 
range  of  acquaintance  ;  while  I  should  be  surprised  to  learn  that  he 
had  an  enemy."  He  left  two  sons,  the  elder  of  whom  had  completed 
his  collegiate  course  and  was  studying  for  the  ministry.  The  younger, 
Clarence,  came  home  with  his  uncle,  and  thenceforward  became  one  of 
his  family. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

1841. 

New  Administration  at  Washington. — Appointments. — The  McLeod  Case. — General  Scott. 
— Crittenden.— Virginia  Search  Law.— Trial  by  Jury  of  Fugitive  Slaves.— Crisis  at 
Richmond. — Irishmen  and  Father  Matthew. — Death  of  President  Harrison. — Funeral 
Solemnities. 

THE  4th  of  March  witnessed  an  imposing  inauguration  of  the  new 
President  at  Washington,  attended  by  an  immense  crowd.  The  enthu 
siastic  interest  in  the  occasion  extended  even  to  other  cities.  In  Al 
bany  there  was  also  a  celebration  with  salutes,  procession,  and  fire 
works,  closing  with  a  ball  at  Stanwix  Hall.  Some  of  the  members  of 
an  opposition  club  in  one  of  the  wards  had  prepared  an  effigy  of  the 
new  President,  which,  in  derision,  they  placed  after  dark  at  the  door  of 
the  log  cabin.  Some  of  the  Whigs  happened  to  pass,  and,  discovering 
the  trick,  resolved  to  retaliate.  So,  changing  the  dress  of  the  figure 
somewhat,  they  took  it  over,  and,  attaching  it  to  the  halyards,  ran  it 
up  on  the  hickory  pole  of  their  adversaries.  Then  before  daylight 
they  industriously  circulated  the  rumor  that  the  Democrats  were  going 
to  hang  Van  Buren  early  in  the  morning  of  the  4th,  to  show  that  they 
had  abandoned  him.  When  the  passers-by  found  the  rumor  apparently 
verified,  there  was  much  indignation.  The  mystery  as  to  how  it  hap 
pened  remained  unsolved. 


526  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [184L 

The  papers  were  now  filled  with  accounts  of  the  inauguration,  and 
speculations  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  new  President.  Harrison,  in 
his  inaugural  address,  reiterated  the  principles  avowed  by  the  Whigs 
during  the  campaign,  promised  to  seek  to  restore  the  Government  to 
its  former  relations,  to  check  the  undue  increase  of  Executive  power, 
to  use  the  veto  rarely  and  cautiously,  not  to  attempt  to  control  the 
press,  or  to  use  the  appointing  power  for  persecution,  and  not  to  be  a 
candidate  for  reelection. 

No  President  has  since  come  in  with  such  an  overwhelming  popular 
support,  and  none  apparently  had  ever  commenced  his  official  career  so 
auspiciously.  At  the  executive  session  of  the  Senate  the  new  cabinet 
was  confirmed,  Mr.  Webster  unanimously  for  Secretary  of  State.  At 
the  White  House  the  office-seekers  literally  took  possession — some,  it 
was  said,  even  sleeping  in  the  halls  and  corridors  in  order  to  have  the 
first  chance  in  the  morning.  "  The  latch-string  was  always  out."  The 
doors  were  always  open,  and  night  and  day  Harrison  was  besieged  by 
the  crowd.  Presidents  from  the  Democratic  party,  having  the  advan 
tage  of  that  name,  were  always  at  liberty  to  order  their  day  and  hours. 
Those  of  the  opposing  party  were  deemed  to  be  obliged  to  disprove  the 
charge  of  "  aristocracy  "  by  erecting  no  barriers  between  themselves 
and  the  people. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  month  the  President's  proclamation  was 
received,  calling  an  extra  session  of  Congress  on  the  3d  of  May,  and 
giving  as  a  reason  that  the  condition  of  the  finances  was  such  as  to 
require  congressional  action  before  winter.  Meanwhile  appointments 
were  made  rapidly,  yet  acceptably,  and  none  were  objectionable  to 
Seward  and  his  friends.  Philo  C.  Fuller,  his  former  legislative  col 
league,  and  subsequently  Speaker  in  the  Michigan  Legislature,  was 
appointed  Second  Assistant  Postmaster-General.  Elisha  Whittlesey, 
of  Ohio,  was  appointed  Auditor  of  Post-Office  Accounts,  and  Edward 
Curtis  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York.  General  Solomon  Van 
Rensselaer  walked  into  the  Albany  post-office  to  resume  duties  from 
which  he  had  been  relieved  two  years  before. 

As  regarded  the  foreign  question,  in  which  the  State  and  national 
Administration  had  common  interest,  the  outlook  was  not  so  encour 
aging.  Early  in  March  the  steamer  President  had  arrived,  with  news 
of  a  warlike  debate  in  the  British  Parliament,  the  opposition  demand 
ing  action,  and  the  Administration  promising  to  vindicate  the  national 
honor.  There  were  rumors  that  the  British  minister  would  demand 
his  passports  in  case  McLeod  should  be  executed.  Naval  and  military 
preparations  were  said  to  be  on  foot  in  England,  and  great  popular 
feeling  excited.  The  English  newspapers  spoke  of  McLeod's  trial  as  a 
"judicial  murder."  A  squadron  was  said  to  have  been  ordered  to  the 
coast  of  America,  and  infantry  were  under  orders  for  Halifax.  On  the 


1841.]  THE  DESTRUCTION   OF  THE   CAROLINE.  527 

Canadian  frontier  there  was  much  alarm  at  the  prospect  of  threatened 
hostilities.  The  Secretary  of  War,  John  Bell,  opened  communication 
with  the  Governor  in  regard  to  providing  the  proper  defenses  for  the 
harbor  of  New  York,  and  putting  the  forts  and  batteries  on  Staten 
Island  in  an  effective  condition.  General  Scott  was  directed  to  pro 
ceed  to  the  Niagara  frontier,  and,  in  passing  through  Albany,  to  confer 
with  the  Governor.  Attorney-General  Crittenden  was  directed  by  the 
President  to  attend  the  McLeod  trial ;  and  also  to  confer  at  Albany 
with  the  Governor. 

To  all  these  communications  Seward  replied,  promising  cheerful 
and  prompt  cooperation.  General  Scott  arrived  in  Albany  on  the  16th, 
accompanied  by  his  aide,  Captain  Anderson ;  but  crossing  the  river  on 
the  ice,  late  at  night,  on  foot,  the  veteran  commander  slipped  and  fell 
heavily,  receiving  severe  contusions.  He  walked  with  difficulty  to  the 
Columbian  Hotel,  where  he  remained  under  medical  attendance  for 
several  days.  This,  however,  he  would  not  allow  to  interfere  with  his 
military  duties.  He  proceeded  to  arrange  for  the  possible  campaign. 
He  submitted  to  the  Governor  his  instructions,  from  which  the  latter 
learned  that  an  attempt  at  invasion  from  Canada  was  apprehended  ; 
and  the  general  was  authorized,  should  circumstances  demand  it,  to 
make  requisition  for  a  portion  of  the  militia  of  the  State — a  requisi 
tion  which,  the  Governor  assured  him,  should  be  at  once  met. 

The  next  day,  however,  came  a  letter  from  Chief-Justice  Nelson, 
announcing  that  McLeod's  trial  would  not  come  on  the  next  week. 
Mr.  Crittenden  accordingly  stopped  at  Albany,  and,  after  dining  with 
the  Governor  and  holding  a  long  consultation  with  him  and  with  Gen 
eral  Scott,  returned  to  Washington. 

Seward  now  addressed  Mr.  Webster,  and,  referring  to  the  changed 
aspect  of  the  correspondence  between  the  two  Governments  since  the 
British  Government  had  formally  assumed  the  responsibility  of  the 
destruction  of  the  Caroline,  and  had  demanded  the  surrender  of  Mc 
Leod,  said  : 

It  seems  proper  for  me  respectfully  to  state,  for  the  information  of  the 
President,  that  the  views  contained  in  my  letters  to  Mr.  Forsyth  have  undergone 
no  change ;  that,  in  accordance  with  the  opinions  previously  intimated  in  the 
letter  of  Mr.  Forsyth  to  Mr.  Fox,  the  question  of  the  responsibility  of  McLeod 
individually,  for  what  is  now  maintained  by  the  British  Government  to  have 
been  a  public  duty,  is  one  exclusively  of  judicial  cognizance,  and  can  be  deter 
mined  by  no  other  than  a  judicial  department,  either  in  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  or  that  of  this  State  ;  and  that,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  proceed 
ings  against  that  person,  it  must  be  decided  by  the  court  having  charge  of  the 
indictment  against  him. 

I  cannot,  consistently  with  a  proper  regard  for  the  rights  of  this  State, 
omit  the  opportunity  of  renewing  the  expression  of  my  anxiety  that  the  most 
prompt  and  decided  measures  shall  be  taken  to  obtain  from  the  British  Govern- 


528  LIFE  ANr>  LETTERS.  [1841. 

ment  suitable  reparation  for  the  outrages  committed  in  the  burning  of  the  Caro 
line,  the  responsibility  of  which  that  Government  has  now  taken  upon  itself. 

On  the  17th  of  March  there  was  a  novel  celebration  in  Albany  of 
St.  Patrick's  day.  A  large  temperance  procession  of  Irishmen,  with 
medals,  banners,  shamrocks,  and  other  embroidered  emblems,  marched 
through  the  streets  to  the  Capitol,  bearing  the  motto,  "  Long  life  to 
Father  Matthew  ! "  whose  zealous  efforts  and  impassioned  oratory  had 
brought  about  the  great  reform,  a  labor  in  which  the  Catholic  clergy 
of  Albany  had  heartily  cooperated.  Similar  demonstrations  were  oc 
curring  in  several  of  the  large  cities.  There  was  a  great  meeting  in 
the  City  Hall  Park  in  New  York  ;  in  Baltimore  there  was  a  temperance 
society  numbering  three  thousand,  one-half  of  whom  were  said  to  be 
reformed  drunkards. 

On  the  10th  of  March  Mr.  Worden  reported  a  resolution  to  amend 
the  State  constitution,  to  allow  colored  men  to  vote.  While  the  de 
bate  was  proceeding,  came  the  welcome  intelligence  from  John  Quincy 
Adams  at  Washington,  "  The  captives  are  free,"  for  the  Amistad  ne 
groes  had  been  released  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
Neither  of  these  were  gratifying  items  of  news  at  Richmond  ;  and 
shortly  afterward  the  Governor  of  Virginia  adopted  a  new  measure  in 
the  pending  controversy  with  New  York.  In  answer  to  a  requisition 
for  the  surrender  of  a  man  charged  with  forgery,  he  refused  compli 
ance  until  the  Governor  of  New  York  should  surrender  the  three  col 
ored  men,  Johnson,  Smith,  and  Gansey.  He  said  that  the  forger  should 
be  detained  six  months,  "  a  period  sufficient,  it  is  hoped,  to  enable  the 
authorities  of  that  State  to  determine  whether  the  Constitution  and 
laws  under  which  this  demand  is  made  are  of  as  binding  force  on  the 
State  of  New  York  as  on  the  State  of  Virginia."  But  from  this  the 
Richmond  Whig  dissented  :  "  Do  two  wrongs  make  a  right  ?  If  New 
York  violates  the  Constitution,  does  that  authorize  or  excuse  Virginia 
in  doing  it  ? "  The  next  day  brought  to  Albany  news  of  an  unex 
pected  crisis  in  the  Virginia  Legislature.  The  House  of  Delegates  had 
passed  resolutions  censuring  Governor  Gilmer,  and  saying,  "  He  ought 
to  surrender  fugitives,  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of  New  York  so  to 
act  in  a  similar  case."  Governor  Gilmer  retorted  with  a  message,  justi 
fying  his  action  and  tendering  his  resignation.  A  struggle  between 
the  two  parties  in  the  Legislature  ensued,  the  Democrats  desiring  to 
accept  his  resignation  and  elect  a  successor.  But  they  finally  ad 
journed  without  action.  Meanwhile  Governor  Seward  sent  in  a  mes 
sage  to  the  New  York  Legislature  in  regard  to  the  refusal  to  surrender 
the  forger,  and  with  it  a  copy  of  a  non-intercourse  act  which  had  now 
been  passed  by  the  Virginia  Legislature.  This  was  a  law  entitled  "  An 
act  to  prevent  citizens  of  New  York  from  carrying  slaves  out  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  to  prevent  the  escape  of  persons  charged  with  the 


1841.]  VIRGINIA   NON-INTERCOURSE   LAW.  529 

commission  of  any  crime."  It  subjected  all  New  York  vessels  to 
inspection  and  bonds,  and  to  fines  and  seizure,  in  case  of  non-com 
pliance.  The  law  was  to  be  suspended,  however,  whenever  New  York 
should  surrender  Johnson,  Smith,  and  Gansey  ;  and  should  repeal  the 
law  extending  trial  by  jury  to  persons  claimed  as  fugitive  slaves.  In 
his  message,  Seward  said  : 

Believing  that  the  right  is  invaluable  as  a  protection  to  personal  liberty,  is 
peculiarly  proper  in  cases  where  persons  are  exposed  to  the  loss  of  liberty  with 
out  even  a  charge  of  crime,  and  that  it  is  important  to  every  human  being 
within  our  jurisdiction,  in  proportion  to  the  humbleness  and  defenselessness  of 
his  condition,  I  cannot  recommend  the  repeal  of  the  act.  If  I  supposed,  as 
certainly  do  not,  that  any  disposition  existed  in  the  Legislature  to  repeal  the 
act,  I  should  deem  it  my  duty  to  remonstrate  against  the  measure.  I  deem 
it  proper  to  repeat,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that  the  humble  individuals  who 
are  pursued  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia  as  felons,  for  the  offense  of  being  sea 
men  on  board  a  ship  in  which  a  negro  had  secreted  himself  in  order  to  escape 
from  slavery,  if  they  yet  remain  in  this  State,  are  under  the  protection  of  its 
constitution  and  laws,  and  cannot  be  surrendered  to  the  State  of  Virginia  by  Ex 
ecutive  authority,  on  the  pretense  set  up  for  that  purpose,  without  a  deliberate 
violation  of  both ;  and  that  this  conviction,  adopted,  after  most  mature  and  im 
partial  deliberation,  and  strengthened  by  subsequent  reflection,  is  in  no  degree 
affected  by  the  recent  proceedings  of  the  authorities  of  Virginia. 

At  the  same  time  he  submitted,  without  comment,  resolutions  sent 
by  the  Legislature  of  Mississippi,  pronouncing  his  action  "  an  outrage 
upon  the  chartered  rights  of  Virginia,  and  a  precedent  full  of  danger 
to  all  the  slaveholding  States,"  and  declaring  that  "  Mississippi  would 
make  common  cause  with  other  States  in  any  mode  or  measure  of  re 
sistance  or  redress." 

The  Virginia  papers  led  to  an  animated  debate  in  the  State  Senate, 
Senator  Paige  leading  the  Democratic  side,  with  ability  and  address, 
dwelling  on  the  constitutional  obligations  to  perform  the  duty  de 
manded.  Verplanck  replied,  insisting  that  property  in  man  was  not  in 
our  laws,  and  not  in  the  Constitution. 

The  next  week,  news  was  received  that  the  acting-Governor  of 
Virginia  would  surrender  the  forger  ;  and  by  the  close  of  April  further 
correspondence  was  published,  comprising  the  letter  of  acting-Gov 
ernor  John  M.  Patton,  surrendering  the  forger,  and  renewing  the  de 
mand  for  the  three  colored  men.  Governor  Patton  was  the  third  who 
had  entered  the  field  in  behalf  of  Virginia. 

Governor  Seward,  in  his  reply,  remarked  : 

Your  compliance  with  this  requisition  is  made  in  your  communication  a 
ground  for  asking  a  reversal  of  my  decision  upon  a  similar  process  of  your  pred 
ecessor,  demanding  the  surrender  of  Peter  Johnson  and  others.  Although  the 
candor  you  have  avowed  is  by  no  means  questioned,  it  is  a  matter  of  some  sur 
prise  that  you  have  treated  the  cases  as  altogether  analogous. 
34 


530  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

It  was  not  unforeseen  that  difference  of  opinion  must  arise  between  the 
Xieutenant-Governor  and  the  Executive  of  this  State.  It  was  obvious  that  the 
former  would  assume,  in  conformity  with  opinions  known  to  prevail  in  Vir 
ginia,  that  men  of  a  certain  race  and  condition  may  be  and  are  property  and 
chattels,  the  subjects  of  purchase,  sale,  devise,  and  theft.  The  Executive  of 
this  State,  on  the  contrary,  would  have  been  faithless  to  the  spirit  of  its  con 
stitution  and  laws  if  he  had  not  maintained  that  all  men,  of  whatever  race  or 
condition,  were  men,  and  of  right  ought  to  be  freemen  ;  that  every  remedy  for 
duress  of  a  human  being  regarded  him  as  a  man,  and  not  as  property ;  and  that  it 
was  as  absurd,  in  this  State,  to  speak  of  property  in  immortal  beings,  and  conse 
quently  of  stealing  them,  as  it  would  be  to  discourse  of  a  division  of  property  in 
the  common  atmosphere.  .  .  .  The  authorities  of  New  York  have  not  been  the 
actors  in  any  transaction  tending  toward  a  derangement  of  the  relations  between 
this  State  and  Virginia.  New  York  has  done  nothing,  and  has  spoken  only 
when  and  so  often  as  she  was  appealed  to  by  Virginia,  and  then  always  in  the 
language  of  respect  and  affection.  New  York  has  made  no  novel  nor  question 
able  demand,  complained  of  no  wrongs,  offered  no  rewards  for  violations  of  laws 
of  Virginia,  passed  no  vindictive  acts,  made  no  menaces,  nor  has  she  endeavored, 
in  any  manner,  to  excite  her  sister  States  against  Virginia;  although,  she 
doubts  not,  there  are  many  and  enlightened  States  among  them  which  cherish 
her  own  principles,  and  respect  her  decision. 

Although  not  loud  and  frequent  in  profession,  New  York  is  constant  in 
works  showing  her  attachment  to  the  Union.  Her  history  presents  no  instance 
in  which  she  has  questioned  its  value ;  nor  has  she  ever  indulged  speculations 
concerning  that  after-state  which  sometimes  engages  the  contemplation  of  those 
whose  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  Union  is  not  fully  settled. 

You  are  pleased  to  remark  that  this  State  is  pursuing  a  course  calculated  to 
render  her  territory  an  asylum  for  felons  and  runaway  slaves.  "Waiving  all 
exceptions  to  the  spirit  of  this  remark,  I  trust  I  may  be  permitted  to  reply 
that  the  experience  of  the  people  of  this  State  has  proved,  at  least  to  their 
own  satisfaction,  that  neither  public  virtue  nor  public  prosperity  has  received 
any  injury  from  extending,  so  far  as  has  yet  been  done,  equal  justice  to  every 
class  and  every  race  of  men  within  her  limits. 

Seward,  writing  to  John  Quincy  Adams  in  April,  said  : 

Our  mutual  friend  Mr.  Gales  has  written  me  that  you  have  bestowed  some 
consideration  upon  the  discussion  which  has  recently  taken  place  between  the 
Executive  authorities  of  Virginia  and  myself.  I  return  you  my  thanks  for 
your  kind  permission  to  him  to  communicate  to  me  the  opinion  you  have  ex 
pressed.  As  the  subject  is  one  of  growing  importance,  and  likely  to  excite 
much  interest,  I  take  the  liberty  to  send  you  copies  of  all  the  papers. 

Permit  me  to  express  to  you  my  sincere  acknowledgments  for  your  high  and 
honorable  efforts  in  behalf  of  human  liberty  in  the  case  of  the  prisoners  in  the 
Amistad. 

Writing  to  Jabez  D.  Hammond,  the  historian,  on  the  20th,  he  said : 

I  fully  appreciate  the  generous  impulses  which  dictated  your  letter.  And  I 
am  gratified  with  the  direct  and  incontrovertible  argument  it  contains  in  support 


1841.]  DEATH   OF  HARRISON.  531 

of  the  position  I  have  taken  in  what  the  Virginians  call  "  the  New  York  and 
Virginia  controversy." 

It  has  been  a  trial  of  my  fortitude  to  stand  so  much  alone  in  the  matter. 
But  there  are  now  abundant  indications  that  the  doubti  of  men  who  ought  to 
understand  and  to  support  the  right  are  wearing  away.  ...  I  thank  God  the 
time  has  come  at  last  in  which,  while  we  acknowledge  we  have  no  right  to  in 
terfere  with  the  sovereignty  of  slaveholding  States,  we  can  assert  also  that 
those  States  shall  not  interfere  with  ours.  ...  I  have  received  to-night  a  noble 
letter  on  the  subject  from  President  Adams,  approving  my  views. 

Acknowledging  this  letter  of  Mr.  Adams,  he  said  : 

Even  in  this  State  the  subjection  into  which  the  minds  of  many  of  our  citi 
zens  were  brought  in  regard  to  every  question  which  might  in  any  way  seem  to 
affect  "the  peculiar  institution  of  the  Southern  States,"  has  rendered  them  slow 
to  appreciate  our  own  deep  interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the  position  I  have 
assumed.  The  influence  of  many  wise  and  good  men  has  been  in  favor  of  the 
extraordinary  demand  of  Virginia.  Although  this  influence  daily  diminishes,  I 
shall  gain  much  strength  from  your  sanction  of  my  decision.  .  .  .  With  the  same 
respect  and  veneration  which,  some  years  ago,  conducted  me  to  your  retreat  at 
Quincy  to  obtain  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance,  I  remain,  etc. 

On  the  1st  of  April  it  was  reported  that  President  Harrison  was 
seriously  ill,  and  that  his  disease  was  pleuro-pneumonia,  caused  by  cold, 
constant  occupation,  and  excitement.  Since  his  inauguration  the  White 
House  had  been  overrun  with  visitors,  and  the  President  had  neither 
time  nor  rest.  On  the  2d  a  consultation  of  physicians  was  held,  and 
all  visitors  excluded.  On  the  3d  he  was  thought  to  be  improving.  On 
the  4th  he  was  worse,  and  it  was  publicly  announced  that  his  condition 
was  very  critical.  On  the  5th  news  came  to  Albany  that  he  was  not 
expected  to  survive  the  attack.  Early  in  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  the 
6th,  the  New  York  boat  brought  news  of  the  President's  death,  casting 
a  gloom  over  the  city.  Flags  were  hoisted  at  half-mast ;  the  courts 
and  Common  Council  adjourned.  When  the  Legislature  met  at  nine, 
a  message  was  received  from  the  Governor,  saying: 

This  event  brings  a  form  of  trial  through  which  our  Constitution  has  not  yet 
passed.  The  Chief  Magistrate  has  been  removed  at  the  very  commencement  of 
his  constitutional  term  of  public  service,  at  a  moment  when  he  was  preparing 
to  meet  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  at  a  session  called  in  an  extraordinary 
exigency  of  public  affairs. 

The  Legislature  will,  it  is  presumed,  adopt  some  form  for  the  expression  of 
the  sympathy  of  the  public  authorities  of  this  State  with  their  fellow-citizens, 
and  their  respect  for  the  deceased,  although  all  must  feel  that  public  honors 
are  as  unavailing  to  assuage  a  nation's  grief  as  they  are  superfluous  to  perpetu 
ate  the  wisdom  and  the  virtue  of  the  great  and  the  good. 

The  Legislature  appointed  committees  to  pay  suitable  honors  to 
the  memory  of  the  deceased  President,  and  adjourned.  The  newspa- 


532  LIFE   ANI)   LETTERS.  [1841. 

pers  were  filled  with  details  of  his  sickness,  and  of  the  scenes  at  the 
White  House.  The  cabinet,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President, 
made  public  announcement  that  Mr.  Tyler  was  at  his  home  in  Virginia, 
but  would  be  at  once  sent  for.  Mrs.  Harrison  was  at  North  Bend. 
Harrison's  last  words  were  reported  to  have  been  :  "  Sir,  I  wish  you  to 
understand  the  true  principles  of  the  Government  ;  I  wish  them  car 
ried  out  ;  I  ask  nothing  more." 

At  Albany  Adjutant-General  King  directed  that  minute-guns 
should  be  fired  by  all  artillery  commands  in  the  State  ;  that  officers 
should  wear  crape  on  their  arms,  and  that  standards  should  be  draped 
in  mourning,  by  order  of  the  commander-in-chief.  The  Senate  and 
Assembly  passed  resolutions  to  wear  badges  of  mourning. 

The  Governor  was  requested  to  transmit  the  legislative  resolutions 
of  condolence  to  the  family,  and  to  the  State  and  Federal  authorities. 
While  the  funeral  was  taking  place  at  Washington,  the  bells  of  all 
the  churches  were  tolled  in  Albany.  Minute-guns  were  fired  from 
sunrise  to  sunset  at  the  Capitol  Park.  Flags  were  lowered  and  places 
of  business  closed.  Similar  ceremonies  took  place  in  other  cities. 
For  a  day  or  two  the  great  national  calamity  absorbed  all  attention. 
It  was  the  first  time  a  President  had  died  in  office.  A  discourse  was 
ordered  to  be  delivered  before  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature  on 
Sunday,  the  25th.  The  city  authorities  ordered  a  funeral  ceremonial 
on  Friday,  the  9th.  Minute-guns  were  again  fired,  church-bells  tolled, 
and  after  eight  o'clock  no  merchant  had  door  or  window  open  ;  flags 
were  shrouded  in  crape  ;  hotels,  public  buildings,  and  churches,  were 
draped  in  mourning.  There  was  a  procession  a  mile  in  length,  of 
military  companies,  State  and  municipal  authorities,  and  benevolent 
associations.  A  chief  feature  in  it  was  the  funeral  urn,  followed  by 
the  riderless  horse,  with  trappings  of  a  general  officer.  All  denomina 
tions  united.  There  were  dirges  and  anthems  ;  Dr.  Potter  read  the 
burial  service,  Dr.  Sprague  delivered  a  discourse,  and  Dr.  Wyckoff 
offered  prayer.  The  next  evening  there  was  a  torch-light  procession 
of  firemen,  by  whom .  the  funeral  urn  and  mourning  emblems  were 
borne  in  red  glare  to  solemn  music.  So  closed  the  year  of  processions, 
mass-meetings,  and  public  gatherings — a  striking  epoch,  culminating 
in  brief  power  and  sudden  fall. 


1841.]  TYLER   INAUGURATED.  533 

CHAPTER    XXXV. 

1841. 

Tyler  sworn  in.— Whig  Hopes.— The  Tribune.— The  State  Printing.— The  "Nine  Months' 
Law."— Sunday-Schools.— The  Public  Schools  in  New  York.— The  Blind  and  Mute.— 
The  Oneidas. — McLeod's  Arrest. — Correspondence  with  President  Tyler. 

THE  Whigs  were  startled  and  grieved,  but  not  politically  disheart 
ened.  They  still  had  the  Government ;  they  had  a  Vice-President  who 
would  doubtless  carry  out  the  views  of  his  chief  ;  they  had  a  cabinet 
with  Webster  at  its  head  ;  they  had  a  Congress  with  a  Whig  major 
ity  ;  and  they  had  a  candidate  for  the  succession  already  settled  upon, 
and  that  candidate  was  Henry  Clay.  They  did  not  yet  dream  that 
the  death  of  "  Old  Tip  "  was  but  the  beginning  of  their  troubles. 

The  Governor,  in  communicating  the  resolutions  to  Mrs.  Harrison, 
in  accordance  with  legislative  request,  added,  in  his  letter  of  condo 
lence  : 

Reluctant  as  I  am  to  protract  my  intrusion  upon  sorrows  which  I  know  full 
well  must  have  higher  consolations  than  even  the  condolence  of  a  great  nation, 
I  shall  nevertheless  discharge  my  duty  very  unsatisfactorily  if  I  leave  it  to  be 
inferred  that  these  expressions  of  sympathy  of  which  I  am  the  organ  are  mere 
ly  conventional.  The  Legislature  are  not  ignorant  of  the  domestic  virtues  of 
the  departed  President,  nor  of  his  tender  affection  toward  yourself  and  all  oth 
ers  to  whom  he  was  intimately  allied.  Death  has  made  final,  so  far  as  this 
world  is  concerned,  a  separation  which  you  had  reason  to  hope  and  expect  would 
be  brief  and  temporary  ;  and  the  painfulness  of  the  dispensation  cannot  be  sup 
posed  to  be  relieved,  even  by  the  remembrance  of  the  distinguished  public 
honors  of  which  he  was  the  recipient.  In  these  circumstances  the  thoughts  of 
all  our  countrymen  turn  toward  you  with  affectionate  tenderness  and  solicitude, 
so  soon  as  their  emotions  of  surprise  and  grief  subside. 

The  National  Intelligencer  soon  announced  that  Vice-President 
Tyler  had  arrived  on  Tuesday,  had  taken  the  oath  of  office  as  Presi 
dent  before  Judge  Cranch,  had  entered  upon  his  duties,  and  had  re 
quested  the  cabinet  to  continue  in  their  offices. 

Shortly  after  his  address  was  received.  It  was  brief,  appropriate, 
and  indicated  a  disposition  to  pursue  the  policy  already  entered  upon 
by  the  Whig  Administration.  He  issued  a  proclamation  for  a  national 
fast-day,  in  conformity  with  the  general  expectation  and  feeling. 

A  great  Whig  meeting  in  New  York,  Moses  H.  Grinnell  presiding, 
responded  to  the  sentiments  of  Tyler's  address,  and  expressed  their 
confidence  that  he  would  carry  out  the  measures  of  his  predecessor. 

It  was  noted  as  a  coincidence  and  fortunate  omen  that  John  Ty 
ler,  the  father  of  the  President,  succeeded  Benjamin  Harrison,  the 
father  of  President  Harrison,  in  1781,  as  Speaker  of  the  Virginia 


534:  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

House  of  Delegates.  Then  it  was  announced  that  President  Tyler 
had  removed  to  the  White  House,  and  held  his  first  cabinet  meeting  ; 
that  he  had  appointed  Harrison's  son-in-law  to  be  postmaster  at  Cin 
cinnati,  and  his  nephew  to  be  Register  of  the  Land-Office.  The  Sec 
retary  of  War  placed  his  two  grandsons  at  West  Point ;  and  it  was 
remarked  that  the  general's  relatives  fared  better  than  if  he  had  lived, 
as  it  was  his  intention  to  appoint  none  of  them  to  office. 

The  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  held  a  meeting  expressing 
their  approval  of  Tyler's  address,  and  his  continuance  of  the  cabinet, 
and  tendered  him  their  confidence  and  support.  All  appointments 
made  and  to  be  made,  it  was  believed,  were  to  be  "  Harrison  men." 

Yet  there  were  some  disquieting  political  signs.  Many  of  the  town 
meetings  had  resulted  in  Whig  defeats.  The  Whigs  had  carried  Albany, 
but  by  a  reduced  majority  ;  the  Democrats  had  carried  New  York,  and 
elected  ex-Recorder  Morris  to  be  mayor.  Furthermore,  the  Democratic 
newspapers  were  praising  the  new  President.  "Why  should  they?" 
was  the  natural  inquiry  among  the  Whigs. 

A  new  newspaper  now  made  its  appearance  in  the  mails  and  in 
the  hands  of  Whig  readers.  It  was  the  expected  successor  of  the 
Log  Cabin,  was  edited  by  Horace  Greeley,  and  called  the  New  York 
Tribune.  The  Evening  Journal  warmly  commended  it,  and  Whigs 
throughout  the  State  began  to  subscribe  for  it. 

Early  in  April  the  Democrats  in  the  Assembly  devised  a  project  to 
make  the  State  Printer's  position  as  uncomfortable  as  the  Whigs  had 
sought  to  make  that  of  his  predecessor.  Mr.  Chatfield  introduced  a 
resolution  calling  for  a  statement  of  all  printing,  and  of  all  the  prices 
charged  for  each  item.  The  Whigs,  though  knowing  this  to  be  a  hos 
tile  move,  could  not  refuse  to  vote  for  it.  They  laid  it  over  for  one 
day  for  consultation.  The  next  morning  Mr.  French,  a  Whig  member, 
offered  an  amendment  to  the  resolution,  proposing  to  carry  the  investi 
gation  still  further,  and  to  require  a  comparative  statement  of  the 
amounts  received  and  prices  paid  to  Weed  and  to  Croswell,  and  a 
statement  of  what  Weed  would  have  received  if  he  had  been  paid  at 
the  same  rates  that  Croswell  was. 

This  turned  the  Democratic  guns  against  themselves.  They  strenu 
ously  opposed  the  amendment,  but  the  Whigs  carried  it,  and  adopted 
the  resolution.  A  few  days  later,  Weed's  report  was  presented,  and  it 
showed  a  saving  of  several  thousand  dollars  to  the  State  since  his  ap 
pointment,  as  compared  with  previous  rates. 

On  the  16th  Mr.  Worden,  from  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the 
Assembly,  reported  in  favor  of  repealing  the  law  permitting  persons 
visiting  the  State  to  hold  slaves  during  nine  months. 

A  new  phase  of  the  McLeod  case  occurred  in  the  Assembly,  on  a 
motion  by  an  opposition  member  to  direct  a  nolle  prosequi  to  be  en- 


UN1VEK 

OF 


1841.]  THE   NEW   YORK  SCHOOLS.  535 

tered.  A  debate  followed,  in  which  Messrs.  O'Sullivan,  Hoffman, 
Swackhamer,  Richmond,  Hubbell,  Chatfield,  Hawley,  Duer,  and  Culver, 
took  part.  It  was  continued  until,  on  the  25th,  Mr.  Simmons  brought 
in  a  bill  providing  for  a  special  circuit  for  the  trial  of  Alexander 
McLeod,  to  be  held  whenever  deemed  expedient  by  the  Chief -Justice. 
The  ground  taken  by  the  Whig  members  was  that,  if  McLeod  was  in 
nocent,  the  jury  would  acquit  him  ;  if  he  was  guilty,  British  power 
could  not  and  ought  not  to  rescue  him. 

Some  official  changes  were  made  this  month.  Robert  H.  Pruyn 
was  appointed  Judge-Advocate-General,  to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by 
the  death  of  Van  Vechten.  Day  Otis  Kellogg,  of  Troy,  was  appointed 
Paymaster-General ;  Dr.  James  McNaughton,  Surgeon-General ;  Spencer 
S.  Benedict,  Quartermaster-General.  The  Governor  also  appointed  to 
be  trustees  of  the  new  State  Lunatic  Asylum  at  Utica,  Colonel  William 
L.  Stone,  Nicholas  Devereux,  Charles  B.  Coventry,  Willett  H.  Sherman, 
and  Theodore  S.  Faxton. 

A  message  was  sent  in,  in  regard  to  the  Madison  County  judges 
who  were  accused  of  judicial  abuse  of  the  naturalization  laws.  Instead 
of  absolutely  removing  them,  the  Governor  laid  a  careful  summary  of 
the  facts  before  the  Legislature,  saying  : 

Under  all  the  circumstances,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  exposure  of  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  judges  in  the  present  case  will  be  sufficient  to  induce  a  correc 
tion  of  the  practices  complained  of,  and  to  prevent  an  imitation  of  them  by 
other  courts.  ...  I  believe  it  would  be  better,  for  the  permanent  interests  of 
the  country,  to  confer  the  right  of  suffrage  upon  all  who  ask  it,  and  who  have 
not  rendered  themselves  unworthy  of  it  by  crime,  after  a  period  of  residence  less 
than  that  prescribed  by  the  naturalization  laws.  But  these  are  opinions,  not 
laws,  and  judges  and  magistrates  are  bound  to  execute  the  laws,  not  as  they  sup 
pose  they  ought  to  be,  but  as  tbey  are. 

A  letter  to  George  H.  Thatcher,  concerning  the  influence  of  Sun 
day-schools  upon  the  morals  of  the  people,  said  : 

Our  country  is  full  of  literary  and  benevolent  associations,  established  with  a 
view  to  improve  the  morals  and  elevate  the  character  of  society,  and  they  are 
generally  benign  and  efficient  in  their  operation.  If  obliged  to  choose  whether 
all  these  associations  should  be  abolished,  or  the  Sunday-schools  should  be  dis 
continued  throughout  the  land,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  say,  "  Spare  the  Sunday- 
schools." 

John  C.  Spencer,  who,  as  Secretary  of  State,  was  Superintendent  of 
Schools,  made  an  elaborate  report  upon  the  memorials  and  projects 
in  regard  to  common  schools  in  New  York.  He  showed  that  the  school- 
moneys  for  the  city  of  New  York,  and  the  control  of  public  education 
there,  had  been  vested,  since  1826,  in  a  corporation  called  "  The  Pub 
lic  School  Society."  This  society  had  provided  commodious  school— 


536  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

houses,  good  teachers,  and  a  well-arranged  system  of  instruction,  with 
praiseworthy  zeal  and  devotion.  Nevertheless,  many  complaints  came 
from  people  having  no  share  in  the  management  of  the  system.  These 
said  that  duties  of  public  administration  ought  not  to  be  devolved  on  a 
private  corporation ;  that  all  tax-payers  had  a  right  to  a  voice  in  regard 
to  taxes  and  the  employment  of  funds;  that  the  society  was  neither 
elected  nor  appointed  by  public  authority,  and  formed  a  perpetual  cor 
poration,  choosing  trustees  and  officers  without  regard  to  the  wishes  of 
the  public  ;  that  while  aiming  to  avoid  sectarianism,  it  was  sectarian, 
because  it  was  made  up  of  wealthy  men  of  a  few  denominations,  while 
others  were  left  no  alternative  but  to  establish  schools  of  their  own, 
and  pay  for  them  in  addition  to  the  taxes  paid  to  the  Public  School 
Society,  and  that  many  poorer  persons  were  not  sending  their  children 
at  all. 

Spencer  argued  that  the  true  remedy,  and  one  consistent  with  our 
system  of  government,  was  absolute  non-intervention  by  the  State  in 
matters  of  religious  teachings,  and  that  the  school  system  of  the  State 
ought  to  be  extended  to  the  city  of  New  York,  letting  each  school  dis 
trict  choose  its  own  officers  and  teachers,  raise  its  own  taxes,  and  use 
its  own  share  of  the  funds.  Thus  every  citizen  would  have  a  voice  ;  all 
religions  would  be  tolerated ;  and  the  local  majority  would  govern  as  it 
does  in  all  other  public  affairs.  He  added  that  the  Public  School  So 
ciety,  though  eminently  useful  and  benevolent,  was  not  an  official  body, 
and  was  liable  to  defects  and  objections  inevitable  in  view  of  that  fact. 
Recommending  the  extension  of  the  general  school  laws  of  the  State 
to  the  city,  he  maintained  the  positions  of  the  message  of  the  Governor 
and  its  recognition  of  the  equal  right  of  all  citizens  to  participate  in 
the  schools. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  session  the  act  thus  perfecting  the  common- 
school  system  came  to  a  final  vote,  a  strong  speech  of  A.  B.  Dickinson, 
for  "  universal  education,"  giving  it  effective  aid. 

The  nomination  of  Major  Noah  for  Judge  of  General  Sessions,  and 
of  Hiram  Ketchum  for  Circuit  Judge,  had  been  sent  in  by  the  Governor 
to  the  Senate.  Major  Noah  was  confirmed  without  opposition.  While 
Mr.  Ketchum's  nomination  was  pending,  he  came  to  Albany  and  ap 
peared  before  the  Senate  committee  in  behalf  of  the  Public  School 
Society  of  New  York,  opposing  Mr.  Spencer's  report,  and  the  Govern 
or's  recommendations  in  regard  to  the  public  schools.  The  Governor 
deemed  that  he  could  no  longer,  with  consistency  or  due  regard  to  his 
own  convictions,  present  him  as  a  candidate,  and  accordingly  withdrew 
the  nomination,  and  sent  in  the  name  of  William  Kent  instead.  Kent 
was  confirmed,  but  the  withdrawal  of  Ketchum  imbittered  the  disputes 
going  on  in  the  Whig  ranks.  The  opponents  of  the  Governor  on  the 
school  question  declared  that  Ketchum  was  persecuted  for  opinion's 


1841.]  THE   ONEIDAS.  537 

sake,  and  that  the  Governor  was  arbitrary  and  unjust.  The  breach 
widened  as  time  went  on. 

In  the  Legislature,  this  year,  the  advocates  of  internal  improvement 
derived  fresh  encouragement  from  Verplanck's  report,  demonstrating 
that  the  work  on  the  canals  might  safely  go  on  by  loans  as  before 
recommended,  if  the  natural  and  certain  revenues  of  the  canals  were 
applied  to  the  payment  of  interest,  and  gradual  repayment  of  prin 
cipal. 

The  State  institutions  of  New  York  came  as  usual  for  aid.  The 
Governor  directed  the  small-pox  hospital  to  be  enlarged  at  the  quaran 
tine,  the  dock  to  be  extended,  and  various  repairs  to  be  made.  An  ex 
hibition  of  the  pupils  of  the  Institution  for  the  Blind,  held  in  the  As 
sembly  chamber,  showed  their  special  proficiency  in  music,  and  in 
making  paper  boxes,  mats,  and  willow-ware  ;  while  in  their  studies, 
prosecuted  by  reading  with  their  fingers,  they  were  apparently  as  ad 
vanced  as  other  pupils  of  their  age.  The  Governor  occupied  the  chair 
during  the  exercises,  having  previously  entertained  teachers  and  pupils 
at  his  house.  The  pupils  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Institute  also  visited 
him,  and  by  the  marvelous  rapidity  of  their  pantomimic  descriptions, 
and  their  answers  on  their  porcelain  slates,  proved  themselves  well  de 
serving  the  aid  they  were  seeking  from  the  State. 

Another  class  of  the  wards  of  the  State  claimed  Executive  atten 
tion  through  Moses  Schuyler,  the  gray-haired  chief  of  the  Oneidas.  Of 
all  the  Six  Nations  only  the  Oneidas  were  faithful  and  friendly  to  the 
Americans  during  the  Revolutionary  War.  A  mere  handful  of  them 
were  now  left,  and  their  old  chief  had  come  to  the  house  of  the  Gov 
ernor  to  talk  about  the  sale  of  the  lands  of  the  tribe,  and  their  removal 
from  the  State  to  Green  Bay  on  Lake  Michigan.  Seward  answered 
him  : 

I  have  listened  to  your  talk  with  deep  interest.  The  departure  from  time  to 
time  of  the  several  portions  of  your  tribe  is  always  regarded  by  me  as  among  the 
most  affecting  events  in  our  history.  The  Oneidas  have  always  been  protected 
and  cherished  by  the  public  council  of  the  State.  Their  welfare,  their  improve 
ment,  their  civilization,  have  been  our  constant  care ;  and  I  have  indulged  a  hope 
that  a  remnant,  at  least,  of  the  nation  might  remain  among  us  a  monument  of 
the  justice  and  generosity  of  our  people.  But  the  Great  Spirit  does  not  will  it 
to  be  so. 

You  know  how  reluctantly  I  have  consented  to  the  sale  of  your  lands.  I 
have  now  given  the  reason  for  it.  The  council-fire  of  the  Oneidas  will  soon  be 
extinguished.  It  is  well  that  no  enmity  can  be  raked  from  its  ashes.  Brother, 
your  request  is  complied  with.  The  agent  who  has  been  just  to  you  and  to  us 
shall  accompany  you  until  you  pass  the  boundaries  of  the  State. 

Brother,  I  shall  always  listen  anxiously  to  hear  the  reports  concerning  you 
in  your  new  settlement.  I  hope  to  bear  tbat  your  people  are  contented,  prosper 
ous,  and  happy.  Brother,  you  are  an  old  and  good  man.  You  have  seen  the 


538  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [184L 

desolations  which  the  fire-water  has  produced  among  your  people.     Admonish 
them  now  to  banish  that  fatal  enemy  from  their  new  home. 

Brother,  I  bid  you  farewell.  May  the  Great  Spirit  guide  you  on  your  way, 
defend  your  people  from  every  danger,  and  enlighten  them  with  the  knowledge 
that  leads  in  ways  of  virtue  and  happiness !  Peace  be  with  you  and  your  chil 
dren! 

This  Moses  Schuyler  commanded  nine  hundred  Indians  under  Gen 
eral  Scott  during  the  War  of  1812.  Two  granddaughters  of  the  famous 
Skenando  were  also  among  the  departing  tribe.  They  embarked  at 
Buffalo  on  a  vessel  chartered  for  them  by  the  State  government,  and 
went  to  their  new  home  in  the  West. 

Early  in  May  McLeod  was  taken  to  New  York,  passing  down  the 
river  on  the  steamboat  Swallow  in  charge  of  the  Sheriff  of  Niagara 
County,  upon  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  granted  by  Judge  Bronson,  to 
be  brought  before  the  Supreme  Court.  In  that  tribunal  the  counsel 
who  appeared  in  his  behalf  was  the  District  Attorney  of  the  United 
States.  Governor  Seward  addressed  a  communication  to  President 
Tyler,  saying  that — 

As  the  Attorney-General  of  this  State,  and  the  District  Attorney  of  Niagara 
County,  have  charge  of  this  prosecution  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  the  unseemly  aspect  is  presented  of  a  conflict  between  the  Fed 
eral  Government  and  that  of  this  State,  which  I  respectfully  submit  to  you  is 
not  calculated  to  inspire  confidence  among  the  common  constituents  of  both, 
nor  to  challenge  that  respect  from  Great  Britain  to  which  our  institutions  are 
entitled,  and  which  it  is  so  essential  to  preserve,  particularly  in  the  present 
state  of  the  controversy  with  her. 

Answer  was  made  to  this,  that  the  United  States  District  Attorney 
was  acting  without  orders  from  Washington.  Further  correspondence 
ensued.  In  a  letter  of  May  20th,  Seward  said  : 

When  her  Britannic  Majesty's  minister  protested  against  the  detention  of 
McLeod,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  as  the  organ  of  New  York  and  her 
sister  States  in  their  foreign  relations,  replied  to  the  Government  of  Great  Brit 
ain  that  the  offense  with  which  the  accused  is  charged  was  committed  within 
the  territory  and  against  the  laws  and  citizens  of  this  State,  and  was  one  that 
came  clearly  within  the  competency  of  her  tribunals. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  having  made  these  declarations,  became 
constitutionally  bound  to  maintain  them,  and  to  guarantee,  defend,  and  justify 
the  State  of  New  York,  with  the  power  of  the  nation  if  necessary,  in  "  the 
vindication  of  the  property  and  lives  of  her  citizens."  New  York  was  steadily 
and  regularly  pursuing  that  course  of  vindication,  when  the  British  Government 
peremptorily  demanded  the  discontinuance  of  the  proceeding.  It  is  at  such  a 
moment  that  the  President  informs  the  State  of  New  York  that  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  has  no  interest  in  the  proceeding  in  which  that  State 
is  engaged.  I  beg  leave  most  respectfully  to  assure  you,  sir,  that  the  declara 
tion  will  be  received  by  the  people  of  New  York  with  surprise  and  disappoint- 


1841.]  DEBATE   ON   THE   McLEOD   CASE.  539 

merit.  It  is  held  on  my  part  that  the  State  of  New  York  cannot,  without  dis 
honor,  especially  under  what  must  be  construed  as  a  menace  by  Great  Britain, 
retire  from  the  prosecution  by  which  she  is  vindicating  the  property  and  lives 
of  her  citizens. 

This  letter  brought  a  reply  from  President  Tyler,  reviewing  the 
subject  and  adhering  to  his  previous  view  that  he  ought  not  to  inter 
pose  nor  forbid  the  United  States  District  Attorney  from  acting  as 
McLeod's  counsel.  In  support  of  this  view  the  President  argued  that 
every  accused  person  was  entitled  to  defense,  and  that  it  is  one  of  the 
rights  of  attorneys  to  plead  for  whom  they  choose.  To  this  Seward 
rejoined,  on  the  1st  of  June,  at  some  length. 

In  the  Legislature  the  debate  went  on  with  some  vehemence.  One 
orator  said  that,  if  McLeod  should  be  hanged,  one  of  the  vultures  that 
came  to  tear  his  carcass  would  be  the  fitting  emblem  to  take  the  place 
of  the  American  eagle.  The  Whigs  defended  the  Governor's  action. 
The  papers  were  called  for  by  resolution ;  they  were  sent  in,  and  in 
the  accompanying  message  the  Governor  said  : 

The  Assembly  is  further  informed  that  the  prisoner  is  now  before  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  this  State  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  sued  out,  as  it  is  under 
stood,  by  himself,  with  a  view  to  his  discharge  from  custody.  The  Attorney- 
General  of  this  State  was  thereupon  immediately  instructed  to  resist  the  motion 
for  a  discharge  of  the  prisoner ;  and  at  the  same  time  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  respectfully  informed  that  the  appearance  of  the  District 
Attorney  of  the  United  States,  as  counsel  for  the  prisoner,  was  deemed  incon 
gruous  with  official  duties  and  injurious  to  this  State.  The  Attorney-General  is 
now  engaged  in  the  duty  assigned  him.  An  incidental  correspondence  on  the 
subject  of  the  imprisonment  of  Alexander  McLeod  having  arisen  between  his 
Excellency  the  Governor  of  the  Canadas  and  the  Executive  of  this  State,  a  copy 
of  the  same  is  also  laid  before  the  Assembly. 

The  letter  to  Lord  Sydenham,  here  referred  to,  was  one  acknowl 
edging  his  courtesy  in  complying  with  a  request  to  surrender  a 
fugitive  from  justice,  and  saying  : 

I  regret  to  learn,  from  an  allusion  in  your  letter,  that  your  Excellency  labors 
under  some  misapprehension  concerning  the  detention  of  a  British  subject  in 
this  State. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  character  of  the  original  transaction  in  conse 
quence  of  which  that  person  was  arrested,  he  had  the  misfortune,  before  any 
affirmance  of  that  transaction  by  the  British  Government,  to  be  indicted  in  one 
of  our  courts,  and,  as  is  said,  upon  confessions  of  his  own,  for  the  crimes  of  mur 
der  and  arson  committed  in  this  State.  His  detention  is  solely  to  answer  that 
indictment. 

The  opposition  newspapers  and  leaders  in  debate,  quick  to  perceive 
their  opportunity  for  fomenting  discord  among  the  Whigs,  and  array 
ing  the  State  and  national  Executives  in  antagonism  with  each  other, 


540  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

warmly  seconded  the  views  of  President  Tyler,  and  condemned  those 
of  Governor  Seward. 

In  a  private  letter  to  Thomas  Ewing,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
Seward  wrote  : 

When  Mr.  Crittenden  was  here,  he  was  met  with  frankness,  and  unreserved 
communications  were  made  to  him  concerning  our  views  on  the  McLeod  and 
Caroline  questions.  We  expected  similar  confidence  to  be  reposed  in  us,  more 
especially  as  the  questions  have  a  local  bearing  and  local  interest  affecting  this 
State. 

No  communication  on  that  subject  has  been  received,  except  the  President's 
reply  to  a  letter  of  mine  concerning  an  incident  connected  with  the  proceedings 
in  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State.  I  should  have  been  wanting  in  the  frank 
ness  that  I  desire  always  to  manifest,  if  I  had  not  made  known  to  the  President 
that  the  surrender  or  discharge  of  McLeod,  with  the  seeming  agency  or  consent 
of  the  General  Government,  will  have  a  most  unhappy  effect. 

I  fear  that  I  shall  be  thought  one  of  those  who  take  pleasure  in  fault-finding. 
I  assure  you,  however,  that  if  I  were  constitutionally  disposed  that  way,  I  have 
had  experience  enough  of  being  found  fault  with  to  save  me  from  that  category. 

He  also  wrote,  on  the  31st  of  May,  to  Attorney-General  Crittenden, 
saying  : 

I  welcome  the  news  of  your  return  to  Washington.  You  will  see  that,  dur 
ing  your  absence,  a  correspondence,  not  more  unpleasant  than  unprofitable,  has 
taken  place  between  the  President  and  myself,  concerning  the  offense  of  Alex 
ander  McLeod. 

Although  I  feel  that  I  am  injured  in  this  matter,  in  the  house  of  my  friends, 
I  care  nothing  for  that.  I  cannot  but  believe  that  the  confusion  into  which 
things  necessarily  fell,  for  a  time,  at  Washington,  in  consequence  of  the  death 
of  General  Harrison,  and  your  absence  from  Washington,  in  a  season  when 
your  explanations  would  have  been  useful,  have  contributed  to  this  result.  My 
object  in  addressing  you  is  to  call  your  attention  to  the  subject,  in  order  that 
you  may  now  do  whatever  shall  seem  to  you  to  be  useful.  I  do  not  ask  your 
interposition.  I  do  not  ask  you  even  to  acknowledge  this  communication.  I 
should  deem  it  improper  for  you,  as  a  member  of  the  cabinet,  to  write  me  on 
the  subject,  except  in  support  of  the  President. 

But  I  think  it  well,  in  this  informal  way,  to  suggest  that  the  talent  and  wit 
of  a  Whig  Administration  might  be  more  profitably  exercised  in  some  other 
manner  than  in  an  unavailing  effort  to  drive  me  from  a  course  which,  in  my 
poor  judgment,  is  required,  not  less  by  patriotism  and  the  honor  of  this  State 
than  by  devotion  to  the  Administration  itself. 

McLeod's  application  for  discharge  came  up  in  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  was  argued  before  Chief -Justice  Nelson,  Judges  Bronson  and  Cowen ; 
the  Attorney-General  of  the  State  opposing,  and  the  District  Attorney 
of  the  United  States  advocating  the  application.  The  latter,  while  de 
fending  McLeod,  defended  also  his  own  course  in  assisting  him.  He 
said  that  McLeod  was  his  client  before  he  received  his  appointment  as 


1841.]  MICHAEL   HOFFMAN.  541 

District  Attorney.  While  nobody  could  doubt  the  truth  of  his  state 
ments  in  this  regard,  there  was  a  general  impression  daily  strengthen 
ing  in  the  public  mind  that  he  was  acting,  at  least,  with  tacit  approval 
of  the  President,  and  the  correspondence  now  passing  between  Tyler 
and  Seward  clearly  indicated  that  the  General  Government  would  be 
quite  willing  to  be  relieved  from  diplomatic  entanglement,  by  McLeod's 
discharge. 

The  court,  however,  ordered  McLeod  to  be  recommitted  to  the  cus 
tody  of  the  sheriff. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 
1841. 

Proposal  to  stop  Work  on  the  Canals. — Whig  Assembly  turned  Democratic. — Willis  Gay- 
lord  Clark. — The  Senecas. — Tyler's  Message. — The  Georgia  Correspondence. — The 
Anti-rent  Troubles.— Trip  to  New  England.— Bob,  the  Mocking-Bird.— McLeod  Excite 
ment. — Supreme  Court  Decision. 

A  NEW  and  bold  step  was  taken  in  May  by  the  opposition  in  the 
Assembly,  under  the  lead  of  Michael  Hoffman.  This  was  a  movement 
to  arrest  the  work  upon  the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  and  the  construc 
tion  of  the  lateral  canals,  apply  the  revenues  of  the  canals  to  pay 
ment  of  the  canal  debt,  and  levy  a  direct  tax  for  the  support  of  the 
government.  A  long  and  exciting  debate  ensued,  the  Whigs  gen 
erally  arraying  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  enlargement,  and  the 
Democrats  on  that  of  stopping  the  work,  on  the  ground  that  the  State 
was  running  dangerously  in  debt.  Upon  the  questions  in  reference  to 
the  Northern  and  Erie  Railroads,  the  Democrats  took  a  like  view  of 
the  necessity  of  economy  in  public  expenditures,  while  the  Whigs 
favored  the  internal-improvement  system  ;  with  this  difference,  how 
ever,  that  some  of  the  Democratic  representatives,  from  regions  through 
which  the  roads  were  to  pass,  joined  with  the  Whigs  in  their  advocacy. 
The  appropriation  bill  finally  passed,  authorizing  the  expenditure  of 
three  million  dollars  upon  the  public  works.  The  New  York  delega 
tion  recorded  their  votes  almost  unanimously  against  the  enlargement 
of  the  Erie  Canal,  although  their  opponents  in  the  debate  reminded 
them  that  it  was  to  that  channel  of  commerce  the  city  owed  its  com 
mercial  supremacy. 

The  State-prisons,  by  their  success  in  the  mechanical  arts,  brought 
up  another  subject  for  legislative  debate.  Memorials  were  presented 
complaining  that  the  cheap  and  forced  labor  of  the  convicts  was  a 
competition  necessarily  injurious  to  those  engaged  in  similar  employ- 


542  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1841. 

merit.  There  were  difficulties  on  both  sides.  Convicts  must  not  be 
left  in  idleness  ;  honest  mechanics  outside  ought  not  to  be  injured  by 
a  system  intended  for  the  punishment  of  rogues.  In  a  message  accom 
panying  some  of  these  memorials  the  Governor  suggested  that  "  there 
are  many  kinds  of  manufactures,  not  now  carried  on  in  this  State, 
which  might  be  made  profitable  in  the  prisons." 

The  session  was  now  approaching  its  close.  The  Evening  Journal, 
summing  up  legislative  action  taken  since  its  party  came  into  power, 
enumerated  the  important  measures  of  last  year — the  currency  laws,, 
militia  reforms,  legal  reforms,  and  abolition  of  imprisonment  for  debt. 
This  year  the  act  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture  had  passed  ;  and 
those  regulating  elections,  extending  the  common-school  system,  and 
enlarging  the  amount  of  property  exempt  from  execution,  probably 
would  pass  before  the  adjournment. 

Two  days  before  the  adjournment  came,  however,  the  Whigs  met 
an  unexpected  discomfiture.  The  sickness,  death,  or  absence,  of  sev 
eral  Whig  members,  deprived  them  of  the  majority }  small  at  the  best, 
which  they  had  counted  upon  ;  and  the  Assembly,  supposed  to  be  their 
own,  proved  Democratic  in  the  last  and  most  important  week  of  the 
session.  The  exemption  bill  was  rejected.  The  mechanical-labor  re 
form  in  State-prisons  was  defeated.  The  Black  River  Canal  shared  the 
same  fate.  Several  bills,  matured  for  final  action,  were  lost  for  want 
of  concurrence.  Nevertheless,  some  were  saved.  The  repeal  of  the 
"  Nine  Months'  Slavery  Law  "  was  adopted  and  signed.  The  election 
reforms  were  carried.  The  common -school  system  was  adopted.  On 
the  26th  the  Legislature  adjourned. 

As  they  were  dispersing  to  their  homes,  they  met  or  passed  on  the 
way  the  members  of  Congress  going  to  Washington  to  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  the  extra  session.  The  Whig  members  had  high  expecta 
tions,  for  they  had  heard  that  they  were  to  elect  a  Speaker  and  Clerk, 
were  to  have  a  brief  and  sound  message  from  a  President  whose  cour 
teous  and  unaffected  manners  all  were  praising,  were  to  repeal  the 
sub-Treasury  law,  establish  a  sound  and  uniform  currency,  and  go  home 
assured  of  triumph  in  the  coming  fall  elections. 

A  convention  of  "  Liberty  party  "  men  from  ten  States  met  in 
New  York  in  May,  and  nominated  James  G.  Birney  and  Thomas  Mor 
ris  for  President  and  Vice-President  in  1844. 

The  people  of  Franklin  County  were  now  excited  over  new  discov 
eries  of  iron-ore.  Prof.  Emmons  went  up  to  make  a  special  examina 
tion.  The  Governor,  in  acknowledging  some  specimens  of  the  ore, 
wrote  :  "  If  the  expectations  which  are  now  indulged  concerning  this 
ore  shall  be  realized,  your  portion  of  the  State,  so  long  overlooked, 
will  contribute  more  to  the  increase  of  national  wealth  than  could  be 
derived  from  the  richest  gold-mine."  The  ore  was  not  only  found  to  be 


1841.]  INDIANS  AND   WHITE   MEN.  54.3 

rich,  but  some  points  in  the  geologist's  report  had  encouraged  the  in 
habitants  to  believe  would  be  abundant. 

The  act  to  amend  the  common-school  law,  drawn  in  accordance 
with  Spencer's  report  and  Seward's  policy,  was  now  published.  It  was 
in  substance  the  foundation  of  the  present  system.  James  Wads- 
worth,  of  Geneseo,  had  actively  assisted  in  the  preparation  and  passage 
of  the  act.  The  bill  extending  it  to  the  city  of  New  York,  however, 
had  failed  in  the  Senate.  Strong  opposition  was  manifested  by  a  part 
of  the  press  of  the  city.  The  Journal  of  Commerce,  commenting  on 
Spencer's  report,  said,  "  The  proposal  to  cut  up  the  city  of  New  York 
into  school  districts  would  be  death  to  our  schools." 

Seward,  writing  to  Benjamin  Birdsall,  remarked  : 

While  I  am  by  no  means  wearied  or  disheartened  in  the  cause  I  have  under 
taken,  and  in  which  at  the  same  time  I  have  boldly  offered  myself  to  the  preju 
dices  of  native  citizens  against  foreigners,  and  been  made  to  feel  in  my  own 
person  the  retaliation  by  foreigners  of  those  very  prejudices,  in  my  policy 
concerning  education  and  naturalization,  I  am  accustomed  to  look,  not  to  the 
present  hour,  but  to  the  future — to  that  period,  not  a  quarter  of  a  century  dis 
tant,  when  the  population  of  this  country  shall  have  swelled  to  thirty-five  mill 
ions,  and  that  of  our  own  State  to  four  or  five  millions.  You  can  easily  con 
ceive,  therefore,  that  I  can  cheerfully  submit  to  temporary  misapprehension  and 
misrepresentation,  which  perhaps  would  be  less  endurable  if  any  benevolent 
action  was  ever  carried  forward  without  encountering  both. 

Glentworth  was  indicted  in  May  for  bringing  illegal  voters  to  the 
polls  from  other  States  in  1838  and  1839.  On  the  trial  the  jury  dis 
agreed.  The  District  Attorney  took  occasion  to  say  that  he  did  not 
charge  any  of  the  respectable  gentlemen  mentioned,  Grinnell,  Blatch- 
ford,  Draper,  Bowen,  and  Wetmore,  with  any  participation  in  his  at 
tempt  to  obtain  fraudulent  voters. 

A  petition  was  received  from  citizens  of  Suffolk  County,  praying 
for  the  commutation  of  the  sentence  of  death  pronounced  against 
Samuel  Johnson,  who  was  convicted  in  May  of  the  murder  of  his  wife. 

In  denying  the  request,  the  Governor  observed  : 

It  is  contrary  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  our  laws  to  excuse  the  murderer 
because  he  has  voluntarily  deprived  himself  of  his  reason  by  drunkenness. 

Of  eighteen  convictions  for  murder  which  have  been  reported  to  this  de 
partment  since  my  connection  with  it,  there  have  been  eight  cases  of  the  mur 
der  of  wives  by  their  husbands,  and  in  five  of  these  the  excuse  of  intoxication 
was  presented  as  a  ground  for  Executive  interposition. 

Jacob  Harvey  had  written,  asking  his  opinion  concerning  the  treaty 
made  by  the  United  States  with  the  Seneca  Indians.  In  his  answer 
he  sketched  the  experience  of  the  State  in  this  regard  : 

The  history  of  the  several  Indian  nations  which  have  dwelt  within  our  bor- 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

ders  shows  many  coincidences  of  painful  interest.  Each  nation  has  in  its  turn 
been  surrounded  and  crowded  by  white  men.  White  men  have  always  wanted 
more  room  while  an  Indian  reservation  remained,  and  the  Indians  have  there 
fore  been  obliged  to  contract  their  hunting-grounds.  Indians  have  been  igno 
rant  and  confiding,  and  white  men  shrewd  and  sagacious.  Indians  have  been 
reckless  of  the  value  of  property,  and  have  always  found  avaricious  white  men 
among  their  neighbors.  White  men  have  sold  intoxicating  liquors,  and  Indians 
have  too  often  surrendered  themselves  to  drunkenness.  Indians  have  generally 
neglected,  if  they  have  not  always  despised,  agriculture,  and  white  men  suffered 
inconvenience  from  the  neglected  condition  of  the  Indian  lands.  White  men 
have  coveted  those  neglected  lands,  and  the  community  has  been  benefited  in 
consequence  of  their  acquisition.  The  effect  is  that  we  have  now  among  us 
only  some  wasting  remnants  of  half  a  dozen  of  the  Indian  nations. 

But  no  humane  or  enlightened  citizen  can  wish  to  see  the  expulsion  of  the 
Senecas  by  force  or  fraud.  It  is  a  fearful  thing  to  uproot  a  whole  people.  It 
is  peculiarly  so  when  a  large  portion  of  them,  relying  upon  the  protection  of 
the  laws  and  the  justice  of  their  white  brethren,  have  become  the  cultivators  of 
the  soil  and  of  the  affections  and  habits  of  civilized  life.  Such  is  the  condition 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  Senecas.  Injustice  to  the  Indians  is  repugnant  alike 
to  the  settled  policy  of  this  State  and  the  feelings  and  sentiments  of  its  people. 

Toward  the  middle  of  June  came  news  of  the  death  of  his  friend 
Willis  Gaylord  Clark.  A  letter  to  Joseph  R.  Chandler  described  their 
acquaintance  : 

Eighteen  years  ago  I  established  myself  as  an  attorney  in  the  village  of 
Auburn.  It  was  not  then  the  beautiful  town  that  now  induces  the  traveler  to 
linger.  The  place,  although  not  unknown,  was  unimportant.  It  contained  a 
population  less  than  half  of  its  present  number,  and  of  course  it  afforded  very 
limited  advantages  for  literary  studies.  It  was  a  busy  town,  filled  with  advent 
urous  spirits,  but  everything  was  new  and  unprepossessing.  The  Cayuga  Re 
publican,  one  of  the  two  village  newspapers,  was  brought  regularly  to  my  door 
by  a  modest,  bright-eyed  lad  of  fourteen,  who,  like  other  newsboys,  occasion 
ally  stopped  on  his  rounds  to  converse  with  his  patrons.  I  was  a  subscriber  to 
several  of  the  reviews  and  magazines,  and  a  reader  of  the  new  publications  of 
the  day.  The  newsboy  timidly  asked  for  the  loan  of  Blackwood,  and,  when 
that  was  read  and  punctually  returned,  he  enlarged  his  reading,  until  it  em 
braced  all  the  publications  in  my  possession. 

After  some  time  my  newsboy  disappeared  and  was  forgotten.  Nine  years 
afterward  I  had  occasion  to  visit  Philadelphia.  My  newsboy  presented  himself, 
a  full-grown  youth,  full  of  spirit  and  with  rich  literary  acquirements.  He  had, 
with  much  effort  and  painful  sacrifices,  acquired  an  education  at  a  country 
academy  ;  had  become  an  author,  and  was  engaged  in  writing  for  American 
and  English  periodicals.  He  had  made  new  acquaintances  in  Philadelphia,  and 
was  by  no  means  unfit  for  the  office  he  assumed,  of  showing  me  its  monuments 
and  embellishments.  Unknown  as  I  was,  I  found  my  name  gazetted  with  un 
merited  praise,  and  I  could  not  fail  to  recognize  in  it  the  hand  of  my  partial 
friend  the  newsboy,  who  was  no  other  than  Willis  Gaylord  Clark. 

He  showed  me  some  kind  and  encouraging  letters  from  novelists  and  poets 


1841.]  WILLIS   GAYLORD   CLARK.  545 

in  England,  and  opened  to  me  his  young  heart,  full  of  hopes  of  literary  fame ; 
and  he  said  he  was  indebted  to  kind  words  spoken  by  me,  when  he  was  loiter 
ing  on  his  way  in  the  delivery  of  his  newspapers,  for  the  earnest  direction  his 
mind  had  received,  and  his  young  ambition  was  first  called  into  action  by  the 
publications  I  had  lent  him.  Undoubtedly  he  exaggerated  the  kindness  he  had 
received  at  my  hands.  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  the  conviction  was  sincere,  and  thus 
an  incident  altogether  unimportant,  and  which  I  should  never  have  remembered, 
became  tke  cause  of  our  life-long  friendship. 

As  a  poet  and  prose  writer,  as  editor  of  the  Knickerbocker  Maga 
zine,  and  of  the  Philadelphia  Gazette,  Clark  had  already  acquired  a 
national  reputation.  He  died  at  his  residence  in  Philadelphia.  Seward, 
in  another  letter  to  his  twin-brother,  Lewis  Gaylord  Clark,  said  : 

Your  brother  was  indeed  very  near  to  me.  I  know  not  why,  but  he  attached 
himself  to  me  with  respect  and  affection,  and  he  persevered  through  good  and 
through  evil  report  in  defending  me  against  every  injury  and  unkindness.  I 
felt  always  my  poverty  in  being  unable  adequately  to  reciprocate  his  kind  offices. 
I  know  and  always  knew  how  devoted  was  the  affection  he  bore  toward  you, 
and  I  know  from  experience  how  invaluable  are  a  brother's  aid  and  support  in 
the  varied  duties  of  life.  I  give  you  my  sympathy,  although  I  know  it  to  be 
unavailing. 

President  Tyler's  message  at  the  opening  of  the  extra  session  was 
succinct  and  brief,  expressing  the  public  sympathy  and  regret  in  regard 
to  Harrison,  recommending  the  repeal  of  the  sub-Treasury  law,  urging 
the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  invoking  the  atten 
tion  of  Congress  to  the  subject  of  the  currency  and  the  tariff.  The 
message  was  generally  accepted  and  commended  by  the  Whigs.  The 
Northern  Whigs  were  for  protection.  The  South  was  strongly  com 
mitted  against  it.  But,  as  the  exhausted  Treasury  required  revenue,  it 
was  expected  the  two  sections  would  agree  upon  a  tariff.  The  House 
duly  organized  by  electing  John  White,  of  Kentucky,  Speaker,  and 
Matthew  St.  Clair  Clark,  of  Pennsylvania,  Clerk. 

Secretary  Ewing's  report  on  the  Treasury  was  brief  and  business 
like.  He  recommended  a  national  bank.  The  reports  of  Secretaries 
Bell  and  Badger,  and  Postmaster-General  Granger,  were  received  and 
commended.  And  the  session  opened  with  a  debate  on  the  repeal  of 
the  sub-Treasury  law.  Mr.  Clay  reported  a  bill  establishing  a  United 
States  Bank.  The  House  passed  a  bill  giving  Mrs.  Harrison  one  year's 
salary  of  the  President.  Debates  on  the  bank  question  and  the  McLeod 
business  continued  through  the  month. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  session  Mr.  Adams  had  moved  to  rescind 
the  twenty -first  rule  against  anti  slavery  petitions.  A  warm  debate 
ensued,  as  usual,  on  that  question.  The  rule  was  finally  rescinded  by 
to  104.  But  a  few  days  afterward  the  question  was  reconsidered, 
35 


546  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1841. 

and  the  petitions  were  again  refused  admittance — the  Southern  Whigs, 
this  time,  uniting  with  the  Democrats. 

Nor  was  the  slavery  question  to  be  allowed  to  rest  between  the  State 
Executives.  The  Governor  of  Georgia  sent  on  a  requisition  for  one 
John  Greenman,  with  affidavits.  On  its  receipt,  Seward,  examining  the 
papers,  found  that  Greenman  was  charged  to  have  committed  two  lar 
cenies,  one  of  them  being  "  the  stealing  of  a  negro  woman-slave  named 
Kezia,"  the  property  of  Robert  W.  Flournoy,  valued  at  five  hundred 
dollars  ;  and  the  other  being  of  certain  frocks,  shawls,  and  finger-rings. 
Seward,  in  his  answer,  said  that  he  declined  compliance  with  the  requi 
sition,  on  the  ground  that  there  was  no  accurate  or  legal  evidence  that 
a  larceny  had  been  committed: 

I  have  heard  the  statement  of  the  agent  charged  with  the  requisition.  I  have 
learned  from  him  that  the  accused  was  a  transient  person,  a  seaman,  who  spent 
some  months  in  the  vicinity  of  Mr.  Flournoy's  plantation,  distant  about  seven  miles 
from  Savannah ;  that  he  engaged  a  passage  to  New  York  in  the  ship  Wilson  Fuller  ; 
that  when  the  vessel  was  about  to  sail  it  was  discovered  that  the  slave  had  ab 
sconded  from  her  master,  and  that,  pursuit  being  made,  she  was  found  concealed 
on  board  the  ship  under  the  care  of  the  accused,  and  was  recaptured  and  re 
stored  to  her  master.  There  is  reason  to  believe  she  was  persuaded  to  seek  her 
freedom  by  the  accused,  who  represented  to  her  that  if  she  would  go  North  with 
him  she  could  live  there  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  privileges  of  freedom.  The 
agent  further  states  that  the  accused  in  no  other  manner  took  the  clothing  and 
ornaments  of  the  fugitive  girl  than  by  enticing  her  to  escape,  and  aiding  her  in 
the  accomplishment  of  that  purpose.  Instead  of  his  having  committed  larceny 
in  two  instances,  as  your  Excellency  has,  undoubtedly  through  misapprehension, 
been  led  to  suppose,  the  acts  complained  of  constitute  one  and  the  same  transac 
tion,  which  is  not  divisible  into  two  crimes.  Again,  if  the  facts  be  as  thus 
stated,  your  Excellency  will  perceive  that  the  goods  mentioned,  instead  of  hav 
ing  been  feloniously  stolen,  taken,  and  carried  away  by  the  accused,  were  the 
apparel  and  ornaments  of  the  slave,  and  were  worn  upon  her  person  in  her 
attempt  to  escape  from  servitude ;  and  that  the  accused  did  not,  in  fact,  take  or 
carry  the  articles  in  question ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  never  came  into  his 
possession,  nor  did  he  manifest  any  intention  to  deprive  the  slave  of  them,  or  to 
convert  them  to  his  own  use,  without  which  possession  and  intent  he  could  not 
be  legally  charged  with  larceny. 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  unknown  to  your  Excellency  that  while  the  kidnapping 
of  a  person  by  fraud  or  violence,  or  his  abduction  against  his  will,  or  any  unlaw 
ful  seizure  of  him,  or  abridgment  of  his  liberty,  is  regarded  in  this  State  as  a 
high  crime,  it  is  held  that  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  in  other  States  does 
not  constitute  a  property  in  the  person  of  the  slave  so  as  to  render  the  slave  a 
subject  of  theft  from  the  master.  Without,  at  this  time,  making  this  position  a 
point  in  the  case,  it  is  obvious,  if  the  transaction  be  correctly  stated  by  your  Ex 
cellency's  agent,  that  there  was  in  fact  no  taking  or  carrying  away  of  the  slave ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  that  she  voluntarily  left  her  master,  and  walked  of  her  own 
free-will  to  the  ship.  It  is  true  that  this  was  done  under  the  protection  of  the 
accused,  and  in  consequence  of  his  persuasion ;  but  in  thus  persuading  and  aiding 


1841.]  THE   GEORGIA   SLAVE   CASE.  547 

her  he  asserted  no  pretense  of  property.  I  cannot  suppose  that,  however  de 
sirous  to  bring  the  fugitive  to  justice  for  his  real  offense,  your  Excellency  would 
adopt  the  charge  of  stealing  the  slave,  when  she  was  not  in  fact  taken  or  carried 
away,  but,  being  of  full  age,  left  her  home  of  her  own  free-will. 

Nor  can  I  believe  for  a  moment  that  your  Excellency,  apprehensive  that, 
under  the  circumstances,  the  accused  could  not  be  lawfully  surrendered  upon  the 
charge  of  stealing  the  slave,  would  desire  the  indirect  accomplishment  of  that 
object  by  means  of  a  constructive  charge  that  the  accused  had  stolen  the  clothing 
and  trinkets  which  the  slave  wore  in  her  flight. 

In  a  reply  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Rutherford,  who  was  now  the 
acting-Governor  of  Virginia,  Seward  remarked  that  the  historian  who 
in  future  times  should  be  turning  over  the  pages  of  her  statute-book 
"  will  pause  with  wonder  at  the  page  on  which  Virginia  has  impeached 
the  citizens  of  her  sister  State  ;  nor  can  he  omit,  in  passing  judgment 
on  the  libel,  to  notice  that  at  the  very  moment  it  was  written  New 
York  was  engaged  in  expunging  from  her  code  the  only  provision  then 
remaining  which  tolerated  human  bondage." 

A  private  letter  to  Christopher  Morgan,  at  Washington,  said  : 

You  will  have  seen  that  I  have  announced  that  I  am  not  and  will  not  be  a 
candidate  for  reelection.  Few  will  understand  the  grounds  of  this  decision. 
They  are,  however,  such  as  commend  themselves  to  my  judgment,  and  are  con 
sistent  with  patriotism,  as  I  trust.  Why  announce  it  now  ?  I  answer  that  the 
world  may  know  that  it  is  voluntary,  and  that  it  is  my  own  act,  and  that  the 
party  may  have  the  advantage  of  a  fair  consideration  of  my  policy  and  meas 
ures,  separated  from  that  which  always  weighs  against  any  policy  or  measure, 
the  supposed  ambition  or  selfishness  of  the  projector. 

There  are  other  considerations.  My  principles  are  too  liberal,  too  philan 
thropic,  if  it  be  not  vain  to  say  so,  for  my  party.  The  promulgation  of  them 
offends  many  ;  the  operation  of  them  injures  many  ;  and  their  sincerity  is  ques 
tioned  by  about  all.  Those  principles,  therefore,  do  not  receive  fair  considera 
tion  and  candid  judgment.  There  are  some  who  know  them  to  be  right,  and 
believe  them  sincere.  These  would  sustain  me.  Others  whose  prejudices  are 
aroused  against  them,  or  whose  interests  are  in  danger,  would  combine  against 
me.  I  must,  therefore,  divide  my  party  in  a  convention.  This  would  be  unfor 
tunate  for  them,  and,  of  all  others,  the  most  false  position  for  me.  And  what  have 
I  to  lose  by  withdrawing  and  leaving  the  party  unembarrassed  ?  My  principles 
are  very  good  and  popular  ones  for  a  man  out  of  office ;  they  will  take  care  of 
me,  when  out  of  office,  as  they  always  have  done.  I  have  had  enough,  Heaven 
knows,  of  the  power  and  pomp  of  place ! 

All  that  can  now  be  worthy  of  my  ambition  is  to  leave  the  State  better  for 
my  having  been  here,  and  to  entitle  myself  to  a  favorable  judgment  in  its  his 
tory. 

There  was  now  a  brief  respite  from  official  cares,  of  which  the  Gov 
ernor  availed  himself  to  make  an  excursion  to  New  England.  Leav 
ing  Albany  with  his  family  on  the  17th,  they  went  by  the  boat  to  New 
York,  and  were  met  by  Mr.  Blatchford  and  his  daughter  at  the  New 


548  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

Haven  boat  at  six  in  the  morning.  Reaching  New  Haven  about 
eleven,  in  a  brisk  shower  of  rain,  they  proceeded  immediately  to 
Hartford  by  railroad,  having  time  only  for  a  passing  glimpse  at  New 
Haven,  with  its  elm-lined  streets.  At  Hartford  they  remained  long 
enough  to  visit  the  State-House,  the  Charter-Oak,  and  Asylum  for  the 
Blind  ;  then  drove  up  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut,  fresh  and  beauti 
ful  in  the  bright  sun  of  a  June  morning. 

At  Springfield  they  found  Major  Whistler,  then  actively  engaged 
in  constructing  and  superintending  the  new  "  Western  "  railroad  be 
tween  Boston  and  Albany.  Accepting  Major  Whistler's  invitation, 
the  Governor  stepped  with  him  on  the  locomotive,  while  the  rest  of 
the  party  took  the  car,  and  they  went  on  to  Worcester.  Here  one  of 
the  aides  of  Governor  Davis  met  them,  and  invited  them  to  his  house, 
a  plain,  neat  dwelling,  about  half  a  mile  from  the  centre  of  the  town. 
Governor  Davis's  integrity  and  sincerity  had  gained  him  the  name 
throughout  Massachusetts  of  "  Honest  John  Davis."  Between  him 
and  Seward  a  feeling  of  warm  regard  sprang  up.  Sunday  morning 
Governor  Lincoln,  erect,  grave,  and  dignified,  called  to  invite  them  to 
go  to  the  Unitarian  church.  He  had  retired  from  the  Executive  chair 
a  year  or  two  previous,  having  been  Governor  of  the  State  for  more 
than  a  dozen  years. 

The  difference  between  the  customs  of  New  York  and  New  Eng 
land  impressed  the  travelers  when,  on  Saturday  night,  they  heard  the 
bells  tolling  for  church,  and  on  Sunday  night  found  that  the  setting 
of  the  sun  was  the  signal  to  commence  social  visiting  and  secular  en 
joyments. 

The  large  fields,  stony  and  filled  with  buttercups,  daisies,  and  sor 
rel,  seemed  an  unfavorable  contrast  to  those  of  rich,  waving  grain 
from  which  they  had  come.  But  the  neatness,  brightness,  and  taste  of 
all  the  villages  excited  perpetual  comment  and  praise. 

Governor  Lincoln,  who  was  collector  of  the  port,  accompanied 
them  to  Boston.  At  that  time  the  railroads  in  Massachusetts  were 
much  superior  to  those  in  New  York,  having  greater  solidity  of 
construction,  and  having  the  T-rail  instead, of  the  strap-rail  on  a 
wooden  bar.  The  trains  made  twenty-five  miles  an  hour,  a  speed  not 
usually  attained  in  New  York.  The  visit  to  Boston  and  its  environs 
was  full  of  interest.  Among  its  incidents  were  a  drive  to  Mount  Au 
burn,  the  first,  if  not  the  only,  tastefully  laid-out  cemetery  in  the  coun 
try  at  that  period  ;  a  walk  through  the  library  and  grounds  at  Har 
vard  with  the  venerable  Josiah  Quincy,  its  president  ;  an  excursion  to 
Bunker  Hill,  where  the  granite  blocks  of  the  monument  were  being 
lifted  into  place  by  steam-power  ;  a  morning  passed  in  the  State- 
House,  and  an  afternoon  at  the  Athenaeum  and  Historical  Society,  with 
their  Revolutionary  relics,  swords  and  flags,  letters  of  the  colonial 


1841.]  A   VISIT   TO   NEW   ENGLAND.  549 

patriots,  and  a  sealed  bottle  of  tea.  The  old  gentleman  who  was  point 
ing  out  the  curiosities  said  :  "  Here  is  some  of  the  tea  which  was 
thrown  overboard  in  the  harbor.  A  broken  chest  floated  ashore  near  the 
residence  of  an  old  lady,  who,  though  a  patriot,  thought  it  a  great  pity 
that  so  much  good  tea  should  be  wasted,  and  so  locked  the  '  treasure- 
trove  '  in  her  closet.  •  She  was  forced  to  use  it  sparingly  and  privately, 
however,  to  avoid  the  observation  of  her  neighbors.  So  it  was  not  all 
gone  before  the  event  became  historic  and  the  tea  a  precious  relic. 
This  is  some  of  it."  Just  as  he  was  saying  this,  the  bottle  slipped 
from  his  hand  and  broke  ;  the  tea  was  scattered  on  the  floor.  Hastily 
gathering  it  up,  and  putting  the  parcel  back  upon  the  shelf,  he  re 
marked  :  "  There  is  none  lost,  and  it  won't  be  hurt  by  it  ;  but  since 
the  bottle  is  broken,  Governor,  you  might  as  well  take  half  a  dozen 
grains  as  mementos  of  Boston." 

The  precious  leaves  were  put  into  a  diminutive  vial  and  taken  to 
Albany. 

Next  was  a  visit  to  the  Asylum  for  the  Blind  with  Dr.  Howe,  where 
they  saw  the  little  deaf,  dumb,  and  blind  girl,  Laura  Bridgman,  whose 
name  has  since  become  so  familiar  to  all  scientific  inquirers. 

A  visit  to  Quincy  closed  their  stay,  and,  leaving  Boston  by  rail, 
they  returned  to  Springfield,  there  remained  all  night,  and  the  next 
morning  at  six  continued  their  journey  to  Chester,  twenty-eight  miles 
distant,  and  as  far  as  the  road  was  completed  ;  then  by  stage  over  the 
mountains  to  Pittsfield,  and  through  Lebanon  to  Albany,  where  they 
arrived  late  in  the  evening  of  Thursday,  the  24th. 

Here,  when  the  State  officers  and  the  "  Dictator  "  came  to  welcome 
the  Governor  back,  there  was  much  amusement  over  the  story  they 
had  to  tell  him  of  a  proposed  usurpation  by  the  Lieutenant-Governor. 

The  Commercial  Advertiser  had  announced  that,  during  his  ab 
sence  from  the  State,  by  the  constitution,  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
was  acting-Governor.  It  demanded,  therefore,  that  acting-Governor 
Bradish,  then  presiding  over  the  Court  of  Errors  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  should  call  a  session  of  the  Senate  and  renominate  Hiram  Ketch- 
urn  as  Circuit  Judge.  The  Democratic  papers,  and  some  of  the  dis 
affected  Whig  ones,  delighted  with  the  idea,  were  giving  the  project 
hearty  support.  But  Governor  Bradish  steadfastly  refused  to  take  any 
notice  of  the  greatness  thrust  upon  him. 

Seward  wrote  to  George  Bliss,  at  Springfield  : 

I  congratulate  the  directors  and  the  country  upon  the  prospect  of  a  speedy 
completion  of  the  Western  Railroad.  If  I  had  at  any  time  entertained  a  doubt 
of  the  immeasurable  public  advantages  to  result  from  the  improvement,  that 
doubt  would  have  given  way  when  I  became  acquainted  with  the  enterprise 
and  industry  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  While,  as  a  citizen  of  New  York, 
I  shall  continue  to  urge  upon  my  fellow-citizens  the  construction  of  a  railroad 


550  LIFE   AND    LETTERS.  [1841. 

from  New  York  to  this  city,  as  a  measure  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  this 
State,  I  rejoice  in  the  belief  that  the  enterprise  of  the  citizens  of  Boston  will 
be  crowned  with  a  rich  reward.  I  trust  that  the  time  is  near  at  hand  when 
the  chain  of  railroads  which  now  binds  together  the  valleys  of  the  Merrimac,  the 
Connecticut,  the  Housatonic,  the  Hudson,  the  Oswego,  the  Genesee,  and  the 
Niagara,  will  reach  the  Mississippi.  Nor  do  I  believe  the  day  is  far  distant 
when  the  country  lying  on  the  northern  shores  of  the  Great  Lakes  may  be 
opened  to  the  inland  commerce  of  the  United  States. 

There  was  a  new  inmate  in  the  old  mansion  at  Albany,  and  a  noisy 
one  ;  this  was  a  fine  mocking-bird,  "  Bob  "  by  name. 
His  new  owner  wrote  to  his  old  one,  Mr.  Gray  : 

He  seems  to  be  aware  of  his  obligation  to  magnify  your  kindness  in  sending 
him  to  me,  and  evinces  a  very  prudent  desire  to  establish  himself  favorably  in 
my  household.  He  began  to  show  off  his  powers  as  soon  as  his  food  and  water 
were  replenished.  I  believe  he  must  have  formed  his  opinion  of  me  from  the 
current  conversation  of  your  great  city,  for  he  evidently  intended  to  commend 
himself  by  showing  that  he,  too,  was  a  demagogue.  He  began  with  the  notes 
of  the  wren,  passed  rapidly  through  the  gamut  of  the  robin,  the  jay,  the  blue 
bird,  quail,  snipe,  crow,  and  woodpecker,  and  ended  with  a  serenade  of  un 
known  but  exquisite  melody.  In  the  night  there  was  a  cry  of  fire  in  the  streets; 
I  threw  up  the  sash  ;  the  sound  of  the  alarm-bell  and  the  fireman's  horn  waked 
his  imitative  spirit,  and  he  joined  lustily  in  the  clamor.  I  have  found  but  one 
cause  of  complaint  against  him.  He  is  evidently  in  favor  of  the  Public  School 
Society's  exclusive  privileges,  for,  when  the  Roman  Catholic  Lord  Bishop  of 
Nantes  paid  him  a,  visit  to-day,  he  would  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  open  his 
throat. 

Hugh  Maxwell  and  Gary  V.  Sackett  had  been  appointed  by  the 
Governor  commissioners  to  effect  the  adjustment  of  the  Manor  of 
Rensselaerwyck  difficulties.  After  hearing  both  sides,  they  agreed 
upon  a  basis  which  they  recommended  for  adoption,  looking  to  a 
gradual  extinguishment  of  the  troublesome  tenures  by  payment  of 
some  fixed  and  definite  amount  to  obtain  the  fee,  thus  securing  the 
manorial  proprietor  against  pecuniary  loss,  and  giving  the  tenant  a 
clear  and  untrammeled  title.  Although  some  were  obstinate,  the  ten 
ants  for  the  most  part  signified  their  willingness  to  avail  themselves 
of  the  plan.  The  Patroon,  under  what  subsequent  events  proved  to 
be  mistaken  advice,  declined  to  enter  into  the  proposed  arrangement, 
and  so  the  matter  was  left,  for  the  time,  unsettled. 

Governor  Seward  continued  to  execute  the  law  without  encounter 
ing  serious  resistance,  during  the  remainder  of  his  term.  The  discon 
tent  of  the  tenants,  however,  year  by  year,  increased  ;  nor  were  the 
friends  of  the  Patroon  pleased  that  the  State  should  have  entertained 
any  question  in  regard  to  the  justice  of  his  claims,  or  the  wisdom  of 
their  vigorous  enforcement. 


1841.]  THE   SUPREME   COURT   OX    McLEOD.  55! 

The  Canadian  newspapers  by  every  mail  were  now  full  of  indigna 
tion  about  the  McLeod  case.  "  Lies,  forgery,  scoundrels,  dregs,"  etc., 
were  among  the  epithets  freely  used.  McLeod's  counsel,  sending  a 
commission  to  Canada  to  take  testimony  to  prove  an  alibi,  found  wit 
nesses  refusing  to  testify,  alleging  that  it  was  derogatory  to  the  Brit 
ish  crown  to  give  evidence  in  such  a  case. 

The  correspondence  between  Mr.  Fox  and  Mr.  Webster  was  pub 
lished.  Mr.  Fox,  in  March,  had  declared  the  burning  of  the  Caroline 
the  act  of  the  British  Government,  and  demanded  McLeod's  surren 
der.  At  the  same  time  he  defended  the  act  as  a  justifiable  employ 
ment  of  force  to  defend  British  territory  from  unprovoked  attack  of 
"  British  rebels  "  and  "  American  pirates." 

The  4th  of  July  was  celebrated  in  New  York  by  a  grand  review  of 
the  First  Division  of  Artillery  on  the  Battery.  The  Governor  mounted 
his  horse,  rode  down  and  along  the  line,  and  then,  returning  to  his 
headquarters  at  the  Astor  House,  received  the  marching  salute  as  the 
division  passed  in  review,  led  by  General  Sanford,  its  commander. 
The  day  was  cool  and  pleasant,  the  streets  thronged.  The  next  morn 
ing  he  visited  the  North  Carolina  at  the  Navy-Yard,  accompanied  by 
Adjutant-General  King  and  Major-General  Sanford  and  staff.  Com 
mander  M.  C.  Perry  was  then  in  command  of  the  North  Carolina.  He 
received  the  Governor  with  a  salute  and  naval  honors,  and  afterward 
accompanied  him  to  the  Fulton  and  the  Navy-Yard,  then  commanded 
by  Commander  Sands.  In  the  evening  the  North  Carolina  lay  in  com 
plete  darkness,  until  at  nine  o'clock  a  gun  was  fired.  Instantly  she 
seemed  to  burst  into  glittering  light,  her  ports  being  simultaneously 
thrown  open,  her  whole  interior  illuminated,  and  rows  of  lights  deline 
ating  masts,  spars,  and  rigging.  The  other  United  States  vessels  were 
similarly  illuminated.  Returning  to  Albany,  he  wrote  home  : 

ALBANY,  July  10,  1841. 

I  had  a  visit  from  an  old  collegiate  friend,  who  spent  the  evening,  night,  and 
morning,  with  me.  Since  he  left  I  have  scarcely  had  a  visitor,  and  the  contents 
of  my  box  diminish,  while  with  Rogers's  help  I  have  succeeded  in  dispatching 
a  peck  of  letters  to  the  post-office.  I  need  my  secretary.  Street  declines.  I 
have  written  to  Mr.  Underwood  to  send  me  either  of  his  boys. 

Circumstances  now  indicate  that  an  issue  will  be  raised  in  this  State  upon 
the  McLeod  question— Mr.  Tyler,  Mr.  Webster,  and  the  Whigs  generally,  on  the 
side  of  the  British  Government;  myself  and  the  "  Loco-focos  "  on  the  Ameri 
can  side.  If  the  "  Loco-focos  "  bring  this  question  to  the  polls,  it  is  not  easy 
to  know  what  will  be  the  effect  upon  the  stability  of  the  Whig  party. 

ALBANY,  July  12,  1841. 

We  had,  or  rather  I  bad,  yesterday,  a  visit  from  Blatchford,  Bowen,  and 
Colonel  Webb.  The  conversation  was  all  upon  the  gossip  at  Washington.  I 
have  prepared  a  letter  vindicatory,  and  my  friends  are  to  go  with  it  on  Friday. 


552  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1841. 

The  secretary  shall  send  you  the  papers,  and  Lewis  Gaylord  Clark's  beauti 
ful  and  touching  article  on  the  death  of  his  brother. 

ALBANY,  July  13,  1841. 

I  am  busy  to-day  in  replying  to  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  amid  many  inter 
ruptions.  The  Supreme  Court  has  maintained  all  my  positions  and  overthrown 
Mr.  Webster's  in  the  McLeod  case.  It  is  to  me  just  now  a  useful  vindication. 
Time  favors  me  much;  he  has  only  to  expedite  his  progress  and  settle  the 
school  question  for  me,  and  I  have  no  more  to  ask  in  regard  to  my  public  policy. 

News  had  come  that  the  Supreme  Court  at  Utica,  on  the  previous 
day,  had  denied  the  motion  for  the  discharge  of  McLeod.  An  elab 
orate  opinion  was  delivered  by  Judge  Cowen,  concurred  in  by  Chief- 
Justice  Nelson  and  Judge  Bronson.  The  motion  had  been  argued,  on 
the  part  of  the  State,  by  Attorney-General  Hall,  who  said  : 

We  cannot  allow,  as  an  act  of  defense,  the  willful  pursuing  of  even  an 
enemy,  though  dictated  by  sovereign  authority,  into  a  country  at  peace  with  the 
sovereign  of  the  accused,  seeking  out  that  enemy  and  taking  his  life.  Such  a 
deed  can  be  nothing  but  an  act  of  vengeance ;  can  be  nothing  but  a  violation 
of  territory— a  violation  of  municipal  law,  of  the  faith  of  treaties  and  the  law 
of  nations.  He  must  be  remanded  to  take  his  trial.  Before  England  can  law 
fully  send  a  single  soldier  for  hostile  purposes,  she  must  assume  the  responsi 
bility  of  public  war.  Admitting  that  counsel  might,  by  the  aid  of  England,  get 
up  an  ex  post  facto  war  for  the  benefit  of  McLeod,  this  cannot  be  done  in 
contradiction  to  the  language  of  England  herself. 

It  is  said  that  McLeod  is  anxious  to  go  to  a  jury.  It  is  believed  that,  if  left 
alone,  he  would  before  this  have  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  court  and  jury 
that  he  bragged  himself  into  the  scrape ;  would  have  been  acquitted,  and  so 
ended  the  matter.  But  the  two  Governments  were  not  content  to  allow  the 
matter  to  go  off  in  this  quiet,  unostentatious  way.  The  question  was  national 
ized.  The  position  of  England  now  seems  to  be,  that  she  denies  that  she  is 
nationally  responsible  for  burning  the  Caroline,  and  refuses  to  let  any  of  her 
subjects  be  made  individually  responsible. 

Great  public  interest  was  taken  in  the  case.  An  express  locomotive 
started  immediately  with  the  opinion,  and  a  special  messenger  was  dis 
patched  with  it  to  Albany. 

The  Supreme  Court  next  granted  an  order,  changing  the  venue  of 
McLeod's  case,  and  appointing  his  trial  at  Utica  in  September. 

Writing  to  Morgan,  Seward  said  : 

Out  of  the  city  of  New  York  opinion  is  unanimously  with  the  court.  In  that 
metropolis  it  is  about  as  unanimous  against  it.  Nothing  could  have  been  more 
unkind  or  unwise  than  the  course  pursued  toward  me  by  the  General  Govern 
ment  in  relation  to  the  McLeod  affair.  It  was  not  merely  unkind,  it  was  un 
generous.  They  enjoyed  my  full  confidence ;  they  showed  me  none.  Until  I 
received  the  President's  second  letter  I  supposed  that  nothing  had  been  decided 
upon  at  Washington,  and,  although  I  extorted  from  him  a  disclosure  of  a  purpose 
to  abandon  the  State,  I  was  left  to  learn  the  ground  taken  by  the  Administration 


1841.]  DR.    CAMPBELL'S   SERMON.  553 

from  the  published  documents  accompanying  the  President's  mewage  to  Con 
gress  ;  and  even  then  my  communications  were  withheld  from  Congress. 

It  has  been  somewhat  oppressive  upon  me,  personally,  to  have  Mr.  Webster 
roll  over  upon  us  the  weight  of  his  great  name  and  fame  to  smother  me.  But 
the  result  restores  me. 

There  is  but  one  Whig  paper  in  the  State  out  of  the  city  of  New  York  that 
does  not  fully  approve  the  ground  assumed  by  the  Supreme  Court.  The  acqui 
escence  of  the  British  minister,  and  of  the  Federal  Government,  will  soon  silence 
the  presses  in  the  city  that  so  perversely  play  into  the  enemy's  hands. 

ALBANY,  Sunday  Evening. 

I  have  had  a  day  of  comparative  repose  and  abstraction  from  harassing  cares 
and  perplexities.  Desirous  to  be  more  cheerful,  and  to  carry  refreshed  powers 
to  business  to-morrow,  I  have  concluded  to  enjoy  rest  to-night.  Mr.  Blatchford 
was  here  at  breakfast.  Went  to  Dr.  Campbell's  church  and  heard  a  very  happy 
sermon  upon  the  text,  "  Seek  not  great  things."  The  doctor  lectured  us  upon 
the  folly  of  ambition  and  avarice.  In  his  prayers  he  was  earnest  that  our  chil 
dren  might  never  lose  the  advantages  of  education,  intellectual  and  moral,  and 
especially  religious.  He  did  not  forget  the  President  and  Congress  in  his  prayers, 
and  kindly  commended  me  to  the  illuminating  grace  of  the  Ruler  of  nations. 
When  we  were  coming  out  of  church  he  was  surprised  to  find  me  among  his 
auditory,  and  told  me  that  the  moral  of  his  discourse,  so  far  as  I  was  concerned, 
was,  that  I  must  not  seek  to  be  President  of  the  United  States.  He  said  he 
would  have  given  me  a  more  searching  reproof  if  he  had  known  that  I  was 
among  the  hearers  of  his  discourse.  I  thanked  him  for  remembering  my  com 
mon  schools.  He  said  he  prayed  for  the  dissemination  of  education,  but  not  of 
Catholic  education.  I  told  him  that  he  described  my  project  of  education  ex 
actly,  and  that  I  felt  much  encouraged  by  finding  I  had  his  prayers  in  aid  of  my 
labors. 

Mr.  Verplanck  has  sent  me  his  speech  on  the  school  question.  You  must 
read  it.  It  will  be  published  on  Tuesday  or  Wednesday. 

The  first  reports  from  New  York  upon  the  McLeod  question  are  received. 
The  papers,  with  the  exception  of  Greeley's  and  the  New  World,  are  all  with 
Mr.  Webster.  They  dispute  the  decision  made  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  prom 
ise  their  readers  on  both  sides  of  the  water  that  the  cause  shall  go  to  the  Court 
of  Errors,  and  from  that  tribunal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
Mistaken  men !  The  decision  made  by  the  Supreme  Court  would  be  unanimously 
confirmed  by  the  Court  of  Errors ;  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
will  never  have  it  in  their  power  to  lay  hands  upon  the  case. 

We  have  nothing  definitive  from  Washington  relating  to  the  subject.  My 
belief  is,  that  the  Federal  Government  will  be  now  advised  that  the  prisoner  be 
left  to  take  his  trial. 


554:  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

CHAPTER   XXXVII. 
1841. 

Whig  Troubles  at  Washington.— The  Georgia  Correspondence.— Stealing  a  Woman.— Re 
fusal  to  be  a  Candidate. — Extra  Session  at  Buffalo. — Lyell. — Murder  of  Mary  Rodgers. — 
Webster  and  the  McLeod  Case. — The  Vetoes. — Clay  and  Tyler. — Breaking  up  the 
Cabinet. 

EAKLY  in  July,  news  was  received  that  the  House  of  Representatives 
had  taken  the  bill  for  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public 
lands  out  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  where  it  had  been  debated 
for  a  fortnight,  and  where  its  opponents  meant  to  keep  it  through  the 
dog-days.  A  bold  movement,  led  by  Edward  Stanley,  had  forced  its 
consideration,  and  had  passed  it.  A  few  days  later  came  the  intelli 
gence  that  the  bank  bill  and  the  bankrupt  bill  had  passed  the  Senate. 

But  now  it  was  said  that  President  Tyler  was  beginning  to  give 
dissatisfaction  by  refusing  to  make  Whig  appointments  in  lieu  of  Dem 
ocratic  incumbents,  and  there  were  rumors  that  he  was  not  in  accord 
with  his  party  on  the  bank  question. 

Writing  to  John  A.  King,  Seward  said  : 

What  do  you  think  of  matters  and  things  at  Washington?  The  whole  con 
cern  baffles  my  efforts  to  understand  it.  Nevertheless,  being  naturally  sanguine, 
and  confiding  in  the  good  intention  of  the  Whigs,  I  hope  for  the  success  of  Whig 
measures,  without  seeing  how  they  are  to  be  accomplished. 

In  Van  Buren's  time  we  had  a  Northern  man  with  a  Southern  cabinet.  We 
have  now  a  Southern  man  with  a  Northern  cabinet.  If  the  evils  of  the  former 
Administration  are  not  cured  by  the  present,  we  must  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  South  cannot  be  satisfied  with  any  other  order  of  things  than  one  in 
which  she  will  have  the  whole  Government. 

I  have  seen  letters  from  D.  W.,  saying  that  they  have  no  assurance  that  the 
President  will  sign  the  bill,  and  manifestly  revealing  their  fears  of  a  veto.  They 
say  further  that,  in  that  event,  there  will  be  an  explosion.  This  catastrophe, 
not  more  ridiculous  than  unnecessary,  should  be  averted.  I  would  go  to  Wash 
ington,  if  it  were  proper,  and  if  I  supposed  that  I  might  do  anything  to  bring 
about  an  explanation. 

A  letter  to  Mrs.  Seward  said  : 

ALBANY,  July  21,  1841. 

You  will  be  surprised,  as  many  others  at  Auburn  are,  that  I  delay  so  long 
my  return  there.  My  brother's  death  cast  upon  me  all  the  business  I  have  been 
accustomed  to  depend  upon  him  to  transact  for  me  at  Auburn,  in  Chautauqua, 
and  in  New  York. 

We  are  very  quiet  and  staid  here.  I  have  brought  the  breakfast-hour  back 
to  seven,  and  I  rise  at  six.  My  morning  hours,  until  twelve,  are  devoted  to 
business  at  home.  I  spend  two  hours  in  the  departments.  Weed  comes  after 
dinner  and  stays  an  hour,  and  then  I  return  to  business  until  the  mail  arrives 


1841.]  THE   GEORGIA   CORRESPONDENCE.  555 

at  seven.  The  short  warm  evenings  I  occupy  with  reading,  writing  to  you,  and 
in  walks  about  town. 

The  unfortunate  attitude  of  the  cabinet  at  Washington  is  leading  to  a  loss  of 
confidence  in  regard  to  them.  The  great  question  about  the  banks  is  the  cause 
of  discord.  If  I  were  to  judge  from  the  reports  that  reach  me,  I  should  despair 
of  any  harmonious  result.  Clay  is  undoubtedly  right,  and  the  President  wrong. 
If  we  support  the  President,  we  oppose  Whig  measures ;  if  we  support  Clay,  we 
oppose  a  Whig  Administration.  I  have  seen  quite  enough  to  know  that,  badly 
as  I  have  succeeded  in  this  difficult  business,  I  shall  have  little  to  fear  in  com 
parison  with  those  who  have,  during  the  winter,  complained  of  and  embarrassed 
me.  Granger  writes  me  courteous  letters  when  occasion  offers.  I  of  course 
return  them  in  the  same  spirit.  The  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  McLeod's 
case  embarrasses  the  Whig  party,  especially  the  press.  They  had  gone  unhesi 
tatingly  with  Mr.  Webster,  and  now  it  is  hard  to  return  and  acknowledge  that 
one  so  much  distrusted  as  I  was  right,  and  the  man  in  whom  we  have  all  so  long 
confided  was  wrong.  If  you  see  the  papers  you  will  be  afraid  that  I  shall  mani 
fest  some  ill  feeling  toward  the  Federal  Government.  Do  not  fear  this.  I  want 
only  occasion  and  cause  to  speak  well  of  them.  The  latter  cannot  but  come, 
unless  everything  fails  in  Congress.  The  former  I  can  make. 

I  mark  this  day  with  a  white  stone.  There  has  not  been  a  beggar  at  the 
door,  and  but  one  woman  suing  a  pardon  for  a  husband  convicted  of  bigamy. 

To  Weed  he  wrote  : 

So,  instead  of  going  to  Washington,  you  went  to  the  Mountain  House?  I  am 
glad  you  did  so,  although  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  you  could  have  done  good 
at  Washington.  A.  B.  Dickinson  gives  a  sad  account  of  affairs  at  that  capital. 
I  wish  you  had  seen  him.  According  to  his  account,  the  President  will  veto  the 
bill.  "  Gude  save  ua !  "  If  he  does  that,  there  will  no  longer  be  cause  of  regret 
that  I  enjoyed  not  the  love  of  the  President  or  his  cabinet.  Maynard,  Morgan, 
and  J.  C.  Clarke,  will  speak  out  on  the  McLeod  affair.  A.  B.  D.  seems  to  have 
had  warm  talk  with  both  the  President  and  Mr.  Webster.  I  have  made  up  my 
mind  that  their  displeasure  is  to  be  endured. 

He  performed  his  customary  duty  of  attending  the  commencement 
at  Union  College  this  year.  Among  those  who  delivered  addresses 
there  before  the  literary  societies  were,  George  Bancroft,  William  Kent, 
-and  B.  F.  Butler.  Bancroft  and  Charles  Lyell,  the  English  geologist, 
were  made  LL.  D.'s. 

His  answer  to  the  requisition  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia  had 
brought  a  long  reply  from  that  Governor,  insisting  that  the  affidavits 
were  sufficient,  the  requisition  just,  and  the  duty  of  the  Governor  of 
New  York  imperative  to  return  the  fugitive.  To  this  Seward  again 
answered,  adding: 

It  cannot  be  necessary  now  to  consider  the  hypothetical  cases  you  have  put, 
or  to  answer  questions  which,  by  putting  such  cases,  you  have  thought  proper 
to  raise,  whether  the  luring  of  a  slave  from  the  master,  by  awakening  her  hopes 
of  freedom  and  assisting  her  to  escape  from  bondage,  is  an  act  to  be  classed  in 


556  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

the  same  category  with  the  act  of  tempting  a  neighbor's  horse  with  a  bundle  of 
hay,  and  appropriating  the  animal  to  the  use  of  the  wrong-doer — these,  and 
other  questions  propounded  in  your  communication,  and  upon  some  of  which 
I  might  perhaps  have  the  misfortune  to  differ  in  opinion  from  your  Excellency, 
need  not  now  be  discussed,  because  they  are  not  involved  in  the  case  you  have 
submitted. 

Regarding  unnecessary  discussion  of  such  questions  between  the  authorities 
of  the  several  States  as  of  questionable  advantage,  I  must  be  excused  for  declin 
ing  to  enter  into  such  a  one  until  your  Excellency  shall  present  a  case  requiring 
an  examination  of  these  grave  and  interesting  subjects.  Whenever  such  a  dis 
cussion  shall  become  a  duty,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  engage  in  it,  with  an  anxious 
solicitude  to  arrive  at  the  truth,  and  to  maintain  the  inalienable  rights  of  man, 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  and  the  integrity  of  the  Federal  Union. 

A  committee  of  colored  men,  Messrs.  Austin  Pray  and  Thomas 
Paul,  wrote  to  him  from  Toronto,  expressing  their  gratification  at  the 
measures  he  had  adopted,  and  the  principles  he  had  maintained,  in 
regard  to  that  portion  of  the  African  race  residing  in  the  State.  He 
remarked  that — 

No  tribute  of  approbation  could  be  more  acceptable  to  me.  If  there  be  one 
reproach  which  I  should,  above  all  others,  most  deprecate,  it  would  be  that  of 
having  used  the  high  powers  confided  to  me  to  check  the  efforts  put  forth  by 
that  people  to  rise  from  that  debasement  in  which  slavery  has  left  them. 

It  is  not  alone  the  degraded  race  that  suffers.  Slavery  has  brought  a  thou 
sand  evils  which  affect  the  whole  American  community,  and  will  long  survive 
the  cause  that  produced  them. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  indications  that  the  time  draws  nigh  when 
slavery  will  be  numbered  among  the  obsolete  crimes  of  the  human  race. 

In  a  letter  to  P.  P.  F.  De  Grand,  of  Boston,  he  said : 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind  expressions  concerning  my  intended  retire 
ment.  All  my  life  long  I  have  known  that  there  would  arrive  occasions  in 
the  life  of  every  public  man  when  he  could  better  promote  great  public  meas 
ures  as  a  private  citizen  than  by  attempting  to  use  the  influence  of  an  official 
station.  He  who  consults  always  the  public  welfare  and  improvement,  and 
seeks  to  promote  those  great  objects  by  wise  measures,  need  not  fear  the  want 
of  due  consideration.  He  who  either  does  not  devote  himself  to  such  ends,  or 
adopts  injudicious  means  to  accomplish  them,  does  not  deserve  the  public  favor. 
In  retiring  from  my  present  post,  after  four  years  of  duty,  I  shall  only  pursue 
the  course  I  have  always  pursued,  that  of  relieving  my  efforts  to  advance  great 
public  interests  from  the  weight  of  supposed  personal  ambition.  You  yourself, 
I  am  sure,  would  not  dissuade  me  from  such  a  course. 

The  Evening  Journal  reiterated  the  determination  of  Seward  not 
to  again  be  a  candidate.  The  newspaper  press  generally  throughout 
the  State,  especially  in  the  rural  districts,  expressed  regret  at  his  with 
drawal  from  the  candidacy. 


1841.]  THE   "PATRIOTS"   STEALING   CANNON.  557 

He  had  issued  a  proclamation  calling  an  extra  session  of  the  Sen 
ate,  to  meet  August  16th,  at  Buffalo,  to  fill  vacancies  which  the  public 
interest  required  should  not  be  left  unfilled  until  the  next  session. 

Meanwhile  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Torrey,  suggesting  that  the  gentlemen 
associated  in  the  geological  survey  should  give  a  kind  reception,  and 
all  the  information  in  their  power,  to  the  eminent  geologist  Lyell,  who 
was  expected  to  arrive  in  New  York  early  in  August.  He  wrote  to 
Weed: 

AUBURN,  August  6th. 

I  came  through  TTtica,  seeing  Walker,  Ostrom,  Faxton,  and  Shearman,  and 
had  a  pleasant  sojourn  among  them.  I  spent  the  night  there.  The  attraction  of 
home  increasing  as  I  approached,  it  overcame  my  purpose  of  stopping  at  Syra 
cuse  on  the  way.  I  met  James  B.  Lawrence  in  the  street. 

Auburn  chilled  me  by  its  silence  and  repose ;  yet  it  is  very  beautiful ;  and 
now  men  and  women  come  about  me,  I  am  quite  delighted  with  it.  There  are 
many  kind  greetings  here  from  persons  from  whom  I  have  long  been  separated. 

The  town  has  evidently  passed  through  the  most  oppressive  stage  of  the 

pressure,  and  is  already  recovering. 

August  12,  1841. 

We  leave  to-morrow  morning  for  Buffalo  by  the  way  of  Niagara.  There  ia 
nothing  from  New  York  or  Albany  concerning  the  circuit  judgeship. 

There  is  some  reason  to  believe  the  "  Patriots  "  are  engaged  in  taking  the 
public  ordnance  and  arms,  with  a  view  to  some  new  demonstration.  I  am 
doing  what  is  prudent  in  regard  to  the  movement. 

Information  had  been  received  that  two  cannons  were  stolen  from 
Auburn,  another  from  the  town  of  Cato,  and  a  fourth  from  a  depot  in 
Buffalo.  It  was  surmised  that  the  thefts  were  accomplished  by  persons 
engaged  in  an  effort  to  renew  frontier  disturbances.  The  Governor 
communicated  the  information  to  Colonel  Bankhead,  the  United  States 
military  commander  at  Buffalo,  and  instructed  the  Adjutant-General 
to  "  issue  orders  to  the  commandants  of  artillery  regiments  and  de 
tachments,  requiring  them  to  take  necessary  means  to  protect  the  ord 
nance  belonging  to  the  State ;  to  recover  that  which  had  been  stolen, 
and  further  directing  the  commandants  to  give  information  to  the  dis 
trict  attorney  of  the  county  where  such  depredations  were  committed. 

Early  in  August  the  papers  were  filled  with  the  story  of  the  mys 
terious  disappearance  of  Mary  Rodgers,  the  subsequent  discovery  of 
her  body  at  Hoboken,  the  coroner's  inquest,  and  the  circumstances 
which  strongly  indicated  that  she  had  been  murdered.  In  accordance 
with  the  request  of  the  New  York  authorities,  the  Governor  offered  a 
reward  for  the  discovery  and  apprehension  of  the  murderers. 

As  to  the  McLeod  matter,  he  wrote  to  Morgan  : 

AUBUKN,  August  9,  1841. 

I  have  long  since  been  of  the  opinion  that  love  was  not  to  exist  between 
the  premier  and  myself.  I  regret  it  sincerely.  The  loss  of  his  kindness  is,  how- 


558  LI^E   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

ever,  another  of  the  misfortunes  occasioned  by  a  course  which,  in  my  judgment, 
could  not  be  compromised  without  injury  to  the  public  welfare.  Daniel  Web 
ster  has  the  most  powerful  intellect  in  this  land  ;  and  yet  one  possessed  of  much 
less  wisdom  might  have  been  expected  to  consult  so  important  a  party  as  New 
York ;  and  at  least  when  he  found  her  protest  on  record,  he  might  have  thought 
it  worthy  of  notice.  I  go  on  Friday  to  Buffalo  to  meet  the  Senate,  and  shall 
probably  be  there  ten  days. 

The  promoters  of  the  temperance  movement  published  this  weeky 
among  their  correspondence,  a  letter  from  Seward  addressed  to  their 
president,  E.  C.  Delavan,  in  which  he  said  : 

I  rejoice  most  sincerely  in  the  many  indications  of  the  success  of  this  move 
ment  ;  indeed,  there  is  nothing  more  remarkable  in  modern  times  than  the  firm, 
steady,  and  unparalleled  progress  of  the  temperance  reformation.  The  result  is 
full  of  encouragement  to  the  Christian  and  to  the  philanthropist. 

There  was  interesting  and  important  news  from  Washington. 
The  House  of  Representatives  had  passed  the  revenue  bill,  and 
had  given  a  favorable  vote  on  the  bankrupt  bill.  The  new  United 
States  Bank  was  to  be  located  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ;  the  United 
States  was  to  own  one-third  of  its  stock  ;  States,  and  individuals,  and 
corporations,  two-thirds.  Nine  directors  were  to  be  appointed  by  the 
President  and  the  Senate  ;  six  were  to  be  selected  by  the  stockholders. 
Its  name  was  to  be  the  "  Fiscal  Bank  of  the  United  States."  No  mem 
ber  of  Congress  was  to  be  allowed  to  borrow  money  of  it.  But  coupled 
with  this  news  were  rumors  that  it  was  feared  the  President  would  veto 
the  bill. 

A  question  of  State  rights  was  said  to  have  arisen  in  regard  to 
allowing  branches  in  States  without  their  consent.  A  compromise  was 
finally  adopted  in  this  form  :  "  Branches  may  be  established  with  the 
consent  of  the  Legislature,  or  without  it  when  necessary,  or  the  bank 
may  employ  other  agents,  banks,  or  officers,  instead  of  branches." 

This  section  was  justly  enough  pronounced  "  muddled,"  being  made 
up  of  amendments  piled  one  upon  another.  While  some  Southern  men 
thought  it  did  not  sufficiently  guard  the  rights  of  States,  Mr.  Adams 
opposed  it  as  containing  nullification  doctrines.  Finally,  news  came 
that  the  bank  bill  had  passed,  and  gone  to  the  President  for  approval. 
At  the  same  time  the  House  had  repealed  the  sub-Treasury  law.  For 
a  week  the  public  mind  and  the  press  were  full  of  uneasiness  about  the 
fate  of  the  national  bank.  Nothing  was  heard  from  the  President. 

Weed  had  now  been  summoned  to  Washington,  and  wrote  thence 
that  members  of  the  cabinet  faintly  hoped,  but  that  members  of  Con 
gress  despaired  ;  that  he  had  been  laboring  all  day  to  soothe  excited 
feeling  among  the  Whigs  ;  that  Clay  and  Tallmadge  were  highly  in 
dignant  ;  that  Stanley,  Stewart,  and  Botts,  were  trying  to  dissuade  the 
President,  but  that  a  veto  was  "  inevitable." 


1841.]  EXTRA   SESSION  AT   BUFFALO.  559 

On  the  18th  the  suspense  was  suddenly  terminated.  President 
Tyler  returned  the  bill  with  numerous  objections.  He  said  he  had  been 
for  twenty-five  years  opposed  to  the  exercise  of  such  a  power,  if  any 
such  power  existed.  He  objected  to  the  discounting  provision  as  un 
necessary  ;  to  the  compromise  clause  as  an  infringement  of  State  rights. 
He  thought  the  bill  calculated  to  create  a  conflict  between  the  State 
and  Federal  Governments. 

Public  opinion  divided.  Judicious  Whig  leaders  were  disposed  to 
deprecate  a  conflict  between  the  President  and  Congress.  They  re 
gretted  the  difference  on  this  question,  but  hoped  for  agreement  on 
others.  It  was  not  soothing  to  the  feelings  of  the  Whigs  when  the 
Democrats  in  Albany  had  a  grand  procession  in  honor  of  the  veto. 

Mr.  Wise,  and  three  others,  who  had  broken  from  the  Whig  party, 
and  were  acting  independently,  received  from  their  associates  the  nick 
name  of  the  "cab  party." 

Two  days  later  came  intelligence  that  a  caucus  of  the  Whig  mem 
bers  had  been  held,  and  they  had  agreed  to  pass  the  bankrupt  bill  and 
other  Whig  measures,  including  a  "  National  Exchange  Bank,"  which 
should  take  custody  of  the  revenue  without  power  to  discount.  Accord 
ingly,  the  bankrupt  bill  was  passed  and  was  signed  by  the  President. 
The  "  National  Exchange  Bank  "  bill  was  introduced  into  the  House. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring  at  Washington,  the  State  Sen 
ate  and  Executive  had  gone  to  Buffalo.  Seward's  letters  described  the 
journey  and  the  session  : 

NIAGARA  FALLS,  August  I5tk. 

Here  we  are,  so  far  on  our  way.  It  is  a  "powerfully  hot"  morning.  The 
ladies,  with  the  young  gentlemen,  the  Attorney- General,  and  the  Speaker,  have 
gone  on  a  pilgrimage  into  Queen  Victoria's  dominions. 

I  had  written  my  programme  of  proceedings  for  to-morrow,  and  sent  it  to 
Buffalo.  To-morrow  morning  we  shall  all  be  there.  General  Root  is  here  with 
Mrs.  Root. 

It  is  very  clear  that  the  Whig  party  is  perfectly  unsettled  in  its  purposes  of 
peace  or  war,  after  knowing  the  fate  of  the  bank  bill.  All  expect  the  veto. 
General  Porter  obviously  prefers  an  open  breach  if  the  bill  be  not  signed. 

BATAVIA,  August  22d. 

I  have  been  immersed  in  dissipation,  and  unable  even  to  give  you  a  sign  of 
my  where-  and  what-abouts  during  almost  a  week.  Your  letters  from  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  and  Washington,  have  reached  and  enlightened  me.  I  suppose 
that  by  this  time  your  steps  are  homeward,  and  that  this  greeting  may  not  be 
unseasonable  upon  your  return  to  Albany. 

1  bave  been  satisfied  that  your  views  concerning  the  events  at  Washington 
were  right.  Having  been  among  the  people,  I  have  had  good  opportunity  to 
witness  the  operation  of  the  veto  upon  the  public  mind.  I  confess  my  surprise 
at  tbe  unanimity  of  the  Whig  party  in  favor  of  the  bank.  The  veto  has  dis- 


560  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1841. 

gusted  everybody  with  John  Tyler,  but  not  with  themselves  and  their  party. 
The  Whigs  will  retaliate  the  injury  Tyler  has  done  them. 

But  these  speculations  are  not  very  necessary  or  profitable.  I  went  to 
Buffalo.  As  you  will  have  noticed,  I  proceeded  immediately  to  business.  I  had 
a  conversation  on  Monday  morning  with  all  the  Senators,  which  resulted  in  their 
unanimously  advising  the  renomination  of  William  Kent.  I  never  knew  more 
good  feeling.  There  was  but  one  Senator  who  seemed  dissatisfied.  I  continued 
to  send  nominations  to  the  Senate  until  Thursday  afternoon,  when,  the  business 
being  disposed  of,  the  Senate  adjourned.  The  citizens  of  Buffalo  are  manifestly 
much  gratified  by  the  visit  of  the  Senate  and  the  Court  of  Errors.  The  house 
of  some  worthy  citizen  is  opened  every  night  to  the  strangers.  The  Senators 
and  the  ladies  attending  them  are  enjoying  themselves  very  much. 

The  gentlemen  of  the  staff  arrived  on  Friday.  We  had  a  very  handsome 
review ;  and  it  closed,  as  I  believe,  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all  parties.  We 
passed  from  Buffalo  to  Rochester  through  this  place,  and  yesterday  morning  at 
tended  the  ceremonial  of  the  reinterment  of  the  bones  taken  up  in  the  Genesee 
Valley.  I  feared  that  there  would  be  a  failure  in  the  affair.  But  I  was  agree 
ably  disappointed.  All  the  world  was  there,  and  it  was  opportune  that  we  were 
there  too. 

We  left  there  last  night,  and  are  spending  the  day  quietly  and  pleasantly  in 
the  hospitable  home  of  the  Carys.  A  part  of  the  staff  have  set  their  faces  home 
ward.  All  the  ladies  go  on  to  Auburn  to-morrow.  At  the  same  time  Bowen, 
Blatchford,  and  I,  go  to  Chautauqua.  I  must  not  omit  to  say  that  S.  0.  Haw- 
ley  has  done  everything  man  could  do  to  make  our  stay  in  Buffalo  agreeable.  I 
wanted  Ruggles  along  very  much,  and  have  yet  a  lingering  hope  that  he  may 
come. 

The  tolls  received  on  the  Erie  Canal  during  the  year  were  now  pub 
lished,  showing  an  increase  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  over  the 
corresponding  period  of  the  preceding  year,  and  an  annual  increase 
since  1837,  that  justified  Seward's  recommendations  and  policy  in  re 
gard  to  the  enlargement,  as  well  as  the  estimates  of  Spencer,  Ver- 
planck,  and  Ruggles. 

The  session  of  the  Senate  had  been  held  at  the  Buffalo  Court-House. 
A  long  list  of  appointments  sent  in,  and  during  the  week  confirmed, 
comprised,  among  others,  those  of  Benjamin  Pringle,  for  Judge  in 
Genesee  ;  A.  P.  Jacobs,  for  Superintendent  of  Montezuma  Salt-Springs; 
Isaac  Platt,  of  Poughkeepsie,  for  notary  public ;  John  Young,  of  Gene- 
seo,  for  Master  in  Chancery  ;  John  M.  Bradford,  of  Geneva,  for  Ex 
aminer  in  Chancery  ;  Lyman  Truman,  for  notary  public  ;  and  Harlow 
C.  Love,  of  Buffalo,  for  Brigade  Inspector. 

The  Senate,  after  transacting  this  executive  business,  had  pro 
ceeded  to  hold  a  session  as  Court  of  Errors.  They  then  voted  to  visit 
Lockport  and  make  an  inspection  of  the  public  works  of  that  place. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  month  came  news  from  Washington  that  the 
"  National  Exchange  Bank  "  bill  had  passed  the  House.  There  came 
also  a  letter  from  Weed  presaging  disasters,  and  saying  that  Everett's 


1841.]  TYLER'S   VETOES. 

nomination  for  the  mission  to  England  was  opposed,  and  possibly 
might  be  rejected.  Southern  Whig  Senators  had  joined  Democratic 
ones  in  opposing  his  confirmation,  the  latter  having  produced  letters 
written  by  him  to  abolitionists. 

The  President  desired  a  postponement  of  the  bank  bill,  and  was 
already  beginning  to  receive  harsh  denunciation  in  debate  by  some  of 
his  former  Whig  supporters.  Mr.  Clay  had  taken  the  floor,  and  his 
vigorous  attack  on  the  veto  message  was  published. 

On  his  return  to  Albany,  the  Governor  was  met  by  dispatches  from 
Washington,  saying  that  there  was  reason  to  fear  an  anticipated  rescue 
of  McLeod.  He  wrote  to  Weed  : 

ALBANY,  September  1,  1841. 

I  left  Westfield  on  Friday,  passed  through  Buffalo,  and  slept  under  General 
Porter's  hospitable  roof  that  night.  On  Saturday  yielded  to  persuasion  and  the 
inducement  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  and  George  Andrews's  company,  and 
came  by  the  Ridge  road,  arriving  at  Rochester  just  half  an  hour  after  the  east 
ern  car  had  left  the  depot,  leaving  me  to  spend  Sunday  at  Rochester.  I  arrived  at 
Auburn  on  two  o'clock  of  Monday.  Tuesday  Mr.  Webster's  missives  met  me, 
with  notes,  emendations,  and  enlargement,  by  you  and  the  Secretary  of  State. 
I  remained  at  Auburn  twelve  hours ;  then  came  on,  arriving  at  Utica  night  before 
last.  I  dispatched  Sands  Higginbotham  from  Oneida,  on  the  railroad,  to  Oneida 
Castle,  with  a  summons  to  the  District  Attorney  to  meet  me  the  next  morning. 
The  secretary  disturbed  the  repose  of  the  village  of  Whitesboro  by  leaving  a 
similar  summons  there  for  General  White,  the  first  judge,  and  Sheriff  Moulton. 
Yesterday  morning  I  held  counsel  with  all  tbose  functionaries,  and  with  the 
District  Attorney  and  the  Circuit  Judge ;  resulting  in  arming  and  equipping  all 
the  people  of  Whitesboro,  and  magnifying  Alexander  McLeod  to  the  heart's  con 
tent,  I  hope,  of  Mr.  Fox.  We  then  rode  to  Trenton  Falls.  Returning  in  the 
evening  after  a  supper  with  Devereux,  we  took  the  cars  at  nine  and  found  our 
way  from  the  railroad  depot  to  the  Executive  mansion  this  morning,  through 
a  dense  fog  that  stopped  the  steamboats  all  night. 

There  you  have  my  private  and  public  journal.  I  much  want,  and  I  doubt 
not  I  very  much  need,  your  elucidation  of  the  strange  history  of  the  Adminis 
tration  of  John  Tyler.  Nevertheless,  I  read  it  with  some  success,  and  I  wonder 
that  any  man  of  fifty  years'  experience  should  have  fallen  into  such  errors.  I 
will  not  speculate  about  the  future. 

As  news  continued  to  come,  of  affairs  at  Washington,  it  was  evi 
dent  that  the  situation  of  the  Whig  party  was  rapidly  growing  worse, 
instead  of  better.  The  bill  for  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands  had 
passed  both  Houses,  and  had  been  sent  to  the  President.  The  new 
bank  bill  had  passed  the  Senate.  But  here  was  another  disappoint 
ment:  the  President  would  not  sign  it,  although  it  had  been  prepared 
on  purpose  to  meet  his  objections. 

The  Whigs  in  Congress  were  chafing,  the  Democrats  exulting. 
Buchanan  and  Calhoun  were  praising  Tyler,  and  Clay  retorting.  In 
one  of  his  speeches  he  gave  a  dramatic  scene.  He  described  Calhoun, 
36 


562  MFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1841 

Linn,  King,  Benton,  and  Buchanan,  as  visiting  and  addressing  con 
gratulations  to  the  President.  In  his  description  he  imitated  their 
manner,  and  put  in  their  mouths  quotations  from  their  past  speeches. 
The  galleries  and  the  Senators  generally  appreciated  the  joke,  laughing 
and  applauding.  Calhoun  and  Benton,  however,  took  it  in  sober  ear 
nest,  and  rose  to  declare  and  protest  that  they  had  not  been  near  the 
White  House. 

Encouraged  by  the  success  of  their  demonstrations  against  Mr. 
Everett  for  his  "  abolition  proclivities,"  some  of  the  Southern  Senators 
opposed  the  appropriations  for  the  contingent  fund  of  the  Post-Office 
Department,  on  the  ground  that  Granger  was  an  "  abolitionist "  at  the 
head  of  the  department  through  which  the  "  diabolical  principles  of 
that  gang  of  fanatics  might  be  brought  into  a  most  dangerous  conflict 
with  the  safety  of  the  South,  and  the  existence  of  the  Union." 

To  complete  the  discomfiture  of  the  Whigs,  it  was  also  announced 
that  Tyler  was  not  going  to  remove  Democratic  postmasters  in  the 
cities,  merely  to  put  Whig  ones  in  their  places.  Furthermore,  it  was 
said  that  Mr.  Van  Buren,  whom  the  Whigs  had  worked  so  hard  to  de 
feat  the  year  before,  approved  of  Tyler's  vetoes,  and  was  elated  with 
the  policy  of  his  Administration. 

Toward  the  middle  of  September  came  his  second  veto.  This  was 
qualified  with  an  expression  of  regret  : 

It  has  been  my  good  fortune  and  pleasure  to  concur  with  them  in  all  meas 
ures  except  this ;  and  why  should  difference  on  this  alone  be  pushed  to  extremi 
ties  ?  It  is  my  anxious  desire  that  it  should  not  be. 

As  an  earnest  of  this  good  disposition,  the  law  for  the  distribution 
of  the  public  lands  was  signed  by  the  President,  and  published. 

Congress  now  adjourned.  It  had  passed  the  bankrupt  law,  the 
revenue  law,  the  land-distribution  law,  the  fortification  law,  and  the 
home-squadron  law.  Simultaneous  with  the  adjournment  came  rumors 
that  the  cabinet  was  breaking  up,  that  Ewing  and  Crittenden  were 
going,  and  that  Clay  had  advised  all  the  members  of  the  cabinet  to 
resign. 

Speedy  confirmation  came.  Harrison's  cabinet  had  dissolved.  Ew 
ing,  Bell,  Badger,  and  Crittenden,  had  resigned,  and  subsequently 
Granger.  Webster  alone  remained. 

Forward,  McLean,  Upshur,  and  Legare,  were  nominated  to  the 
vacant  places  ;  and  Wickliffe  was  to  be  nominated  to  that  of  Granger. 
Ewing  and  Crittenden  published  letters,  assigning  their  reasons  for 
going.  Webster  wrote  to  Ketchum,  giving  his  reasons  for  staying. 
He  said  that  he  regretted  the  differences  between  the  President  and 
Congress  as  deeply  as  any  man,  but  had  not  been  able  to  see  in  what 
manner  the  resignation  of  the  cabinet  was  likely  either  to  remove  or 


1841.]  A   CHANGE   OF  CABINET.  563 

mitigate  the  evils  produced  by  them.  On  the  contrary,  he  said,  his 
reliance  for  remedy  was  on  the  union,  conciliation,  and  perseverance 
of  the  whole  Whig  party  ;  and  added  that  his  particular  connection 
was  with  another  department,  and  there  was,  so  far  as  he  knew,  an 
entire  concurrence  of  opinions  between  himself  and  the  President,  in 
reference  to  foreign  relations.  He  saw  no  reason,  therefore,  to  run 
the  risk  of  embarrassing  the  Executive  by  sudden  or  abrupt  proceed 
ings,  especially  as  questions  were  immediately  pending  affecting  the 
peace  of  the  country. 

Seward's  letters  to  Auburn  detailed  his  occupations : 

STATE  OF  NEW  YORK,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  » 
ALBANY,  September  10th. 

I  began  an  official  document,  but  my  conscience  smites  me  so  that  I  will 
change  it  into  a  letter  to  you. 

It  was  a  pleasant  visit  that  I  had  at  Auburn,  and  I  found  things  here  very 
much  as  they  were  left.  Mr.  Blatchford  had  set  his  successor  in  the  way  of 
copying  my  ancient  letters,  and  was  on  the  eve  of  embarking  for  New  York. 
He  has  gone — a  youth  of  splendid  talents,  good  principles,  and  affectionate  dis 
position. 

Mr.  Underwood  is  very  attentive,  and  bids  fair  to  be  useful  and  agreeable. 
We  are  again  cheerful,  with  an  occasional  lay  from  Bob  the  mocker.  He  has 
his  new  coat  adjusted,  and  is  continually  engaged  in  trying  to  clear  his  throat, 
and  remember  his  notes.  He  seems,  however,  to  be  unable  to  recall  any  but  the 
lower  notes. 

Dr.  and  Mrs.  Doane  have  sent  a  green  turtle,  that  is  to  be  here  on  the  25th, 
to  greet  you  on  your  arrival. 

The  Helderberg  troubles  open  badly.  Despite  the  ridicule  heaped  upon 
them,  they  will  attract  notice,  and  blood  will  yet  flow  in  a  cause  that  has,  thus 
far,  moved  only  derision. 

The  President's  second  veto  is  here.  He  has  at  last  played  away  the  con 
fidence  of  a  great,  generous,  and  confiding  party,  and  won  nothing  but  the  con 
tempt  of  the  opposition. 

The  Governor  of  Georgia  has  replied  to  my  rejoinder.  His  communication 
is  even  less  convincing  than  John  Tyler's  second  veto. 

I  have  much  more  to  write  you,  but  my  time  is  precious ;  I  must  defer  fur 
ther  gratification  of  this  kind  until  to-morrow. 

Tuesday  Morning. 

Mr.  Webster  goes  into  the  new  cabinet  with  Tyler,  and  against  Clay  and  his 
friends,  now  the  mass  of  the  Whig  party.  There  will  be  loud  denunciations 
of  both,  and  open  feud. 

ALBANT,  September  15,  1841. 

I  received  last  evening  your  letter  of  Sunday.  Poor  Brown !  her  relief  has 
come,  and  it  may  not  be  doubted  that  she  is  blessed.  How  foolish  to  wish  to 
stay  in  such  a  world  of  trouble  and  pain  as  this  I  I  am  glad  that  she  was  able, 
through  your  kindness,  to  die  at  home. 


564  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 


I  am  yet  plodding  through  business  accumulated  during  my  long  absence. 

Nobody  has  yet  come  on  from  Washington.  I  am  thankful  that  I  have  no 
responsibilities  concerning  the  new  order  of  things.  I  incline  to  believe  it  will 
be  disastrous  to  both  factions. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Fillmore  are  spending  the  day  with  me.  Maynard  is  here  and 
dines  with  me.  Morgan  has  not  yet  come. 


ALBANY, 

I  saw  many  of  our  friends  in  New  York.  Few  of  them  were  prepared  for 
the  sudden  movement  by  which  the  President  and  his  cabinet  were  cut  off  from 
the  confidence  and  support  of  the  Whig  party.  Messrs.  Curtis  and  Lyman  are, 
even  now,  in  Washington,  endeavoring  to  induce  the  President  to  adopt  a  course 
suitable  to  regain  the  lost  confidence  of  his  party.  It  is  "love's  labor  lost." 
The  uncertainty  of  our  friends  in  New  York,  on  the  subject,  arises  solely  from 
a  reluctance  to  abandon  Mr.  Webster.  The  evil,  however,  is  irremediable. 

ALBANY,    Tuesday  Evening. 

I  am  occupied  incessantly  with  "  wars  and  rumors  of  wars,"  and  my  corre 
spondence  is  oppressive.  It  is  quite  uncertain  whether  I  can  leave  here.  Indeed, 
I  am  almost  sure  I  cannot.  The  Comptroller  and  the  Secretary  of  State  are 
both  absent,  the  latter  for  several  days. 

John  C.  Spencer  is  to  be  no  more  of  us  here.  He  has  received  an  informal 
invitation  to  be  Secretary  of  War,  and  went  last  night,  with  all  our  best  wishes, 
to  Washington. 

There  will  be  such  a  crowd  at  Utica  about  McLeod's  trial  that  I  think  you 
will  find  it  necessary  to  come  directly  through.  I  shall  look  for  you  in  the 
Saturday's  train  that  leaves  Auburn  at  three  in  the  morning. 

The  Whig  members  of  Congress  were  now  returning  home.  An 
address  of  the  Whig  members  to  their  constituents  appeared,  headed 
by  Berrien,  Tallmadge,  J.  P.  Kennedy,  Mason,  Horace  Everett,  Clark, 
and  Raynor,  saying  that  the  President  had  forfeited  public  confidence, 
avowing  their  determination  to  persevere  in  Whig  measures,  recom 
mending  reduction  of  Executive  power,  limitation  of  the  veto,  one 
term  of  office,  the  election  of  the  head  of  the  Treasury  by  Congress, 
the  subjection  of  the  appointing  power  to  restrictions,  and  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  national  bank. 

This  was  regarded  as  an  open  declaration  of  war,  and  as  betokening 
the  final  separation  between  Tyler  and  the  Whig  party. 

The  defeat  of  the  Whigs  in  Maine  was  the  first  discouraging  omen 
of  the  new  era. 

The  Whig  newspapers  opened  bitter  war  against  "  Captain  Tyler," 
as  they  called  him  ;  but  the  office-holders  were  in  a  quandary.  If  they 
went  with  their  party,  they  would  lose  their  places  ;  if  they  kept 
their  places,  they  would  forfeit  the  confidence  of  their  party.  The 
fruits  of  the  great  triumph  of  1840  had  turned  to  ashes  in  the  victors' 
grasp. 


1841.]  "THE   LATCH-STRING  PULLED   IN."  565 

The  Washington  papers  announced  President  Tyler's  regulations, 
as  to  the  days  and  hours  upon  which  he  would  receive  visitors.  They 
went  the  rounds  of  the  Whig  press,  under  the  caption  of  "  The  Latch- 
string  pulled  in  !  " 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 
1841. 

Spencer  in  the  War  Department. — Trial  of  McLeod. — An  Alibi. — The  Election. — A  Demo 
cratic  Victory. — Letters  to  Adams  and  Scott. — The  Prince  de  Joinville. — Lord  Mor- 
peth. — Opening  of  Boston  &  Albany  Railroad. — Josiah  Quincy. — O'Connell's  Opinion. 

THE  political  outlook  was  neither  very  clear  nor  very  encouraging. 
But  the  State  Central  Committee,  in  accordance  with  usual  custom, 
called  a  Whig  State  Convention,  to  meet  at  Syracuse  on  the  6th  of 
October,  as  they  cautiously  said,  "  to  adopt  such  measures  as  may  be 
deemed  expedient." 

On  the  28th,  after  a  protracted  conference  with  the  Whig  leaders 
and  State  officers  at  Albany,  Seward  wrote  to  Mr.  Webster  and  to 
President  Tyler,  in  regard  to  the  appointment  of  John  C.  Spencer  as 
Secretary  of  War.  Spencer  had  received  an  intimation  from  Washing 
ton  that  the  President  was  desirous  to  confer  that  position  upon  him, 
and  before  replying  he  had  desired  to  consult  with  his  political  and 
official  associates.  The  question  presented  to  these  was  twofold  : 
first,  whether  Mr.  Spencer's  acceptance  would  be  advisable  for  his  own 
interests  ;  and,  second,  whether  it  would  promote  the  harmony  of  the 
Whig  party.  The  latter  view  of  the  case  would  make  his  appointment 
a  wise  political  step,  both  for  himself  and  for  the  country.  After 
weighing  the  various  possibilities,  the  conclusion  was  finally  arrived  at 
that,  if  he  could  not  convert  Mr.  Tyler,  at  least  Mr.  Tyler  could  not 
pervert  him,  and  that  his  presence  in  the  cabinet  would  have  a  salutary 
influence  at  Washington,  and  tend  to  promote  harmony  of  feeling  be 
tween  the  State  and  Federal  Governments. 

It  was  understood  that  Mr.  Webster  was  in  New  York,  holding 
somewhat  similar  consultations  with  his  friends. 

An  interesting  letter  was  received  from  Mr.  Morgan,  whose  seat  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  was  next  to  that  of  John  Quincy  Adams. 
He  inclosed  a  manuscript  copy  of  Mr.  Adams's  poem,  "  The  Wants  of 
Man."  Its  history  was  said  to  be  that  General  Ogle,  of  Pennsylvania, 
had  informed  Mr.  Adams,  in  July,  1840,  that  several  young  ladies  in 
his  district  had  requested  him  to  obtain  Mr.  Adams's  autograph.  The 
latter  wrote  this  poem  in  twenty-five  stanzas,  each  upon  a  separate 
sheet  of  note-paper. 


566  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

The  murder  of  Mary  Rodgers  still  remained  a  mystery,  and  the 
Governor  now,  at  the  request  of  the  authorities  in  New  York,  offered  a 
pardon  to  any  accomplice  in  the  crime  who  should  turn  State's  evidence, 
so  that  the  others  might  be  ferreted  out  and  convicted.  Still  no  one 
appeared  to  claim  either  the  amnesty  or  the  rewards. 

The  trial  of  McLeod  had  been  set  down  for  the  27th  of  September 
at  Utica,  Chief -Justice  Nelson  presiding  ;  the  Attorney-General  for  the 
prosecution,  and  the  United  States  District  Attorney  for  the  defense. 
But  it  began  to  look  as  if  those  engaged  in  the  frontier  troubles  were 
desirous  not  to  let  slip  the  opportunity  presented  by  the  international 
dispute  to  stir  up  fresh  hostilities.  There  were  rumors  of  "  Patriot  " 
movements  at  various  points  on  the  frontier.  Information  came  that 
bands  of  marauders  were  organized  along  the  Canada  line  under  the 
name  of  "  Hunters'  Lodges,"  and  these  were  supposed  to  have  stolen 
the  missing  cannon.  The  newspapers  in  the  Canadian  interest  charged 
that  Governor  Seward  was  a  "  paying  member  "  of  one  of  these  lodges. 
Meanwhile,  he  was  promoting  as  actively  as  possible  the  search  for  the 
lost  guns,  and  taking  precautions  against  any  outbreak.  He  issued  a 
proclamation  offering  a  reward  for  information  which  should  result  in 
the  conviction  of  the  persons  who  stole  the  two  cannon  in  Cayuga 
County.  He  instructed  the  sheriffs  and  military  commanders  in  the 
various  counties,  and  gave  the  War  Department  and  the  United  States 
civil  authorities  such  information  and  assistance  as  they  desired. 

A  proclamation  was  also  issued  by  the  President  in  regard  to  the 
lodges  and  clubs  ;  exhorting  the  participators  to  abandon  their  projects; 
assuring  them  that  the  laws  would  be  executed,  and  that,  if  captured 
by  the  British,  they  would  not  be  reclaimed. 

Among  the  rumors  was  one  that  some  persons  had  a  cannon  on 
Navy  Island,  and  were  preparing  to  attack  the  Canadian  shore.  An 
attempt  was  made  at  Allenburg  to  blow  up  the  locks  of  the  Welland 
Canal. 

James  Grogan,  of  Lockport,  was  seized  near  St.  Albans,  Ver 
mont,  by  twelve  or  fifteen  men,  wounded  by  a  bayonet,  gagged,  and 
dragged  away,  having  been  accused  of  complicity  with  the  incendiaries 
in  the  late  troubles.  The  party  engaged  in  the  outrage  were  said 
to  be  dragoons  and  volunteers  from  Canada.  Later,  it  was  reported 
that  he  was  in  Montreal  Jail. 

Utica  was  full  of  visitors  and  strangers,  attracted  by  the  State 
prosecution.  The  Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  was  duly  opened,  Judge 
Gridley  presiding  ;  and  on  the  4th  the  trial  commenced.  W.  L. 
Mackenzie,  the  so-called  General  Southerland,  and  other  participators 
in  the  frontier  troubles,  were  in  attendance.  For  the  prosecution  there 
appeared  the  Attorney-General,  assisted  by  S.  C.  Hawley,  and  District- 
Attorney  Wood  ;  for  the  prisoner,  United  States  District-Attorney 


1841.]  THE  TRIAL   OF  McLEOD.  56T 

Spencer,  Hiram  Gardner,  and  A.  C.  Bradley.  The  court-room  was 
crowded.  After  the  jury  was  impaneled,  Attorney-General  Hall  opened 
the  case. 

Witnesses  were  called,  who  testified  to  the  attack  at  Schlosser,  the 
burning  of  the  steamboat,  the  murder  of  Durfee,  and  the  wounding  of 
others.  The  next  day  further  testimony  was  adduced  to  prove  McLeod's 
presence  and  participation,  and  his  subsequent  boasting  of  having 
killed  Durfee.  A  special  messenger  was  dispatched  each  day  to  the 
Governor  at  Albany,  with  reports  of  the  progress  of  the  trial.  This 
messenger  came  by  an  extra  locomotive  from  Utica  to  Schenectady,  and 
thence  drove  to  Albany  in  a  sulky,  making  the  sixteen  miles  one  day 
in  fifty-five  minutes.  The  first  day  he  brought  a  private  note  to  the 
Governor  from  the  counsel  for  the  State,  saying  that  an  embarrassing 
question  had  arisen  about  the  payment  of  expenses  of  witnesses,  the 
judge  being  of  opinion  that  the  expense  ought  not  to  be  paid  by 
Oneida  County  ;  that  several  witnesses  were  either  unable  or  unwilling 
to  attend  in  consequence. 

The  Governor  answered  this  with  an  assurance  that  the  expense 
should,  at  all  events,  be  paid. 

Another  letter  was  from  Judge  White,  giving  information  of  the 
measures  to  preserve  the  peace  in  Utica  during  the  trial.  Seward 
replied  : 

I  am  much  pleased  with  the  indications  that  the  trial  will  pass  off  without 
any  outbreak  of  popular  discontent.  The  result  will,  I  trust,  vindicate  the  au 
thorities  of  this  State,  not  only  in  regard  to  their  desire  to  secure  to  the  pris 
oners  a  fair  and  impartial  trial,  but  also  in  relation  to  the  right  of  the  State  to 
try  the  prisoner  for  the  crime  laid  to  his  charge  by  the  grand-jury. 

The  testimony  for  the  prosecution  having  closed,  Spencer  opened 
for  the  defense,  and  called  witnesses  to  prove  that  the  destruction  of 
the  Caroline  was  under  the  orders  of  the  British  Government,  to  whom 
alone  the  State  should  look  for  redress.  McLeod  was  only  their  ser 
vant.  He  also  called  witnesses  to  prove  an  alibi.  These  testified  that 
McLeod  was  at  Stamford,  five  miles  off  ;  that  he  went  the  day  before, 
staid  all  night,  and  never  heard  of  the  destruction  of  the  Caroline  until 
ten  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

Judge  Gridley  ruled  out  the  documentary  evidence  in  regard  to  its 
being  a  national  act,  following  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
holding  the  question  to  be  one  of  McLeod's  individual  responsibility. 

Intelligence  now  came  from  Montreal,  tending  somewhat  to  allay 
popular  excitement  ;  this  was,  that  Grogan  had  been  released,  that 
his  seizure  had  been  pronounced  illegal,  and  that  he  had  been  safely 
escorted  back  to  the  United  States. 

The  next  day  a  deposition  was  read  from  Allan  McNab,  who  was 


568  LIFE  ANI)  LETTERS.  [1841. 

the  commander  of  the  British  forces  in  the  attack  on  the  Caroline. 
He  testified  that  he  had  no  knowledge  or  belief  that  McLeod  was  con 
nected  with  the  affair.  Four  more  persons  swore  that  he  was  five 
miles  away,  and  a  dozen  swore  positively  that  he  was  not  in  the  at 
tacking  party.  The  counsel  summed  up,  and  the  judge  charged  that, 
if  there  were  doubts  about  the  alibi,  the  prisoner  must  be  given  the 
benefit  of  them.  The  jury  retired,  and  in  thirty  minutes  returned 
with  a  verdict  of  acquittal. 

McLeod,  under  the  Governor's  direction,  was  safely  and  quietly 
taken  to  the  frontier. 

Thus  the  threatening  national  question  was  disposed  of,  and  the 
war-cloud  dispersed.  There  was  no  longer  a  pretext  for  outbreaks  or 
outrages  on  either  side.  The  Whig  journals,  while  commending  the 
"  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  Governor,"  remarked  that  he  had  "  saved 
the  General  Government  from  itself." 

A  few  days  later  it  was  announced  that  McLeod,  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  Sheriff  of  Oneida  and  two  army-officers,  had  reached  St. 
John's,  Lower  Canada,  and  had  gone  on  to  Montreal.  Excitement  on 
the  frontier  calmed  down  when  the  disturbing  cause  was  removed.  The 
missing  cannon  were  reported  to  have  been  found  in  Ohio  City,  oppo 
site  Cleveland,  where  the  United  States  officers  would  take  possession 
of  them  and  send  them  back  to  the  State. 

Meanwhile,  information  came  from  Washington,  raising  alternate 
hopes  and  fears  among  the  Whigs.  It  was  feared  that  the  Presi 
dent's  last  veto  was  for  the  express  purpose  of  causing  a  rupture,  be 
cause  the  bill  had  been  prepared  at  his  own  suggestion  and  conformed 
to  his  own  views.  On  the  other  hand,  the  appointment  of  John  C. 
Spencer  as  Secretary  of  War  revived  confidence  to  some  extent.  He 
was  known  to  be  the  intimate  friend  and  associate  of  the  Whig  lead 
ers  at  Albany,  and  it  was  believed  his  appointment  might  restore  the 
party  harmony.  It  was  recalled  that  in  Congress,  in  1817,  he  was 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  United  States  Bank,  of  which  John 
Tyler  was  a  member.  He  left  Albany  early  in  October  to  enter  upon 
his  duties  at  Washington. 

The  Governor's  duties,  apart  from  the  question  of  the  frontier 
troubles,  were  now  less  onerous.  A  deputation  of  the  chiefs  of  the  St. 
Regis  Indians  waited  upon  him.  Answering,  he  said  : 

Brothers !  I  am  very  happy  that  you  prefer  receiving  your  annuities  instead 
of  having  the  principal  paid  at  once.  With  industry  and  temperance  your  peo 
ple  may  derive  abundant  support  from  the  lands  which  they  enjoy.  The  annui 
ties  may  be  very  useful  in  enabling  you  to  support  a  school  and  a  church,  and 
procure  useful  implements  for  tilling  the  earth. 

The  Surveyor-General  will  ascertain  the  boundaries  and  conditions  of  the  isl 
ands  and  meadow-lands  which  you  want  to  sell  to  the  State.  It  would  be  much 


1841.]  WHIGS   AND   DEMOCRATS.  569 

better  for  you  to  keep  the  lands  altogether,  and  study  to  improve  in  agriculture, 
and  in  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  white  men.  The  lands  will  never  be 
worth  less  than  they  now  are,  and  you  would  best  promote  the  welfare  and  hap 
piness  of  your  children  by  leaving  to  them  the  entire  inheritance  you  received 
from  your  forefathers.  Brothers!  I  commend  your  chiefs,  and  also  the  old 
men  and  the  young  warriors,  and  the  women  and  children  of  the  St.  Regis 
nation,  to  the  blegsing  of  the  Great  Spirit,  who,  though  he  hath  made  red  men 
to  differ  from  white  men,  nevertheless  equally  cherishes  them  all  as  his  children, 
and  commands  them  to  do  good  to  one  another. 

From  the  Whig  State  Convention  at  Syracuse,  which  met  October 
6th,  came  reports  of  harmonious  councils,  if  not  enthusiastic  hopes. 
George  W.  Patterson  presided  ;  leading  Whigs  from  the  various  coun 
ties  participated.  Speeches  were  mads  by  John  A.  King,  Alvah  Wor- 
den,  David  Graham,  Daniel  D.  Barnard,  Duer,  Clarke,  Fillmore,  and 
Tallmadge.  An  address  and  resolutions  were  adopted,  reiterating  ad 
herence  to  the  former  Whig  policy,  approving  the  action  of  Congress, 
condemning  Tyler's  vetoes  and  dissolution  of  the  cabinet,  but  saying 
they  were  anxious  to  give  Tyler  a  hearty  support,  and  that  it  would  be 
wholly  his  own  fault  if  they  did  not.  They  indorsed  the  course  of 
Clay  and  intimated  a  preference  for  him  as  the  coming  presidential 
candidate.  The  county  and  district  conventions  of  the  two  parties 
were  actively  at  work,  during  the  month,  making  nominations  for  the 
Legislature.  Among  those  of  the  Whigs  were  Daniel  Lord,  Henry  A. 
Livingston,  Killian  Miller,  Allen  Ayrault,  Gideon  Hard,  Gulian  C. 
Verplanck,  Azor  Taber,  George  A.  Simmons,  Nelson  J.  Beach,  John  C. 
Hamilton,  James  W.  Gerard,  T.  C.  Flagler,  William  J.  Bacon,  Amos 
F.  Granger,  and  Levi  Hubbell.  Among  those  of  the  Democrats  were 
Erastus  Corning,  John  A.  Dix,  Michael  Hoffman,  Lemuel  Stetson, 
Arphaxad  Loomis,  John  A.  Locke,  Horatio  Seymour,  David  R.  Floyd 
Jones,  Sanford  E.  Church,  Levi  S.  Chatfield,  George  R.  Davis,  Calvin 
T.  Hulburd,  and  Theron  R.  Strong. 

Political  meetings  were  held,  but  they  were  tame  affairs  on  both 
sides,  compared  with  the  great  gatherings  of  the  preceding  campaign. 
The  logs  of  the  log  cabins  still  remained  in  place,  but  they  no  longer 
rang  with  the  enthusiastic  melody  and  oratory  of  the  year  before. 

The  issues  at  the  election  between  the  parties,  as  stated  by  their 
conventions,  seemed  to  be,  that  the  Whigs  were  for  a  national  bank, 
with  increased  currency  and  credit,  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of 
public  lands,  a  protective  tariff,  and  a  general  bankrupt  law,  and  for 
the  State  an  increase  of  the  school  system  and  of  internal  improve 
ment. 

The  Democrats  opposed  internal  improvements,  State  or  national, 
when  involving  public  debt  ;  opposed  a  national  bank  and  protective 
tariff  ;  were  in  favor  of  the  sub-Treasury  and  hard  money,  strict  con 


570  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

struction  of  the  Constitution,  and  direct  taxation  for  the  public  works 
and  payment  of  debt,  rather  than  financial  schemes  looking  to  loans  to 
be  repaid  out  of  future  revenue. 

In  New  York  City  the  school  question  entered  into  the  political 
canvass.  A  "  Free-School  ticket  "  was  nominated,  its  candidates  being 
selected  from  the  tickets  of  both  parties  already  in  nomination. 

The  political  phrase  of  "  pipe-laying  "  originated  about  this  time 
in  New  York,  probably  from  observation  of  the  numerous  pipes  that 
workmen  were  laying  under  the  streets  for  carrying  the  Croton  water. 
They  suggested  an  analogy  with  political  jobs  and  subterfuges.  For 
some  years  a  favorite  phrase  among  New  York  newspapers  and  poli 
ticians  was  the  charge  of  "  laying  pipe."  Glentworth  and  his  employ 
ers  were  especially  characterized  as  "  pipe-layers  "  to  bring  voters  from 
Philadelphia  by  secret  and  underground  appliances,  as  water  was 
brought  from  Croton  Lake. 

The  election  in  Albany  passed  off  quietly.  Whigs  there,  as  else 
where,  seemed  discouraged  or  indifferent.  None  were  surprised  by  the 
announcement  in  the  evening  that  the  city  had  gone  Democratic.  A 
day  later  the  great  eagle  appeared  in  the  Argus,  with  the  tidings  that 
the  Democrats  had  carried  the  State,  had  gained  the  Assembly  by 
a  majority  of  thirty  or  forty,  and  would  also  have  a  majority  in  the 
Senate.  So  the  Whig  control  of  both  State  and  national  Governments, 
triumphantly  secured  in  1840,  had  in  a  single  year  drifted  out  of  their 
hands  into  those  of  their  opponents. 

Each  day  brought  confirmation  of  the  change.  The  Whigs  would 
have  but  fifteen  Senators,  the  Democrats  seventeen  ;  while  in  the  As 
sembly  the  Democrats  had  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  whole — ninety- 
five  to  thirty-three. 

Mr.  Granger's  election  to  Congress,  which  had  been  assumed  as  a 
certainty  in  Ontario,  was  achieved  by  a  majority  of  only  five  hundred. 
Sanford  E.  Church  was  elected  to  the  Assembly  from  Orleans,  the  first 
Democratic  member  from  the  "  infected  district  "  in  many  years.  This 
was  a  subject  of  much  exultation.  It  had  been  a  standing  joke  with 
the  Whigs  that  in  Democratic  legislative  caucuses,  when  a  committee 
was  appointed,  consisting  of  one  from  each  district,  the  eighth  either 
had  none  or  a  "  transplanted  "  one.  Seward  wrote  to  John  Quincy 
Adams,  November  6th  : 

The  mails  have  borne  to  you  the  news  of  a  disastrous  overthrow  of  the 
"Whig  party  in  this  State.  There  will  be  much  speculation,  and,  as  usual,  very 
little  wisdom  in  it,  concerning  the  causes  of  this  popular  change.  History  is 
not  very  accurate  in  her  judgments  upon  the  causas  rerum,  but  contempora 
neous  commentary  is  never  just.  I  am,  my  dear  sir,  very  much  gratified  by  the 
kind  consideration  you  express  concerning  my  public  action  in  the  difficult 
place  assigned  me.  If  I  were  to  define  the  ruling  motive  of  my  political  con- 


1841.]  DEFEAT   OF  THE   WHIGS.  571 

duct,  in  and  out  of  place,  it  would  be  that  of  solicitude  to  avoid  doing  or  saying, 
under  the  pressure  of  the  times,  anything  which,  in  all  time  to  come,  should 
require  vindication.  Such,  you  will  permit  me  to  say,  has  always  appeared  to 
me  to  be  the  moral  of  your  distinguished  life. 

I  early  determined  not  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  third  election  to  my  pres 
ent  place.  As  for  the  future,  I  await  its  developments  without  concern,  con 
scious  that  if  my  services  are  needed  they  will  be  demanded ;  and,  if  not  needed, 
that  it  would  be  neither  patriotic  nor  conducive  to  my  own  happiness  to  be-  in 
public  life. 

His  Thanksgiving  proclamation  had  been  issued  on  the  25th  of 
October,  designating  Thursday,  December  9tb,  as  the  day  for  the  fes 
tival.  As  yet  there  was  no  unanimity  among  the  States  in  regard  to 
it.  The  Governor  of  Ohio  had  designated  December  21st ;  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Rhode  Island,  November  25th;  and  it  was  remarked  that  by 
diligent  travel,  from  State  to  State,  one  could  find  a  Thanksgiving  in 
progress  somewhere  on  each  Thursday  between  election  and  Christmas. 

Among  his  correspondence  was  a  letter  from  General  Scott,  in 
reference  to  the  presidency,  which  he  acknowledged,  saying  :  "  It  is  a 
frank  and  manly  paper.  The  events  of  the  next  three  years  are  uncer 
tain.  But,  let  the  end  be  as  it  may,  you  have  this  proud  advantage 
over  your  contemporaries,  that  you  have  already  achieved  a  fame  that 
will  reach  the  great  future  without  further  acknowledgments  from  the 
present  generation." 

Among  the  expedients  suggested  by  Whig  friends  to  save  some 
portion  of  the  public  patronage,  which  seemed  to  be  slipping  from  the 
party's  hands,  was  the  plan  of  convening  the  Senate,  and  making 
appointments  to  fill  vacancies  that  would  occur  during  the  next  year. 
Seward  answered  : 

Such  a  proceeding,  however  desirable  it  might  be  upon  party  grounds,  could 
not  be  adopted  consistently  with  the  spirit  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the 
State.  None  can  doubt  that  I  lament,  as  deeply  as  any  one  of  the  two  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  citizens  who  brought  me  into  a  situation  of  high  respon 
sibility,  a  result  that,  besides  all  other  public  consequences,  deprives  me  of  the 
power  of  preferring  sound  and  patriotic  men  to  places.  But  since  that  result 
has  come,  it  must  be  met  with  firmness ;  and  while  there  shall  be  no  deviation 
from  consistency  on  my  part,  I  cannot  question,  much  less  endeavor  by  extraor 
dinary  means  to  defeat,  the  desire  of  the  people,  constitutionally  declared. 

There  was  danger,  moreover,  of  a  greater  loss  than  that  of  patron 
age  in  the  State.  The  opposition  were  beginning  to  hint  a  disposition 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  power  they  had  acquired  to  stop  the  enlarge 
ment  of  the  Erie  Canal. 

Mr.  Clay's  retirement  from  the  Senate  was  now  announced.  His 
proposed  resignation  was  approved  by  his  political  friends  :  because,  if 
he  should  remain  in  the  Senate,  he  would  be  embroiled  in  collisions  and 


572  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

strife  damaging  to  his  presidential  prospects.  But,  if  he  remained  two 
years  in  retirement,  the  people  would  go  to  Ashland  for  him,  as  they 
did  to  North  Bend  for  Harrison.  As  if  to  once  more  revive  illusory 
hopes,  rumors  came  from  Washington  that  the  President  himself  was 
now  preparing  a  plan  for  a  "  fiscal  agency  "  to  submit  to  Congress. 

The  Democratic  newspapers,  encouraged  by  a  more  favorable  out 
look  of  political  affairs,  were  beginning  to  talk  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  a 
candidate  in  1844.  The  leaders  of  his  party,  at  Albany,  were  already 
planning  for  the  resumption  of  the  power  in  the  Legislature  which 
they  had  lost  three  years  before. 

Congress  met  on  the  6th  of  December.  A  plan  apparently  ac 
ceptable  to  the  Whigs  was  to  be  submitted  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury — a  financial  scheme  which  the  President  thought  would  "meet 
the  requirements  of  the  Government  and  the  wants  of  the  people." 
The  message  repudiated  the  theory  of  a  purely  metallic  currency,  and 
advocated  one  of  paper,  redeemable  in  specie.  Its  views  on  the  tariff 
were  in  accord  with  Whig  doctrines.  It  recommended  the  establish 
ment  of  a  Board  of  Control  at  Washington,  with  agencies  at  prominent 
commercial  points,  for  the  safe-keeping  and  disbursements  of  public 
moneys,  and  the  substitution,  at  the  option  of  the  public  creditor,  of 
Treasury  notes  in  lieu  of  gold  and  silver.  The  Whig  papers  generally 
approved  the  message.  Committees  were  appointed  in  Congress,  with 
ex-President  Adams  at  the  head  of  that  on  foreign  affairs,  and  Mr. 
Gushing  at  the  head  of  that  on  the  President's  fiscal  plan. 

The  new  Secretary  of  War  presented  an  able  report,  promising  an 
early  and  successful  closing  of  the  tedious  Florida  War,  and  commend 
ing  the  proceedings  of  Colonel  Worth. 

Thirty-five  of  the  Amistad  Africans  were  embarked  in  a  ship  for 
Sierra  Leone.  Before  leaving  they  sent,  through  Lewis  Tappan,  a 
grateful  letter  and  a  handsome  Bible  to  John  Quincy  Adams. 

The  Prince  de  Joinville,  having  arrived  in  his  vessel,  La  Belle 
Poule,  was  now  entertained  in  New  York  and  Boston  with  great  fes 
tivities.  There  was  a  ball  at  Faneuil  Hall.  Among  the  guests  was  the 
Countess  America  Vespucci,  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  great  discoverer 
from  whom  the  continent  was  named.  Some  years  before  it  had  been 
proposed  in  Congress  to  give  her  a  township  or  a  county  in  the  West, 
to  be  called  by  her  name  ;  but  Congress  turned  a  deaf  ear. 

Among  the  guests  at  the  dinner  given  to  the  prince  in  New  York 
was  Lord  Morpeth,  the  heir  to  the  earldom  of  Carlisle,  who  was  already 
favorably  known  in  America  by  his  liberal  speeches  in  Parliament.  He 
was  now  traveling  through  the  United  States,  and  was  received  with 
much  hospitality  in  New  York  and  Bost6n.  Pausing  at  Albany  to 
study  the  workings  of  an  American  State  government,  he  remained  a 
few  days.  During  his  visits  to  Governor  Seward,  he  found  they  were 


1841.]  LORD    MORPETH.  573 

so  much  in  accord  on  many  public  questions,  notably  those  in  regard  to 
Ireland  and  slavery,  that  their  intimacy  ripened  rapidly.  He  was  appar 
ently  about  the  age  of  Governor  Seward,  with  hair  just  turning  gray. 
He  was  staid,  dignified,  and  courteous,  and  won  the  esteem  of  public 
men  of  both  parties  whom  he  met. 

After  an  evening  visit  to  Seward,  the  latter  offered  to  accompany 
him  to  call  upon  some  of  the  other  State  officers.  As  they  walked, 
unattended,  through  the  dimly-lighted  streets  of  Albany,  he  said, 
"  You  are  quite  like  the  Caliph  of  Bagdad  in  the  *  Arabian  Nights,' 
walking  out  this  way,  unknown,  among  your  subjects."  "  Not  quite," 
answered  Seward,  "  for  you  must  remember  that  in  this  city  there 
are  forty  thousand  caliphs,  and  it  is  I  who  am  their  subject." 

He  observed  that  it  was  a  surprise  to  Lord  Morpeth  to  find  that 
the  Democracy  in  this  country  were  not  the  "  Exeter  Hall  radicals  " 
which  their  name  seemed  to  imply,  and  that  the  Whigs,  stigmatized 
by  their  opponents  as  the  "  aristocratic  "  party,  were  really  the  party 
of  most  advanced  views. 

Lord  Morpeth  told  an  incident  of  his  western  trip  that  had  much 
pleased  him.  Going  one  evening  into  a  theatre  at  Rochester  where  a 
company  of  indifferent  players  were  performing,  he  found,  when  the 
curtain  fell  between  the  acts,  that  on  it  was  painted  an  accurate  pict 
ure  of  his  own  place,  Naworth  Castle.  The  British  residents  of  New 
York  gave  him  a  dinner,  to  which  the  Governor  was  invited,  who,  in 
his  answer,  gave  the  toast,  "  Honor  to  the  English  statesman  who  de 
votes  his  talents,  learning,  and  influence,  to  an  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  Ireland." 

December  was  signalized  by  several  evidences  of  railway  progress. 
A  new  winter  route  was  opened  to  New  York.  This  was  from  Albany 
to  West  Stockbridge  by  rail  ;  then  twenty -two  miles  by  stage  to 
West  Canaan  ;  then  by  rail  down  the  Housatonic  Valley  to  Bridge 
port  ;  thence  by  steamboat  to  New  York — a  total  distance  of  one  hun 
dred  and  ninety -four  miles,  but  an  improvement  in  point  of  time  upon 
the  tedious  stage-ride  down  the  post-road  along  the  bank  of  the  Hud 
son.  Another  route  was  also  opened  before  the  winter  was  over,  en 
tirely  by  rail  and  steamboat,  and  occupying  thirty-two  hours.  This  was 
via  Springfield,  Hartford,  and  New  Haven,  the  "  Western  Railroad  " 
being  now  completed. 

The  opening  of  the  railway  to  Boston  was  considered  as  the  begin 
ning  of  a  new  era  in  commerce,  and  was  greeted  with  appropriate 
demonstrations.  On  the  27th  the  first  through-train  from  Boston  over 
the  Berkshire  Hills  arrived  at  Greenbush  in  the  evening,  and  was  wel 
comed  with  rockets  and  cannon  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 

The  Speaker  of  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives,  the 
Common  Council  of  Boston,  several  of  the  editors  and  citizens  of  that 


574  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

city,  and  the  directors  and  officers  of  the  railroad,  were  on  board  ; 
were  received  at  the  ferry  by  the  Common  Council  of  Albany,  and 
escorted  in  triumph  by  military  and  fire  companies,  with  torches  and 
music,  to  Congress  Hall. 

The  next  morning  there  was  a  formal  reception  by  the  city  authori 
ties  at  the  City  Hall,  and  an  exchange  of  congratulations.  Afterward 
they  waited  on  the  Governor  at  the  Executive  chamber,  and  visited 
the  Court  of  Errors.  At  five  in  the  afternoon  three  hundred  guests 
sat  down  to  dinner  at  Landon's  Stanwix  Hall,  the  mayor  presiding. 

The  toast  of  "  The  city  of  Boston  "  was  responded  to  by  Mayor 
Chapman  ;  that  of  "  The  State  of  Massachusetts  "  by  Attorney-Gen 
eral  Austin. 

When  "  The  State  of  New  York  "  was  toasted,  and  Governor  Sew- 
ard  called  out  by  cheers  and  applause,  he  spoke  briefly  of  the  progress 
of  internal  improvements,  and  said  : 

I  will,  with  the  permission  of  the  company,  read  a  letter,  which  perhaps 
has  an  interest  as  the  record  of  an  arrangement  made  with  a  view  to  an  im 
provement  of  the  internal  communication  between  New  York  and  Massachu 
setts.  It  bears  date  "  Fort  James  "  (now  the  city  of  New  York),  "  27th  Decem 
ber,  1672,"  just  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  years  before  the  arrival  of  our  guests 
from  the  Bay  State  by  a  railroad  journey  of  eleven  hours.  The  letter  was 
written  by  Colonel  Francis  Lovelace,  then  Governor  of  this  colony,  to  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Massachusetts.  It  stated  that  his  royal  Majesty  King  Charles  com 
manded  that  the  colonies  should  enter  into  a  close  correspondence  with  each 
other,  and  that  to  accomplish  that  purpose  Governor  Lovelace  had  established 
a  post  to  proceed  on  horseback  once  every  month  to  Boston,  allowing  two 
weeks  for  the  journey  and  an  equal  time  for  returning ! 

Se ward's  toast  was:  "  The  States  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York  : 
they  have  combined  in  the  prosecution  of  the  Western  Railroad  ;  may 
they  become  as  united  in  maintaining  the  faith  and  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  !  " 

The  hall  where  these  festivities  took  place  was  handsomely  lighted, 
and  decorated  with  the  arms  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  of  Bos 
ton  and  Albany,  and  portraits  of  George  Clinton  and  John  Jay.  When 
the  Attorney-General  of  Massachusetts  referred  to'De  Witt  Clinton  as 
the  pioneer  of  internal  improvements,  the  whole  company  rose  to  their 
feet  with  cheers. 

Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  on  behalf  of  the  Western  Railroad  Company, 
told  the  story  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  said  of  the  proposed  canal  to 
Madrid,  "  If  it  was  the  will  of  the  Almighty  that  a  water  communica 
tion  should  be  there,  he  would  have  made  one."  The  same,  he  said, 
was  the  case  of  the  Berkshire  Hills.  Having  found  a  place  in  them 
just  wide  enough  for  a  railway  to  go  through,  they  came  to  the  opin 
ion  that  the  world  in  ^er.cral,  and  Berkshire  County  in  particular,  had 


1841.]  BOSTON   RAILROAD   CELEBRATION.  575 

been  made  with  express  reference  to  the  Western  Railroad.  He  had 
always  known  that  "  a  good  name  was  better  than  riches  ; "  and  the 
company  had  found  it  true  when  they  had  the  power  of  obtaining 
great  riches  by  simply  presenting  good  names  on  a  piece  of  paper  to 
Mr.  Olcott  at  the  Mechanics  and  Farmers'  Bank. 

On  such  an  occasion  Quincy  was  inimitable.  His  wit  and  humor 
kept  the  table  in  a  roar,  and  seemed  to  be  prompted  by  the  incidents 
of  the  hour.  Colonel  Webb,  in  his  speech,  remarked  that  they  might 
almost  attribute  the  presence  of  Yankees  in  Albany,  who  twelve  hours 
before  had  been  in  Boston,  to  the  "  witchcraft  "  once  said  to  be  very 
prevalent  among  that  distant  people.  Quincy  retorted,  "  There  are  yet 
witches  in  Massachusetts  that  are  said  to  be  able,  by  the  power  of  their 
charms,  even  to  turn  a  Dutchman  into  a  Yankee."  In  one  remark, 
Quincy  almost  predicted  the  telegraph.  "  These  iron  bars,"  said  he, 
"  that  extend  from  one  capital  to  the  other,  will  in  time  of  peace  trans 
mit  the  electric  spark  of  good  feeling  and  good  fellowship." 

General  Dix,  in  his  speech,  adverted  to  the  fact  that  the  Mayflower 
started  for  the  Hudson  River,  but  by  the  ill-will  or  the  ignorance  of 
the  captain  blundered  on  the  rocky,  barren,  and  inhospitable  shore  of 
Plymouth.  However,  the  mistake  was  now  corrected,  and  the  descend 
ants  of  those  who  came  by  the  Mayflower  had  reached  the  Hudson 
River  at  last.  Croswell  toasted  the  Massachusetts  poet :  "  It  will  be 
long  before  we  look  upon  his  fellow"  John  Q.  Wilson  gave  :  "  Bos 
ton  enterprise,  that  has  discovered  a  Northwest  Passage."  Randall,  of 
New  Bedford,  promised  that  town  would  grease  all  the  wheels  and 
light  all  the  lamps  of  the  new  railroad.  Weed  gave  :  "Massachusetts, 
the  cradle  of  philanthropists,  statesmen,  heroes,  and  historians.  Keep 
it  rocking."  The  last  toast  was  the  hope  that  our  neighbors  "may 
return  us  railing  for  railing;"  and  Quincy's  closing  salutation  was, 
"  See  what  Massachusetts  and  New  York  can  do  when  they  lay  their 
heads  together."  At  midnight  the  party  broke  up,  but  adjourned  to 
meet  the  next  day  at  Faneuil  Hall. 

There  was  a  like  celebration  there.  On  the  table  was  bread  made 
of  flour  which  was  in  the  sheaf,  brought  in  a  barrel  that  was  in  the 
tree,  at  Canandaigua  two  days  before.  Sperm-candles,  made  by  Mr. 
Penniman  at  Albany  in  the  morning,  were  burning  in  Faneuil  Hall  in 
the  evening.  Salt  was  on  the  table  which  thirty-six  hours  before  was 
three  hundred  feet  underground  at  Syracuse.  When  General  Law 
rence  presented  this  in  a  humorous  speech  as  having  been  brought 
from  the  cellar  of  New  York,  he  was  answered  that  it  smacked  rather 
of  the  "  Attic." 

In  return,  the  Bostonians  promised  that  fish  swimming  in  Boston 
harbor  in  the  morning  should  grace  dinner-tables  in  Albany  in  the  even 
ing,  and  gave  the  sentiment,  "  May  their  best  breadstuffs  follow  their 


576  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1841. 

best-bred  men  to  Boston  ! "  General  King  replied  that  "  with  such 
facilities  for  getting  (y)east  the  breadstuff's  of  Western  New  York 
must  speedily  rise."  Mayor  Chapman  gave  a  humorous  report  of  the 
Yankee  expedition  of  the  day  before  to  the  western  wilds,  returning 
in  triumph  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  captives,  the  head-men  and 
chiefs  of  the  tribe.  To  that  Mayor  Van  Vechten  replied  that  his 
"  worst  fears  were  realized  ;  he  had  been  warned  that  the  Yankees 
would  'take  them  in,'  and  now  they  had,  clear  into  Boston."  Troy 
was  toasted :  "  A  wooden  horse  was  the  destruction  of  the  old  Troy. 
May  the  iron  horse  be  the  making  of  the  new  ! " 

Canaan  Gap  was  the  subject  of  various  puns — that  it  led  "  to  a 
feast  of  the  passover,"  and  that  being  overrun  by  Jews  was  nothing 
to  being  overreached  by  Yankees. 

Quincy  toasted  :  "  The  four  mayors  present.  With  such  a  team, 
who  could  want  a  locomotive  ?  "  Judge  Van  Bergen  spoke  in  Dutch. 
Another  guest  gave:  "Boston,  known  for  one  tea-party  and  sev 
eral  dinners."  The  allusion  to  the  tea-party  brought  out  a  series  of 
jokes,  and  led  to  complimentary  allusions  to  the  ladies.  John  Q.  Wil 
son  closed  them  by  giving,  "  The  Yankee  ladies — may  every  one  who 
comes  to  New  York  catch  a  Dutchman  ! "  to  which  Quincy  retorted, 
"  May  they  not,  in  catching  a  Dutchman,  catch  also  a  Tartar !  "  Amid 
the  laughter  created  by  this  sally  the  assemblage  broke  up. 

The  foreign  mail  brought  O'Connell's  opinion  of  the  McLeod  case 
as  delivered  at  a  recent  "  repeal  meeting."  He  said  that  the  British 
had  had  a  happy  escape — the  Americans  had  had  the  best  of  the  con 
test;  that  the  American  nation  had  vindicated  its  own  honor,  had  vin 
dicated  the  law  of  the  land  against  a  supposed  murderer,  and  had  done 
so  in  defiance  of  England.  "  Americans  had  decided  that,  whatever 
might  be  the  power  of  a  nation  opposed  to  them,  should  the  blood  of 
an  American  be  shed,  no  other  power  should  be  suffered  to  screen  the 
murderer  from  justice.  This  was  a  triumph  for  America,  and  an  im 
portant  lesson  to  the  governments  of  Europe." 


1842.]  THE   TEMPERANCE   REFORM.  577 

CHAPTER   XXXIX. 
1842. 

The  Temperance  Reform. — Opposition  Plans  and  Discords. — The  Right  of  Petition. — Sir 
Charles  Bagot. — Dickens. — Lord  Ashburton. — A  Revolutionary  Reminiscence. — Letter 
to  Greeley. — Battle  between  Senate  and  Governor. — Expunging  Messages. 

ON  the  closing  day  of  the  year,  the  newspapers  announced  that  the 
Governor,  in  his  preparations  for  New-Year's  celebration,  intended  to 
substitute  lemonade  and  cold  water  for  punch  and  wine — a  bold  innova 
tion.  He  deemed  that  the  temperance  cause  had  a  right  to  claim  an 
example  from  those  in  authority. 

This  was  in  accordance  with  the  popular  feeling  of  the  time.  The 
temperance  reform,  led  by  Father  Mathew  and  the  Washingtonian 
Societies,  was  regarded  as  a  benevolent  and  praiseworthy  enterprise, 
entitled  to  the  help  and  encouragement  of  all  good  citizens.  At 
public  dinners,  as  well  as  in  private  houses,  it  was  rapidly  growing  to 
be  the  custom  to  dispense  with  wine  and  spirits  on  festive  occasions. 
At  the  railroad  celebration,  and  at  the  dinner  on  Forefathers'  Day, 
the  new  custom  was  also  adopted.  As  yet,  there  had  been  no  question 
of  prohibition  by  law,  and  the  subject  of  temperance  was  not  regarded 
from  a  partisan  point  of  view.  The  Governor  laid  aside  the  amount  he 
had  formerly  expended  on  such  occasions,  and  gave  it  to  the  Orphan 
Asylum. 

Some  of  the  advocates  of  temperance,  however,  had  engaged  in  a 
public  controversy,  which  was  deemed  unfortunate.  It  grew  out  of  a 
proposal  to  banish  wine  from  the  communion-table.  Up  to  this  period, 
action  in  regard  to  it  had  been  harmonious  ;  henceforth  it  was  to  be 
marked  by  disputes,  recrimination,  and  shades  of  difference  in  opinion, 
profitable  neither  to  the  disputants  nor  to  the  cause. 

Another  illustration  of  the  progress  of  the  temperance  reform  was 
the  announcement  that  twenty-five  hundred  dollars  had  been  paid  out 
to  the  sailors  on  the  receiving-ship  at  Boston,  in  lieu  of  grog,  which 
they  voluntarily  relinquished. 

On  Monday  the  members  were  arriving  from  the  various  counties. 
From  the  Senate,  Verplanck,  Lee,  Maynard,  and  Sibley,  had  gone  out. 
Most  of  the  veteran  Whig  members  of  the  Assembly  had  also  gone  ; 
while  those  of  the  Democrats  remained.  There  was  an  active  can 
vass  for  the  speakership  between  the  supporters  of  Davis,  Humphrey, 
and  Chatfield. 

The  Legislature  met  on  Tuesday,  at  noon.  Among  the  new  Sena 
tors  were  Morris  Franklin  and  Isaac  L.  Varian,  of  New  York  ;  A. 
Bockee,  of  the  Second  District  ;  Erastus  Corning,  of  the  Third  ;  and 
Gideon  Hard,  of  the  Eighth.  Among  the  new  members  of  the  Assembly 
37 


578  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

were  John  A.  Dix,  of  Albany;  Lemuel  Stetson,  of  Clinton  ;  William  A. 
Bird,  of  Erie;  John  A.  Lott,  of  Kings  ;  Thomas  T.  Flagler,  of  Niagara  ; 
Horatio  Seymour,  of  Oneida;  Sanford  E.  Church,  of  Orleans  ;  George 
R.  Davis,  of  Rensselaer;  Calvin  T.  Hulburd,  of  St.  Lawrence;  John 
Cramer,  of  Saratoga  ;  and  Theron  R.  Strong,  of  Wayne. 

The  Assembly  organized  by  electing  L.  S.  Chatfield  Speaker,  and 
John  O.  Cole  Clerk.  The  Whigs  gave  their  thirty  votes  to  George  A. 
Simmons,  of  Essex,  and  P.  B.  Prindle,  of  Chenango,  the  former  Clerk. 
Committees  were  duly  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  Governor,  and 
inform  him  of  the  meeting  of  the  two  Houses.  His  message  was  im 
mediately  sent  in  by  the  hands  of  Mr.  Underwood.  It  announced  that 
the  new  State-Hall  was  completed,  the  asylum  at  Utica  ready  for  the 
reception  of  inmates,  the  geologists  arranging  their  cabinets,  and  the 
colonial  documents  in  process  of  collection. 

He  laid  before  the  Legislature  the  law  of  Virginia,  aimed  at  New 
York  commerce,  as  well  as  the  correspondence  with  the  Governor  of 
Georgia.  He  recommended  the  replenishing  of  the  safety -fund  ;  called 
attention  to  the  Six  Nations,  who  complained  they  had  been  defrauded 
out  of  some  of  their  lands  ;  advised  the  division  of  the  election  districts 
into  smaller  ones,  and  that  the  election  should  hereafter  be  limited  to 
one  day.  He  announced  that  the  prisons  were  paying  their  own 
expenses,  and  warned  the  Legislature  that  the  substitution  of  imprison 
ment  for  life  for  the  death -penalty  would  be  unsuccessful  without 
some  modification  of  the  pardoning  power.  He  gave  a  history  of  the  anti- 
rent  troubles,  and  of  the  McLeod  case.  The  literature  and  common- 
school  fund,  he  remarked,  now  amounted  to  several  millions,  and  there 
were  nearly  eleven  thousand  school-district  libraries — a  happy  contrast 
to  the  resolution  of  the  colonial  Assembly  just  before  the  Revolution, 
declaring  that  the  report  that  they  intended  to  levy  a  tax  of  five 
hundred  pounds  to  promote  learning  "  was  a  slander." 

A  statement  of  his  views  on  the  subject  of  New  York  schools  fol 
lowed,  presenting  the  questions  whether  the  schools  should  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  a  corporation  or  in  those  of  the  government,  and 
whether  all  the  children  in  New  York  should  be  educated,  or  only  a 
part  of  them.  The  principal  portion  of  the  rest  of  the  message  was 
devoted  to  the  history,  the  condition,  and  the  needs  of  the  public 
works  ;  presenting  arguments  against  the  threatened  stoppage,  warn 
ing  the  Legislature  of  its  consequences,  and  showing  how  closely  the 
welfare  of  the  State  depended  upon  their  prosecution. 

It  was  evident,  as  soon  as  the  Legislature  had  assembled,  that  the 
predominant  party  realized  and  were  disposed  to  use  their  power.  At 
the  same  time,  success  had  sowed,  as  it  usually  does,  the  seeds  of  dis 
trust  between  those  who,  while  in  a  minority,  were  in  entire  accord. 
The  terms  of  the  State  officers  were  to  expire  this  winter  ;  the  Legisla- 


1842.]  AN   OPPOSING   LEGISLATURE.  579 

ture  was  to  elect  new  ones  ;  but  there  were  predilections  in  favor  of 
different  candidates.  There  was  a  distrust  of  the  wisdom  of  restoring1 
the  sway  of  the  old  "  Regency,"  and  a  doubt  whether  Croswell,  having 
become  the  president  of  a  bank,  was  a  safe  guide  for  an  "  anti-bank 
party." 

Aggressive  steps  in  reference  to  the  Governor  were  canvassed  in 
the  evening  at  the  hotels,  and  a  plan  was  talked  of  for  repudiat 
ing  his  sentiments  on  the  Virginia  question,  and  for  declaring  that 
Virginia  was  right.  In  reference  to  the  McLeod  case  and  the  school 
question,  some  of  his  own  political  party  were  confidently  counted  on 
to  oppose  him. 

On  the  10th  of  January,  Senator  Franklin  proposed  a  resolution 
avowing  a  determination  to  maintain  inviolate  the  State  credit,  in 
view  of  the  repudiating  movements  in  other  States.  Democratic  Sen 
ators  offered  a  substitute  and  amendments,  declaring  that,  as  the  pres 
ent  system  of  finance  had  contributed  to  the  general  excitement  and 
alarm,  and,  if  further  continued,  would  be  ruinous,  therefore  the 
Legislature  was  resolved  to  have  no  further  debt.  This  was  felt  on 
both  sides  to  point  to  a  stoppage  of  the  work  on  the  canal  enlargement. 
Similar  resolutions  were  similarly  met  in  the  Assembly,  and  so  the 
issue  between  the  two  parties  was  gradually  made  up.  Debate  now 
began,  and  continued  long  in  both  Houses,  participated  in  by  all  the 
leading  speakers  of  both  parties  ;  the  Whigs  presenting  arguments  in 
favor  of  the  maintenance  of  public  faith,  and  the  promotion  of  public 
benefits  ;  while  the  Democrats  with  equal  ability  urged  those  of  rigid 
governmental  economy,  and  "strict  construction."  The  pending  ques 
tion  in  Congress  on  the  repeal  of  the  bankrupt  law  also  came  in  for  a 
share  of  legislative  debate.  Among  the  Whigs,  Messrs.  A.  B.  Dickin 
son,  Nichols,  Franklin,  Root,  Rhodes,  Furman,  Hard,  and  Simmons, 
were  prominent.  Among  the  Democrats,  Foster,  Loomis,  Hoffman, 
Stetson,  Davis,  Humphrey,  and  Swackhamer,  took  a  leading  part. 

In  the  Senate,  a  motion  of  Mr.  Foster  to  vest  the  appointment  of 
committees  in  the  majority  was  acquiesced  in  by  the  Whigs,  but  A.  B. 
Dickinson  and  others  opposed  a  further  modification  of  the  rules  in 
tended  to  provide  against  the  accident  of  a  temporary  Whig  majority, 
which  might  confirm  some  of  the  Governor's  nominations.  But  the 
rule  was  adopted  in  spite  of  their  opposition.  The  act  of  the  previous 
session  relating  to  the  appointment  of  receivers  of  moneyed  institutions 
was  repealed,  and  the  power  of  such  appointments  taken  away  from  the 
Bank  Commissioners,  who  were  Whigs,  and  given  to  the  Chancellor, 
who  was  a  Democrat. 

In  the  Assembly,  war  was  at  once  opened  on  the  State  Printer,  and 
resolutions  introduced  to  have  no  printing  done,  unless  by  the  special 
order  of  the  House. 


580  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842, 

From  Washington  came  discouraging  news  for  the  Whigs.  Whig 
Senators  were  taking  ground  against  the  currency  plan  of  the  President. 
Mangum,  of  North  Carolina,  had  made  a  speech  against  it.  Tallmadge 
and  others  were  trying  to  pass  some  bill  that  would  meet  the  wishes 
of  the  Whigs,  and  at  the  same  time  secure  the  approval  of  the  Presi 
dent. 

About  the  middle  of  the  month,  a  tumultuous  debate  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  over  the  bankrupt  law  was  reported  as  in  progress, 
with  points  of  order,  dilatory  motions,  and  callings  of  the  roll.  On  the 
21st  came  news  that  the  House  had  voted  to  repeal  the  law. 

The  Whig  members  from  New  York  had  opposed  the  repeal,  but 
had  been  overborne.  Its  fate  in  the  Senate  was  doubtful. 

Seward,  writing  to  Spencer,  described  the  political  situation  : 

The  Congress  was  so  fortunate  in  the  extra  session  as  to  retain  the  confidence 
of  the  Whigs,  while  the  President  lost  public  favor.  That  confidence  is  now 
being  destroyed  by  the  mad  repeal  of  the  bankrupt  law.  It  seems  as  if  the 
Whig  party  were  now  doomed  to  every  form  of  disappointment.  Our  concerns 
here  are  interesting.  We  are  once  more  to  see  a  division  among  our  opponents 
upon  the  ground  on  which  they  split  before  Their  party  is  without  leaders,  and 
without,  as  yet,  the  power  to  combine  upon  any  common  ground. 

The  Argus  and  its  friends  go  for  stopping  the  public  works,  and  no  tax.  A 
large  portion  of  the  members  are  for  prosecuting  the  public  works,  with  a  tax, 
while  there  are  some  who  will  insist  upon  prosecuting  the  works  without  a  tax. 
Their  confidence  in  carrying  the  State  next  fall  diminishes,  although  ours  does 
not  revive. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  we  are  speedily  to  have  our  vindica 
tion  on  the  school  question.  The  bill  will  pass  without  considerable  opposition. 

On  the  28th  the  newspapers  announced  a  "  row  on  the  abolition 
question,"  "  a  motion  severely  censuring  Mr.  Adams,"  "  exciting  de 
bates."  Two  days  later  came  the  details  of  the  stormy  scene.  It  was 
the  memorable  debate  on  the  right  of  petition,  occasioned  by  Mr. 
Adams's  presentation  of  a  petition  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union — a 
debate  which  he  led  with  such  tact,  eloquence,  and  success. 

The  financial  outlook  was  not  a  cheering  one  at  the  opening  of  the 
year,  either  as  regarded  railroads,  canals,  banks-,  or  State  credit.  Mary 
land,  Michigan,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  had  failed  to  pay  the  January 
interest  on  their  bonds.  The  safety-fund  of  the  State  banks  was  nigh 
exhausted.  The  national-bank  scheme  was  growing  every  day  more 
hopeless.  The  canals  were  menaced  with  the  stoppage  of  work,  and 
railroad  enterprises  suffered  from  the  general  distrust.  Nevertheless, 
such  as  had  been  built  were  more  than  justifying  the  expectations  of 
their  projectors.  The  Utica  &  Schenectady  Railroad  was  doing  a  profit 
able  and  increasing  business.  So  was  the  Boston  &  Albany  road.  The 
Auburn  &  Rochester  Railroad  had  declared  a  dividend  of  nine  per  cent., 
and  the  canal-tolls  had  been  confessedly  beyond  all  estimates. 


1842.J  SIR  CHARLES  BAGOT.  581 

Early  in  January  came  information  that  Sir  Charles  Bagot,  the 
new  Governor-General  of  Canada,  had  arrived  at  New  York  in  her 
Majesty's  ship  Illustrious.  The  next  week  he  arrived  at  the  Eagle 
Tavern,  in  Albany,  with  his  suite.  Very  sensibly  he  had  chosen  this 
route  to  Canada,  possibly  under  instructions  from  the  Colonial  Office,  in 
order  to  have  unofficial  and  private  conference  with  Governor  Seward, 
as  the  latter  had  desired,  in  reference  to  the  prevention  of  frontier 
troubles. 

On  the  7th,  Sir  Charles  went  with  the  Governor  to  visit  both  Houses 
of  the  Legislature,  the  Supreme  Court,  Court  of  Chancery,  and  the  State 
Library.  In  the  evening  the  Governor  gave  a  dinner,  at  which  many 
of  the  prominent  public  men  of  the  capital  were  present.  Sir  Charles 
was  a  fine-looking  man  of  sixty,  of  portly  figure,  wearing  the  glittering 
star  of  the  Order  of  the  Bath.  His  frank  and  courteous  manner,  and 
judicious  views,  made  a  very  favorable  impression  in  Albany,  which 
was,  doubtless,  of  service  in  aiding  to  restore  cordial  feeling. 

Another  British  celebrity  was  now  coming  to  the  United  States, 
whose  arrival  had  been  eagerly  anticipated,  and  for  whose  entertain 
ment  hospitable  preparations  had  been  made  in  the  larger  cities.  On 
the  25th,  news  was  received  of  the  arrival  of  the  Britannia,  twenty- 
eight  days  from  Europe,  at  Boston,  after  a  stormy  passage,  and  that 
among  her  passengers  were  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  Dickens.  Festivities 
in  Boston  greeted  the  favorite  novelist ;  citizens  vied  with  each  other 
in  hospitable  attentions,  and  the  newspapers  took  up  the  theme  of 
international  copyright,  which,  for  the  moment,  seemed  to  acquire 
popularity. 

Still  another  English  visitor  was  on  his  way,  whose  mission  was  one 
destined  to  be  of  permanent  and  substantial  benefit,  both  to  England 
and  the  United  States.  This  was  Lord  Ashburton,  who  was  coming  on 
a  special  mission  to  settle  all  existing  differences  between  the  two 
countries. 

On  the  evening  of  the  19th,  the  State  Agricultural  Society  met  in 
the  Assembly-chamber — its  president,  Joel  B.  Nott,  delivering  the 
address.  After  the  meeting  the  members  went  from  the  Capitol  to  the 
City  Hotel,  where  they  had  a  "  temperance  supper,"  the  Governor 
being  a  guest.  Brief  speeches  were  made  by  him,  by  General  Leland, 
Mr.  Coleman,  Alderman  Joy,  and  others. 

The  Irish  Repeal  Association  had  addressed  the  Governor,  offering 
to  enroll  his  name  as  a  member.  He  declined  on  the  ground  that  it 
would  be  inconsistent  with  his  official  relations,  although  he  shared  in 
their  wishes  for  the  restoration  of  constitutional  liberty  in  Ireland.  In 
his  letter  he  recalled  an  early  incident  in  American  history  :  "  The 
Continental  Congress  assembled  in  Philadelphia  in  1775,  soon  after  the 
shutting  up  of  the  town  of  Boston  by  the  royal  troops.  Among  the 


582  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

early  measures  of  that  venerable  body  was  an  address  to  the  people 
of  Ireland.  The  Congress,  after  recapitulating  the  oppression  suffered 
by  the  colonies,  and  announcing  that  they  had  adopted  an  act  sus 
pending  all  trade  with  Great  Britain,  assured  the  people  of  Ireland 
that  it  was  not  without  the  utmost  reluctance  that  the  Congress  discon 
tinued  commercial  relations  with  that  country.  '  Your  Parliament,' 
said  they,  {  have  done  us  no  wrong.  You  have  ever  been  friendly  to 
the  rights  of  mankind,  and  we  acknowledge  with  pleasure  and  grati 
tude  that  your  nation  has  produced  patriots  who  have  nobly  distin 
guished  themselves  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  America.  On  the 
other  hand,  we  are  not  ignorant,'  said  the  Congress,  '  that  the  labor 
and  manufactures  of  Ireland,  like  those  of  the  silkworm,  are  of  little 
moment  to  herself,  but  serve  only  to  give  luxury  to  those  who  neither 
toil  nor  spin  ;  and  it  moreover  gives  us  some  consolation  to  reflect  that, 
should  the  measures  we  have  adopted  occasion  much  distress,  the  fer 
tile  regions  of  America  will  afford  you  a  safe  asylum  from  poverty, 
and  in  time  from  oppression  also — an  asylum  in  which  many  thousands 
of  your  countrymen  have  found  hospitality,  peace,  and  affluence,  and 
became  united  to  us  in  all  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  mutual  interest, 
and  affection.' " 

The  Liberty  party  was  making  a  fresh  movement.  A  State  Con 
vention  was  held  at  Peterboro  on  the  19th  and  20th.  Gerrit  Smith 
was  nominated  for  Governor,  but  declined,  and  the  name  of  Alvan 
Stewart  was  substituted. 

The  Cooper  libel-suits,  which  were  to  occupy  a  prominent  place  in 
court  proceedings  during  the  next  few  years,  had  now  commenced, 
seven  declarations  having  been  served  upon  Mr.  Weed  in  a  case  of 
alleged  libel. 

Mr.  Samuel  Blatchford,  the  former  private  secretary,  was  admit 
ted  to  the  bar  at  the  January  term  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Mr.  S.  G. 
Andrews  retired  from  the  clerkship  of  the  Senate,  but  followed  by  the 
good  wishes  of  all  its  members. 

The  law  transferring  the  appointment  of  receivers  of  moneyed  insti 
tutions  to  the  Chancellor  instead  of  the  Bank  Commissioners  was  laid 
before  the  Governor  for  his  signature.  He  returned  it  to  the  Senate 
with  a  message,  remarking  that  he  had  approved  the  law  of  the  previ 
ous  year  in  regard  to  these  appointments,  believing  that  it  would  have 
a  salutary  effect  ;  and  that,  while  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Governor 
to  veto  measures  infringing  upon  constitutional  provisions  or  indi 
vidual  rights,  yet  he  could  not  interpose  objections  to  less  impor 
tant  bills,  upon  the  mere  ground  of  a  difference  of  opinion  concern 
ing  their  expediency,  without  assuming  an  undue  share  of  legisla 
tive  responsibility.  "  Applying  these  principles  to  the  present  case,  I 
have  not  thought  it  my  duty  to  embarrass  the  action  of  the  Legislature, 


184-.J  A   BATTLE   WITH   THE  SENATE.  583 

but,  cheerfully  confiding  in  their  wisdom,  have  approved  and  signed  the 
bill,  availing  myself  of  this  occasion  to  submit  an  explanation,  inasmuch 
as  the  proceeding  involves  an  apparent  inconsistency,  which  might  lead 
to  misapprehension  concerning  my  views  of  the  policy  of  the  measure." 

It  is  not  easy  to  understand,  after  the  lapse  of  so  many  years,  why 
this  message,  apparently  unobjectionable  in  tone  and  temper,  and  not 
referring  to  any  of  the  great  questions  upon  which  parties  were  divided, 
should  have  been  selected  as  the  point  on  which  to  begin  the  attack 
upon  the  Executive  long  before  determined  upon.  Perhaps  between 
legislative  parties,  as  between  armies,  when  it  has  been  decided  to  wage 
battle,  a  trivial  incident  is  as  good  as  any  to  give  signal  for  its  com 
mencement.  At  any  rate,  on  the  succeeding  day  the  storm  commenced. 

It  was  moved  in  the  Senate  to  expunge  the  message  from  the  min 
utes.  "  He  had  no  right,"  said  the  Democratic  Senators,  "  to  spread 
his  reasons  on  their  records.  It  was  only  when  he  vetoed  a  measure 
that  his  objections  to  it  were  to  be  recorded.  In  this  case  he  does  not 
recommend  anything,  or  object  anything.  It  was  an  innovation,  dan 
gerous  and  inconvenient." 

The  Whig  Senators,  Furman,  Dickinson,  Root,  and  others,  defended 
the  Governor's  action.  It  was  in  accordance  with  precedent.  Like 
messages  were  on  record  from  Governor  Clinton,  from  Governor  Tomp- 
kins,  and  even  from  Governor  Marcy,  his  Democratic  predecessor.  If 
the  message  was  struck  out,  what  record  would  there  be  that  the  law 
had  been  approved  ?  How  could  it  be  proved  that  it  was  a  law  at 
all? 

The  debate  went  on,  not  only  with  vigor,  but  with  acrimony,  and 
charges  were  freely  made  of  "  discourtesy,"  "  unparliamentary  trifling," 
and  "insult," 

Finally  the  motion  to  expunge  was  carried,  by  a  party  vote,  four 
teen  to  thirteen. 

The  next  day  the  Governor  sent  in  a  second  message,  saying  : 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  complain  in  any  manner  of  the  proceeding  upon  the 
ground  of  its  injustice.  But  it  is  a  solemn  duty  of  the  person  administering  the 
government  of  this  State,  at  all  times,  to  preserve,  as  far  as  may  depend  upon 
him,  the  constitutional  power  of  the  department  assigned  to  him.  I  do,  there 
fore,  with  extreme  regret  that  such  a  proceeding  has  become  necessary,  and  with 
the  most  respectful  deference,  inform  the  Senate  that  the  suppression  of  the 
communication  referred  to  is  regarded  by  me  as  a  dangerous  invasion  of  the 
rights  of  the  Executive  department,  unwarranted  by  any  precedent  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  government,  and  without  any  justification  in  the  circumstances  of 
the  transaction. 

When  this  came  in,  it  set  the  Senate  into  a  blaze  of  excitement. 
It  was  declared  "  an  insult."  "  The  Governor  had  no  right  to  rebuke 
them."  "Does  he  think  he  can  browbeat  a  Democratic  Senate?"  A 


584:  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

motion  was  made  to  reject  it ;  to  refuse  to  receive  it  ;  to  send  it  back 
to  him.  The  Whig  Senators  who  undertook  its  defense  were  charged 
with  being  inspired  and  controlled  by  the  Governor  in  the  debate. 
Dickinson  was  accused  of  having  a  resolution  in  the  handwriting  of  the 
late  private  secretary,  and  of  having  that  functionary  sitting  by  his 
side,  prompting  him.  The  motion  to  return  the  message  to  the  Gov 
ernor  was  carried  through,  by  a  party  vote,  fifteen  to  eleven. 

The  next  day,  when  the  Clerk  was  reading  the  minutes,  the  inquiry 
arose  whether  the  message  appeared  on  the  journal.  The  presiding 
officer  replied,  "Yes — as  component  part  of  a  resolution  offered  by 
Mr.  Root  ; "  for  the  general,  in  submitting  a  resolution  referring  to  the 
subject,  had  recited  the  words  of  the  message,  thus  putting  it  back  into 
the  journal. 

On  this  arose  furious  debate,  lasting  five  hours.  Mr.  Strong  moved 
to  amend  the  minutes,  so  as  to  exclude  the  message.  Foster,  Strong, 
Hard,  Furman,  Dickinson,  and  Root,  all  took  part.  The  Whigs  con 
tended  that  the  Senate  was  stultifying  itself  and  mutilating  its  own 
records,  by  not  only  suppressing  an  Executive  message,  but  by  altering 
a  Senator's  resolution.  However,  the  vote  was  taken,  and  resulted  six 
teen  to  eleven.  So  the  second  message  was  suppressed. 

The  day  after  this,  when  the  journal  was  read,  General  Root,  find 
ing  that  his  resolution  had  been  so  inserted  as  to  exclude  the  message, 
rose  and  insisted  that  the  rest  of  it  should  not  be  put  in.  "  The  Senate 
had  no  right  to  mutilate  his  resolution.  If  they  insisted  on  suppressing 
what  he  said,  they  had  no  right  to  put  him  on  record  as  saying  what  he 
did  not."  Again  followed  fresh  debate,  and  motions  to  amend.  The 
presiding  officer  having  decided  that  Root's  resolution  should  be  en 
tered  in  full,  as  he  had  written  it,  Mr.  Foster  appealed  to  the  Senate, 
and  on  this  question  the  debate  lasted  all  day. 

On  the  morning  of  the  29th,  Root  returned  to  the  attack.  Fortified 
by  a  precedent  of  Governor  Marcy's  time,  he  introduced  a  resolution 
incorporating  the  message  in  extenso,  and  followed  it  with  another, 
approving  the  transmission  of  the  message. 

So  the  message  again  went  on  the  journal,  amid  hearty  congratula 
tions  from  the  Whigs  to  the  veteran  legislator,  whose  vigor  had 
secured  a  triumph  after  his  long  battle.  But  this  was  not  to  be  the 
end.  The  next  Tuesday  the  Clerk  read  his  report  to  the  effect  that, 
"  in  obedience  to  the  resolution  of  the  preceding  week,  he  had  waited 
upon  his  Excellency  the  Governor,  and  showed  him  a  copy  thereof,  and 
tendered  to  him  the  message  therein  referred  to.  Whereupon  the  Gov 
ernor  was  pleased  to  say  that  '  it  was  a  paper  which  seemed  to  him  to 
belong  to  the  Senate,  and  he  was  not  aware  that  he  had  any  right  to 
the  custody  thereof  ;  and  that  he  therefore  declined  to  receive  it.'" 

Senator  Rhodes  immediately  offered  a  resolution  concurring  in  this 


1842.]  A   MAMMOTH    PETITION.  585 

view,  and  reciting  the  words  of  the  message,  so  as  to  again  place  it  on 
record. 

The  President  decided  this  to  be  in  order.  Appeal  was  taken,  de 
bate  followed  ;  the  appeal  was  sustained,  and  the  decision  overruled  by 
a  party  vote,  seventeen  to  eleven.  So  the  second  message  was  excluded 
from  the  journal.  The  next  morning  it  was  moved  to  strike  out  the 
report  of  the  Clerk's  conversation  with  the  Governor.  It  was  argued 
that  the  Senate  had  sent  no  one  to  hold  a  colloquy,  but  simply  to  per 
form  a  duty.  An  amendment  was  offered,  merely  stating  that  the  Clerk 
had  carried  out  the  instructions  of  the  Senate  Dickinson  retorted,  in  the 
debate :  "  You  not  only  undertake  to  amend  the  messages  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  but  now  you  propose  to  amend  the  report  of  your  own  messen 
ger,  so  as  to  make  him  say  he  did  what  he  did  not  do."  Furrnan  said: 
"  This  is  a  curious  proposition.  The  amendment  says  the  Clerk  deliv 
ered  the  message  to  the  Governor,  but  the  Clerk  tells  you  expressly 
that  he  did  not  deliver  it,  because  the  Governor  would  not  receive  it." 

Further  debate  ensued.  There  was  another  appeal,  and  the  decision 
overruled  again,  by  sixteen  to  twelve.  Finally,  the  debate  was  termi 
nated  by  Senator  Foster  offering  a  resolution  reciting  the  history  of 
the  controversy,  and  reaffirming  the  position  of  the  majority.  This 
was  placed  upon  the  journal  and  adopted  by  a  party  vote.  It  is  a 
curious  fact  that  the  message  sought  to  be  excluded  from  the  record 
now  appears  in  it  twice.  Though  suppressed  in  the  usual  place,  it  ap 
pears  in  full  in  Root's  resolution,  and  reappears  in  Foster's. 


CHAPTER  XL. 
1842. 

A  Mammoth  Petition.— Change  of  State  Officers.— South  Carolina  Search-Law.— The  "Fis 
cal  Agent." — Passage  of  the  New  York  School  Law. — Seward's  Policy  adopted.— Meet 
ing  of  the  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York. — "Honest  John  Davis." — 
General  Herkimer. 

WHILE  this  contest  was  going  on  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Maclay  had 
created  a  marked  sensation  in  the  Assembly,  by  presenting  a  petition 
asking  that  the  common-school  system  of  the  State  should  be  extended  to 
the  city  of  New  York.  The  mammoth  document  was  signed  by  upward 
of  fourteen  thousand  names.  It  was  borne  into  the  Assembly-chamber 
by  three  men.  It  was  headed  by  John  Anthon,  Aaron  Vanderpoel,  and 
James  T.  Brady.  The  reading  of  the  petition  was  called  for,  but  it  was 
found  that,  if  the  document  was  unrolled,  it  would  extend  the  whole 
length  of  State  Street,  from  the  Capitol  to  the  Exchange,  and  that  the 


586  LIFE   AXD    LETTERS.  [1842. 

reading  would  occupy  several  days.  It  was  accordingly  dispensed  with. 
This  movement  in  behalf  of  the  school  bill  was  made  under  Democratic 
auspices.  Simultaneously  came  a  significant  change  of  tone  in  the 
Democratic  press.  Their  leading  journal  ceased  its  censures  of  the 
Governor  and  Bishop  Hughes,  and  now  gave  hearty  support  to  the 
policy  they  had  advocated,  of  the  election  of  school  trustees  and  com 
missioners,  and  the  extension  of  the  system  to  the  city  of  New  York. 

This  was  welcomed  by  Seward  and  his  friends  as  indicating  a  salu 
tary  change  in  public  sentiment  ;  especially  as  Maclay  announced  that 
some  of  the  most  estimable  citizens  of  New  York,  of  every  class,  sect, 
and  party,  were  among  the  signers  of  the  petition. 

The  State  officers  were  now  to  be  changed,  and  members  of  the 
dominant  party  installed  in  their  places.  The  office  of  Secretary  of 
State  was  vacant,  by  Mr.  Spencer's  resignation,  and  its  duties  had  de 
volved  temporarily  upon  Archibald  Campbell,  one  of  the  most  faithful 
of  public  officers,  who  had  been  deputy  secretary  for  more  than  thirty 
years.  S.  S.  Randall,  the  Deputy  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools, 
was  acting  as  Superintendent.  The  terms  of  office  of  the  State  Treas 
urer,  Attorney-General,  and  Commissary-General,  were  about  expir 
ing.  A  bill  was  introduced  to  provide  for  the  election  of  a  new  State 
Printer,  and  on  the  3d  of  February  the  Assembly  voted  to  remove  the 
Comptroller,  Surveyor-General,  and  Canal  Commissioners. 

In  the  evening  a  Democratic  legislative  caucus  nominated  A.  C. 
Flagg  for  Comptroller,  Samuel  Young  for  Secretary  of  State,  Thomas 
Farrington  for  Treasurer,  George  P.  Barker  for  Attorney-General, 
Nathaniel  Jones  for  Surveyor-General,  and  George  H.  Storms  for  Com 
missary-General.  At  an  adjourned  meeting  the  next  day  they  nomi 
nated  for  Canal  Commissioners,  Jonas  Earll,  James  Hooker,  George 
W.  Little,  Daniel  P.  Bissell,  Benjamin  Enos,  and  Stephen  Clark,  all  of 
whom  the  Whigs  said  were  "  anti-improvement  men,"  though  acknowl 
edging  them  to  be  men  of  strict  personal  integrity.  All  were  duly 
elected  by  the  Legislature  on  the  7th  and  8th.  The  Governor  now 
had  political  opponents  in  control  of  both  branches  of  the  Legislature, 
and  each  department  of  the  Executive  government.  The  Senate  did 
not  neglect  to  make  use  of  their  power  to  reject  the  Governor's  nomi 
nations,  on  political  grounds. 

The  Whigs,  if  they  could  no  longer  hope  for  offices,  still  had  some 
prospects  of  success  in  regard  to  measures. 

The  change  in  the  election  laws,  so  as  to  have  the  election  on  one 
day,  and  to  have  smaller  election  districts,  which  the  Governor  had  re 
peatedly  urged,  was  now  favorably  reported  upon  in  the  Assembly, 
and  both  parties  appeared  to  favor  it.  Mr.  Furman  introduced  a  bill 
to  provide  funds  for  carrying  on  the  public  works,  the  main  feature  of 
which  was  a  loan  of  three  millions.  There  was  such  evident  difference 


1842.]  SOUTH  CAROLINA   SEARCH-LAW.  587 

of  opinion  among  the  Democrats  upon  the  subject  of  the  public  works 
that  the  Whigs  counted  confidently  upon  the  cooperation  of  some  por 
tion  of  the  opposing  party,  looking  to  the  completion  of  the  enlarge 
ment. 

Comptroller  Flagg  published  a  report  on  the  condition  of  the  finances 
of  the  State,  as  viewed  from  his  party  standpoint.  Both  Whigs  and 
Democrats  were  not  very  far  wrong  in  their  logic,  although  the  an 
tagonistic  theories  with  which  they  started  were  such  as  to  lead  them 
to  inevitable  collision.  The  Democrats  said  the  State  was  running  in 
debt  for  works  that  did  not  pay  for  themselves.  The  Whigs  said  that 
ultimately  they  would  pay.  The  Democrats  had  the  actual  fact  on 
their  side.  The  Whigs  were  true  prophets,  but  they  could  only  prove 
it  by  lapse  of  time.  Mr.  Flagg  said,  "  In  the  judgment  of  the  present 
Comptroller,  the  debt  of  the  State,  direct  and  contingent,  has  already 
been  carried  beyond  the  point  of  safety."  He  recommended  a  sinking- 
fund,  to  be  created  by  direct  taxation,  if  there  was  no  other  resource, 
and  also  proposed  measures  to  extricate  the  finances  from  embarrass 
ments  immediately  pressing. 

Resolutions  of  inquiry  about  the  geological  survey  were  introduced 
in  the  Legislature,  apparently  under  the  impression  that  it  was  a  cost 
ly  enterprise,  furnishing  sinecures  for  favorites,  and  of  little  public 
value.  Never  was  there  a  more  mistaken  idea.  The  little  force  of 
scientific  men  was  hard  worked  and  poorly  paid,  and  the  results  of  their 
labor  were  of  incalculable  value. 

On  the  llth  Seward  sent  in  to  the  Legislature  an  act  of  South 
Carolina  in  regard  to  the  search  of  New  York  vessels  and  imprison 
ment  of  colored  seamen,  with  his  reply  to  the  Governor  of  that  State 
as  to  the  questions  involved  in  the  Virginia  controversy. 

The  threatened  search  law  of  South  Carolina  was  to  go  into  effect 
on  the  1st  ot  May,  unless  Governor  Seward  should  surrender  the  per 
sons  claimed  by  Virginia  and  the  Legislature  should  repeal  the  "  trial- 
by-jury  "  law. 

A  few  days  later  he  sent  in,  with  another  message,  some  resolu 
tions  received  from  South  Carolina,  announcing  her  determination  to 
refuse  her  share  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  and  requesting 
the  cooperation  of  other  States  in  annulling  and  repealing  the  law, 
her  argument  being  that  "  the  United  States  is  a  body  corporate, 
distinct  from  the  States  as  political  bodies,  and  that  the  property 
in  the  public  lands  does  not  vest  in  any  or  in  all  the  individual 
States  for  partition."  He  recalled  attention  to  the  position  of  South 
Carolina  in  1832,  when  she  proposed  to  annul  the  tariff  law,  and  de 
clared  that  national  sovereignty  remained  undivided  and  undiminished 
in  the  several  States,  while  the  United  States  was  merely  a  confedera 
tion,  without  absolute  independence  or  sovereignty  ;  but  remarked, 


588  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

"  Happily  it  is  not  necessary  to  decide  between  these  certainly  very 
incongruous  expositions  of  the  same  text  by  the  same  respected  au 
thority;  "  and  said  that, "  having  always  approved  and  often  recommend 
ed  such  a  measure,  I  cannot  now  commend  the  views  of  South  Carolina. 
On  the  contrary,  I  ask  you  to  uphold  the  law." 

The  legislative  discussions  over  the  questions  raised  by  South  Caro 
lina,  the  election  law,  and  the  canal  question,  lasted  many  days.  The 
Senate,  on  the  24th,  repealed  the  registry  law,  the  Whig  vote  dividing, 
some  for  and  some  against  it,  so  that  there  were  only  eight  votes  in  its 
favor.  The  Governor  signed  the  repeal  of  the  registry  law,  but  ac 
companied  the  bill  with  a  message  making  suggestions  of  further  ac 
tion  in  the  same  direction,  and  specifying  the  defects  which  it  left  un- 
corrected. 

Maclay,  from  the  committee  to  whom  his  monster  petition  had  been 
referred,  brought  in  a  report  on  the  school  question,  varying  somewhat 
in  detail  from  Verplanck's,  but  substantially  adopting  the  same  gen 
eral  principles  ;  and  in  his  speech  quoted  from  the  recommendations  of 
Governor  Seward  and  Secretary  Spencer  in  behalf  of  the  same  princi 
ples.  After  long  debate,  the  bill  finally  received  a  majority  vote.  The 
Whigs  divided,  some  for  and  some  against  it.  Most  of  the  Democrats 
voted  for  it,  but  some  declined  to  vote  at  all. 

The  common-school  system,  so  bitterly  opposed,  and  regarded  with 
such  deep  suspicion,  was  successfully  carried  through.  In  principle 
and  in  substance  it  has  remained  ever  since  a  part  of  the  statute-book 
of  the  State.  Modifications,  suggested  by  experience,  have,  from  time 
to  time,  perfected  it;  and  its  plan  of  "  cutting  up  the  city  of  New  York 
into  school  districts,"  instead  of  "  being  the  death  of  the  schools  "  of 
the  metropolis,  has  rendered  them  models  for  imitation  throughout  the 
world. 

Intimations  were  freely  given  out  that  it  was  the  intention  of  "  the 
Regency,"  or  rather  of  that  portion  of  the  party  which  claimed  to  be 
its  descendants  and  representatives,  to  suspend  the  public  works,  and 
devote  all  funds  at  command  toward  paying  the  debt,  at  the  same  time 
passing  laws  not  to  increase  it. 

While  public  questions  were  thus  actively  contested  at  Albany,  the 
issues  at  Washington  were  confused  and  uncertain.  The  bill  repealing 
the  bankrupt  act,  which  had  passed  the  House,  was  nearly  carried 
through  the  Senate.  The  vote  stood  twenty-two  to  twenty-four,  so 
the  repeal  was  defeated,  and  the  law  remained  on  the  statute-book. 

In  the  United  States  Senate  debates  were  going  forward  with  ear 
nestness  over  the  veto-power  and  the  tariff,  the  revenue  and  the  cur 
rency.  Mr.  Gushing  had  reported  a  bill  for  an  "  exchequer  plan  "  sub 
stantially  embracing  the  views  of  President  Tyler,  but  from  this  the 
other  members  of  his  committee  dissented. 


1842.]  THE   TEMPERANCE   REFORM.  589 

But  the  portion  of  the  Washington  news  that  excited  most  inter 
est  at  Albany  was  the  struggle  in  the  House  of  Representatives  over 
the  right  of  petition,  and  it  was  hailed  as  a  triumphant  vindication  of 
the  "  old  man  eloquent  "  when  the  resolution  censuring  him  was  laid 
upon  the  table  by  one  hundred  and  six  to  ninety-three. 

Among  the  military  promotions  now  gazetted  from  Washington 
were  those  of  some  officers  destined  to  future  prominence,  beyond,  per 
haps,  even  their  ambition.  First-Lieutenant  E.  V.  Keyes  was  pro 
moted  to  be  a  captain,  and  Second-Lieutenant  William  T.  Sherman  to 
be  first-lieutenant  in  his  place.  Lieutenant  Robert  Anderson  was  also 
promoted  to  be  captain,  and  Major  Joseph  P.  Taylor,  commissary, 
to  be  lieutenant-colonel. 

In  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Dickinson  brought  in  a  bill  to  make  the 
New  York  &  Erie  Railroad,  like  the  Erie  Canal,  a  State  work,  to  be 
owned  and  controlled  by  the  government.  Resolutions  introduced 
by  Franklin,  and  counter-resolutions  brought  in  by  Sherwood,  sought 
to  define  the  position  of  parties.  The  Whigs  labored  to  show  that 
New  York  was  able  and  willing  to  pay  her  debt.  The  Democrats  mag 
nified  the  debt,  and  capitalists  already  began  to  feel  nervous  anxiety 
about  the  State  stocks.  European  holders,  since  the  repudiation  of 
the  debts  of  other  States,  were  distrustful  even  of  the  credit  of  New 
York.  Many  sent  their  securities  home  for  sale  ;  and  prices,  of  course, 
dropped  lower  and  lower.  The  result  was  that  a  strong  feeling  began 
to  grow  up  in  Wall  Street  in  favor  of  the  Democratic  policy  of  stop 
ping  the  work  on  the  canal  enlargement,  and  incurring  no  further 
debt. 

The  temperance  reform  seemed  to  be  gaining  in  volume  and  force. 
In  portions  of  the  western  part  of  the  State,  the  popular  interest  in  it 
seemed  to  equal  that  of  a  political  campaign. 

Mass-meetings  were  held  at  Penn  Yan,  Palmyra,  Seneca  Falls,  and 
other  places.  Churches  were  thrown  open,  and  filled  with  eager  audi 
ences.  Many  thousand  names  were  enrolled.  At  the  levfo  held  on 
the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  the  President's  daughter,  no  wine  was 
given.  Hotels  in  various  towns  closed  their  bars,  and  announced  that 
hereafter  they  would  be  conducted  on  temperance  principles.  A  Legis 
lative  Temperance  Society  was  organized,  with  the  Speaker  at  its  head. 
A  temperance  meeting  was  held  in  the  Assembly-chamber,  the  call 
having  been  signed  by  thirteen  Senators  and  seventy  Assemblymen. 
At  Syracuse  a  temperance  ball  was  given.  It  was  announced  that  the 
pledge  had  been  signed  by  four  thousand  people  in  that  city,  and  by 
fifteen  thousand  in  the  county.  Some  Catholics,  to  give  it  more  bind 
ing  force,  wrote  it  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  Many  of  the  temperance 
societies  took  the  name  of  "  Washington  Temperance  Society,"  and 
"  Washingtonians."  One  in  Salina  celebrated  the  22d  by  burning  the 


590  LIFE   A^V   LETTERS.  [1842. 

liquors  of  a  public-house  on  a  bonfire  in  the  street,  the  proprietor  hav 
ing  joined  the  society,  and  reopening' his  establishment  as  a  temperance 
house,  with  a  temperance  oyster-supper.  Temperance  celebrations  of 
the  22d,  in  various  towns,  with  processions,  orations,  banners,  and  ban 
quets,  rivaled  in  enthusiasm  even  the  festivities  of  the  4th  of  July. 

Charles  Dickens  was  now  having  a  triumphal  progress  among  his 
readers  and  admirers.  Crowds  nocked  to  greet  him,  welcome  him,  and 
invite  him.  At  Boston  there  was  a  great  "  Boz "  dinner.  In  New 
York  there  were  preparations  for  a  still  greater  "  Boz  "  ball.  The  Gov 
ernor  sent  his  good  wishes,  while  regretting  his  inability  to  be  present. 

In  March  the  Legislature  was  to  meet  the  Legislature  of  Massachu 
setts  at  Springfield.  This  was  to  be  the  official  celebration  of  the  com 
pletion  of  the  railway  between  Boston  and  Albany. 

The  4th  of  March  was  deemed  an  appropriate  day  for  the  inaugura 
tion  of  the  line.  The  morning  opened  wet  and  unpropitious,  but 
later,  cleared  off  serene  and  balmy.  At  seven  o'clock  the  Governor, 
accompanied  by  his  staff  and  some  of  his  family,  found  on  board  the 
ferry-boat  about  one  hundred  members  of  the  Legislature. 

Starting  from  East  Albany  in  the  special  train,  they  climbed  the 
heavy  grades  till  they  had  ascended  fourteen  hundred  feet,  and  then, 
descending  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Berkshire  Hills,  ran  smoothly  and 
easily  down  into  Pittsfield.  The  State  line  was  marked  by  a  station, 
and  jokes  flew  thick  and  fast  when  the  party  passing  it  found  they  had 
gone  into  a  foreign  jurisdiction  where  their  power  ceased.  The  train 
reached  Springfield  about  mid-day.  Forming  in  procession  at  the 
Hampden  House,  they  moved  under  a  discharge  of  artillery  up  to  the 
Town-House,  where  the  assemblage  from  the  east  were  already  await 
ing  their  arrival.  Entering  the  great  hall,  the  Governors,  legislative 
presiding  officers,  and  other  public  functionaries,  of  both  States,  pro 
ceeded  to  the  platform.  Governor  Davis,  of  Massachusetts,  rose,  and, 
in  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth,  bade  the  New-Yorkers  a  cordial 
welcome.  The  two  Governors  joined  hands,  amid  thundering  cheers 
given  by  the  assembled  legislators. 

The  cheers  having  subsided,  Governor  Davis  made  a  brief  address, 
alluding  to  the  impressive  and  extraordinary  character  of  the  meeting, 
the  useful  effects  of  this  reciprocal  interchange  of  civilities,  and  the 
magnitude  of  the  interests  involved  in  the  enterprise,  one  of  mutual 
advantage  to  both  States. 

Governor  Seward  responded  in  similar  strain,  remarking  that  Mas 
sachusetts  had  hitherto  seemed  a  distant  country  : 

The  morning  sun  was  just  greeting  the  site  of  old  Fort  Orange  as  we  took 
our  leave,  and  now  when  he  has  scarcely  reached  the  meridian,  we  have  crossed 
our  hitherto  impassable  mountain-barrier,  and  have  met  you  here  on  the  shore 
of  the  Connecticut. 


1842.]  MEETING  OF   MASSACHUSETTS  AND   NEW  YORK.  591 

On  many  occasions,  in  all  ages,  States,  nations,  and  empires,  have  come 
together.  But  the  trumpet  heralded  their  approach ;  they  met  in  the  shock  of 
war,  one  or  the  other  sunk  to  rise  no  more,  and  desolation  marked  the  scene  of 
the  fearful  encounter.  How  different  is  this  scene !  Here  are  no  contending 
hosts,  nor  even  the  pomp  of  war.  Not  a  helmet,  sword,  or  plume,  is  seen,  in  all 
this  vast  assemblage.  Nor  is  this  a  hollow  truce  between  contending  States. 
We  are  not  met  upon  a  cloth  of  gold,  and  under  a  silken  canopy,  to  practise  de 
ceitful  courtesies.  We  have  come  here,  enlightened  and  fraternal  States,  with 
out  pageantry  or  even  insignia  of  power,  to  renew  pledges  of  fidelity,  to  culti 
vate  affection,  and  all  the  arts  of  peace. 

At  the  close  of  his  speech,  the  entire  auditory  rose  and  gave  six 
hearty  cheers.  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  the  President  of  the  Massachusetts 
Senate,  occupied  the  chair  for  the  day.  Then  the  company  paired  off, 
the  two  Governors  leading  the  way,  and  each  Massachusetts  man  arm- 
in-arm  with  a  New-Yorker.  Proceeding  to  the  dining-hall,  they  found 
it  decorated  with  flags  and  mottoes.  There  were  long  parallel  tables, 
covered  with  a  collation,  and  by  each  plate  a  cup  of  chocolate  and  a 
glass  of  water.  The  guests  were  standing,  for  there  was  no  room  for 
seats.  The  Governors  and  presiding  officers  occupied  an  elevated  place 
at  the  centre  of  the  east  side. 

After  grace  had  been  said,  the  chairman  observed  that  he  had 
never  heard  before  of  a  standing  Committee  of  the  Whole,  but  he 
nevertheless  begged  them  to  proceed  to  the  discussion  of  the  sub 
jects  laid  before  them.  Laughter,  applause,  a  clatter  of  knives  and 
forks,  and  merry  conversation,  followed  his  sally.  By-and-by,  remark- , 
ing  that  the  time  had  come  for  sentiments,  though  he  feared  on  this 
occasion  they  might  be  thought  little  better  than  toast-and-water,  he 
brought  down  the  house  again  by  giving  "  The  president  and  directors 
of  the  Western  Railroad,  who,  notwithstanding  the  financial  difficulties 
of  the  times,  have  contrived  to  make  both  ends  meet."  Then  followed 
speeches  by  Colonel  Bliss,  of  the  railroad  ;  and  Mr.  Paige,  the  acting 
President  of  the  New  York  Senate,  who  humorously  described  the  hesi 
tation  with  which  he  and  others  of  the  land  and  lineage  of  Diedrich 
Knickerbocker  had  ventured  among  the  dreaded  Yankees  ;  nay,  how  his 
political  alarm  had  been  excited  lest,  as  Locofocos,  they  might  be  over 
powered,  and  now  they  were  conquered  by  the  kindness  and  courtesy  of 
their  reception.  Here  Quincy  characteristically  remarked  that  "the 
Yankees  who  didn't  like  such  Dutch  should  have  French  leave  to  walk 
Spanish."  Mr.  Walley,  of  the  Massachusetts  House,  followed  in  a 
playful  speech  in  which  he  questioned  a  decision  of  the  chair.  He 
was  called  to  order  for  it  and  directed  to  take  his  seat,  which  he  de 
clined  to  do  because  he  hadn't  any.  Mr.  Taylor,  the  acting  Speaker  of 
the  New  York  Assembly,  followed.  General  Root,  being  called  out  as 
"  the  father  of  the  New  York  Legislature,"  doubted  if  the  Legislature 


592  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

would  acknowledge  the  paternity.  In  his  speech,  he  described  how  he 
had  been  a  New  England  boy,  and  had  quit  his  native  land  only  when 
there  seemed  to  be  no  longer  room  there.  He  gave  "  The  happy  union 
of  the  sturgeon  and  the  codfish.  May  their  joyous  nuptials  efface  the 
sorrowful  remembrance  of  the  departure  of  the  Connecticut  River  sal 
mon  !"  Toasts,  pleasantries,  and  bon-mots,  occupied  the  time  until  the 
hour  of  separation,  and  President  Quincy  gave  them  the  parting  Scriptu 
ral  injunction,  when  in  the  cars,  "  not  to  fall  out  by  the  way." 

Seward  was  one  of  those  who  took  the  eastern  train,  having  ac 
cepted  the  invitation  of  Governor  Davis  to  pass  the  night  at  his  home 
in  Worcester. 

The  next  morning,  accompanied  by  some  gentlemen  from  Boston, 
Seward  proceeded  to  Lowell,  where  a  day  was  spent  in  an  examination 
of  the  factory  system  there,  modified  and  improved  by  all  the  appli 
ances  for  labor-saving,  neatness,  and  comfort,  which  New  England  in 
genuity  could  suggest. 

Returning  to  Albany,  the  Governor  was  at  his  post  early  in  the 
following  week.  The  legislative  contests  were  resumed.  Among  the 
messages  sent  in  was  one  recalling  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to 
the  fact  that  "  Congress,  previously  to  the  establishment  of  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution,  passed  a  resolution  requesting  the  State  of  New 
York  to  erect  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  Nicholas  Herkimer,  a 
patriot  general,  who  died  of  wounds  received  in  the  battle  of  Oriskany 
on  the  6th  of  August,  1777.  The  expense  of  the  proposed  monument 
was  fixed  at  five  hundred  dollars,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of  the 
Confederation.  This  resolution  was  forgotten  in  the  excitement  of 
the  Revolutionary  conflict,  and  it  remains  to  this  day  unexecuted." 

There  was  one  class  of  pardon-cases  which  seemed  to  have  a  radi 
cal  difficulty.  Young  men  convicted  of  minor  offenses  in  New  York 
would  often,  by  their  excellent  behavior  in  prison,  evince  a  sincere 
desire  to  amend  ;  yet,  when  released  by  pardon  or  expiration  of  sen 
tence,  they  would  fall  back  into  bad  companionship  and  habits,  ending 
in  fresh  crime.  He  endeavored  to  prevent  this  by  annexing  condi 
tions  to  the  pardon.  Thus  in  regard  to  one  he  wrote  : 

The  information  which  I  have  received  concerning  him  is  such  as  to  impress 
me  with  many  fears  that  he  could  not  long  resist  the  temptation  to  which  he 
would  be  exposed  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

While,  therefore,  I  am  now  willing  to  pardon  him,  it  seems  to  me  proper  to 
impose,  as  a  condition,  his  removal  from  this  State  for  a  period  not  less  than 
four  years. 

In  another  case  he  said : 

Fearful  of  trusting  him  again  to  such  trials  as  met  him  before,  I  have  di 
rected  Judge  Lynch  to  retain  the  pardon  until  you  shall  have  made  arrange- 


1842.]  THE   "STOP-AND-TAX"   POLICY.  593 

ments  which  will  secure  your  husband  some  permanent  and  respectable  employ 
ment.  When  that  has  been  done,  you  will  take  the  pardon  and  release  him 
from  his  imprisonment,  and  may  God  bless  you  and  him  1 


CHAPTER   XLI. 
1842. 

St.  Patnck  and  Father  Mathew.— Congressional  Temperance  Society.— The  "  Stop-and- 
Tax"  Policy.— Aldermen  as  Judges.— The  Liberty  Party.— Gerrit  Smith.— Closing 
Scenes  of  the  Legislature.— Trial  by  Jury  of  Fugitives.— New  York  Riot.— Election 
Law. 

GREAT  preparations  had  been  making  in  Albany  for  the  celebra 
tion  of  St.  Patrick's  day  under  the  auspices  of  the  "  Albany  Catholic 
Total  Abstinence  Association."  The  display  was  an  imposing  one. 
Father  Mathew,  in  revolutionizing  national  habits  in  Ireland,  had  pro 
duced  a  corresponding  effect  here.  Four  thousand  Irishmen  in  Albany 
had  taken  the  pledge  and  joined  the  society.  The  other  citizens  were 
delighted  to  assist  on  such  an  occasion,  in  honoring  St.  Patrick  and 
Father  Mathew.  At  nine  in  the  morning  an  immense  procession 
marched  to  the  City  Hall,  headed  by  Chancellor  Walworth.  The  Gov 
ernor  came  over  from  the  Executive-chamber,  and  took  a  seat  on  the 
stage.  A  temperance  medal,  set  in  white  roses,  was  presented  to  him, 
and  in  his  brief  speech  of  acknowledgment  he  tendered  his  hearty 
congratulations  on  the  progress  of  the  great  reform.  The  Washing- 
tonians  and  other  temperance  societies  joined  in  the  demonstration. 

In  the  evening  the  Hibernian  Provident  Society  gave  a  temperance 
supper  at  the  American  Hotel.  The  Governor,  mayor,  and  several 
members  of  the  Legislature,  were  present.  A  few  days  later  the  Legis 
lative  Temperance  Society  held  a  meeting  in  the  Assembly-chamber, 
and  Dr.  Nott  delivered  an  impressive  address.  News  was  also  received 
from  Washington  of  the  organization  of  a  Congressional  Temperance 
Society.  They  had  held  a  meeting  in  the  Hall  of  Representatives. 
Many  members  had  taken  the  pledge,  and  two  or  three  announced 
themselves  as  "  reformed  drunkards." 

A  project  for  a  railroad  between  Albany  and  New  York  was  under 
discussion  this  winter  ;  but  it  was  considered  very  doubtful  whether 
such  an  enterprise  would  ever  be  profitable,  in  view  of  the  competition 
of  the  steamboats.  Some  of  its  warmest  opposers  were  residents  along 
its  projected  line. 

The  expected  "  stop-and-tax "  movement  in  the  Legislature  now 
came.  Michael  Hoffman  introduced  in  the  Assembly  a  tax  bill  "to 
provide  for  paying  the  debt,  and  preserving  the  credit  of  the  State," 
38 


£94  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

and  suspending  the  further  prosecution  of  the  public  works.  It  passed 
the  Assembly  by  a  party  vote,  and,  after  some  debate,  received  the 
sanction  of  the  Senate  on  the  28th  of  March. 

In  commercial  circles,  in  New  York,  there  was  no  small  rejoicing 
over  the  success  of  Hoffman's  bill.  True,  the  canal  enlargement  was 
stopped  ;  but  the  check  to  Western  trade  seemed  remote,  while  the 
restoration  of  financial  confidence  was  immediate,  and  the  imposition 
of  taxes  raised  State  stocks  to  par,  giving  the  banks  who  held  them  a 
handsome  profit. 

The  aldermen  of  New  York  had,  up  to  1840,  exercised  magisterial 
functions.  Charges  of  frequent  abuse  of  this  privilege  led  the  Legis 
lature  to  take  it  away  from  them,  by  a  statute  reorganizing  the  criminal 
courts.  Strenuous  efforts  had  been  made  to  defeat  this  law,  by  con 
testing  its  constitutionality.  These  failing,  a  bill  to  repeal  it  was  hur 
ried  through  both  Houses.  The  Governor  thereupon  sent  in  his  veto. 
In  it  he  remarked  : 

Shall  we  repeal  a  constitutional  law,  because  a  subordinate  municipal  coun 
cil  denies  its  constitutionality?  Or,  because  persons  whom  the  act  divests  of 
judicial  power,  angrily  contend  with  those  to  whom  that  power  is  transferred? 

We  have  the  aid  of  experience  in  reviewing  the  decisions  which  the  Legis 
lature  of  1840  made  upon  induction  only.  The  greater  number  of  trials,  and 
smaller  number  of  cases,  and  the  increase  of  convictions  and  diminution  of 
recognizances,  seem  to  show,  if  not  the  excellence  of  the  court,  at  least  the 
superiority  of  the  present  over  its  former  organization. 

Meanwhile,  the  Whigs  at  Washington  were  waging  their  contest 
about  the  tariff  and  finance.  Mr.  Clay  had  made  his  great  speech  on 
the  1st  of  March,  exciting  even  more  than  usual  attention,  because  it 
was  believed  to  be  his  last  one  in  the  Senate.  Tyler's  message,  about 
the  condition  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  Secretary's  report,  had  been 
received,  but  did  not  tend  to  clear  the  difficulties  from  the  path  of  the 
Whigs  ;  and,  finally,  when  his  special  message  came  in,  recommending 
the  repeal  of  the  land  distribution  law,  the  censures  of  him,  by  his 
former  supporters,  were  loud  and  deep. 

The  antislavery  men  had  now  come  to  a  better  understanding  of 
Seward's  sentiments.  Convinced  by  his  course  in  the  Virginia  and 
Georgia  controversies,  the  trial-by-jury  act,  and  by  all  his  letters  and 
speeches,  that  he  was  an  earnest  opponent  of  that  institution,  they 
sought  to  enroll  him  under  their  own  banner,  as  "  a  straight-out  abo 
litionist,"  tendering  him  a  prominent  place  in  their  councils  and  nomi 
nation  on  their  ticket. 

While  freely  conceding  and  appreciating  the  honesty  and  single 
ness  of  purpose  which  guided  Gerrit  Smith  and  his  political  associates, 
Seward  frankly  told  them  that  he  believed  the  way  he  had  chosen  was 
the  one  in  which  he  could  render  most  patriotic  and  effective  service, 


1842.]  THE   ABOLITIONISTS.  595 

even  to  the  cause  of  antislavery.  The  destinies  of  a  nation  are  deter 
mined  by  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  great  parties  that  alternately  gain 
control  of  the  Government.  They  are  not  determined  by  the  smaller 
factions,  who,  though  they  may  educate  public  sentiment,  never  ac 
complish  practical  results,  because  never  strong  enough  to  carry  an 
election,  or  pass  a  law.  To  Gerrit  Smith  he  said  : 

March  Wth. 

I  know  Mr.  Leavitt  somewhat,  and  his  writings  much  more.  Hig  suggestion, 
concerning  a  seat  in  Congress,  arises  from  great  kindne§s,  but  it  is  for  many 
reasons  impracticable. 

I  have  read,  with  much  surprise,  the  accounts  the  newspapers  give  of  Judge 
Story's  decision,  concerning  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  relating  to  fugi 
tive  slaves.  The  startling  doctrines  propounded  will  awaken  a  profound  sensa 
tion  throughout  the  country,  and  the  advantages  that  slavery  gains  from  them 
will  be  dearly  bought. 

To  Lewis  Tappan  he  wrote  : 

I  have  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  and  beg  you  to  be  con 
vinced  that  I  am  grateful,  not  only  to  your  correspondent,  Mr.  Chase,  for  his 
favorable  opinions,  but  to  yourself,  for  communicating  them  to  me. 

I  have  read,  with  much  pleasure,  the  address  of  the  Liberty  party's  State 
Convention  in  Ohio.  It  is  written  with  marked  ability.  I  am  right  glad  to  see 
the  argument  for  abolishing  slavery  placed  upon  the  impregnable  and  yet  popu 
lar  ground  of  the  evils  resulting  to  the  whole  country  from  the  maintenance  of 
a  system  of  compulsory  labor  in  the  Southern  States.  Every  day  will  win  listen 
ers  and  favor  conviction,  under  such  arguments  as  these,  while  the  moral  ques 
tion  encounters  prejudices,  the  growth  of  centuries. 

As  if  in  illustration  of  these  views,  debate  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion  now  broke  out  in  the  Legislature,  Democratic  members  attacking 
Seward's  position  in  the  Virginia  controversy  and  Whigs  defending  it. 
The  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  upon 
State  laws,  in  regard  to  fugitive  slaves,  brought  up  the  question 
whether  the  New  York  "  trial-by-jury  law  "  was  valid,  or  a  dead  letter  ; 
whether  it  ought  to  be  repealed,  whether  it  could  be  enforced,  whether 
the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  applied  to  it,  or  was  merely  obiter 
dictum. 

The  bill  taking  away  from  the  Governor  the  power  of  appointing 
the  Bank  Commissioners,  and  vesting  it  in  the  Legislature,  had  little  to 
commend  it  to  favor,  except  on  party  grounds.  It  was  accordingly 
passed  by  only  a  party  vote.  The  Governor  vetoed  it,  saying  : 

The  bill  under  review  proposes  to  transfer  the  power  of  appointing  and  re 
moving  those  officers  to  the  same  hands  which  confer  the  banking  privileges 
and  the  fiscal  trusts,  and  would  thus  bring  the  banks  and  the  Treasury  into  close 
conjunction  with  each  other  and  with  the  Legislature.  Such  a  conjunction 


596  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

cannot  be  contemplated  without  apprehension  for  the  public  credit,  the  public 
morals,  and  the  successful  industry  of  our  fellow-citizens. 

The  Governor's  veto  of  the  State-Printer  bill  was  also  sent  in.  He 
deemed  that  it  violated  the  constitutional  restriction  in  regard  to  con 
tracts. 

Attack  was  now  opened  on  the  Executive  vigorously  in  regard  to 
the  Virginia  controversy.  Resolutions  were  adopted  in  the  Senate,  by 
sixteen  to  fourteen,  disapproving  the  Governor's  action,  and  requesting 
him  to  transmit  the  legislative  censure  of  himself  to  Virginia.  A  bill 
was  also  reported  to  repeal  the  law  granting  trial  by  jury  to  fugitive 
slaves.  In  the  debate  the  Democrats  claimed  that  the  decision  in  Prigg 
vs.  Pennsylvania  was  applicable  to  that  law.  The  Whigs  took  issue 
with  this,  but  the  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading. 

Two  days  later  came  the  Governor's  reply  in  a  special  message  : 

I  am  requested  by  that  body  to  communicate  their  preamble  and  resolution 
to  the  Executive  of  Virginia.  In  proper  cases  I  cheerfully  comply  with  the 
requests  of  the  Senate  and  Assembly,  but  I  cannot  do  so  when  a  request  con 
flicts  with  constitutional  duties.  I  could  not  transmit  the  resolution  in  the  pres 
ent  case  without  silently  acquiescing  therein,  and  thus  waiving  a  decision  to 
which  I  adhere. 

Cherished  principles  of  civil  liberty  forbid  me  equally  from  recognizing  such 
a  natural  inequality  of  men  as  the  resolution  of  the  Legislature  seems  to  assume, 
and  from  contributing  in  any  way  to  perpetuate  the  inequalities  of  political  con 
dition,  from  which  result  a  large  portion  of  the  evils  of  human  life. 

The  Senate  and  Assembly  will  therefore  excuse  me  from  assuming  the  duty 
which  an  assent  to  their  request  would  impose. 

The  bill  to  repeal  the  "  trial-by-jury  law  "  passed  the  Senate,  six 
teen  to  fourteen,  one  Democrat,  Bockee,  voting  against  it. 

When  the  message  about  the  Virginia  resolutions  was  received,  the 
Senate  laid  it  on  the  table  by  a  party  vote.  In  the  Assembly,  unfavor 
able  reports  as  to  the  public  works  and  the  canal  enlargement  were 
agreed  to.  Twelve  o'clock,  the  hour  fixed  for  adjournment,  arrived, 
amid  much  confusion  and  excitement,  the  supply  bill  not  having 
passed.  A  joint  resolution  was  adopted  extending  the  session  until 
three  o'clock,  that  the  Senate  bills  might  be  acted  on.  Three  o'clock 
arrived,  but  the  hand  of  the  clock  was  seen  to  move  backward  by 
some  unseen  power.  Finally,  in  the  course  of  an  hour,  the  Assembly 
adjourned. 

After  the  adjournment  the  story  of  the  Virginia  resolutions  and  the 
bill  to  repeal  the  trial  by  jury  came  out. 

The  Democratic  leaders,  willing  to  show  their  party  fidelity,  had 
allowed  them  to  be  introduced  ;  but,  preferring  to  avoid  the  responsi 
bility  of  voting  for  them,  delayed  till  twenty-four  hours  before  the  ad 
journment,  trusting  that  then  some  Whig  would  avail  himself  of  his 


1842.]  CANAL   ENLARGEMENT   STOPPED.  597 

privilege  of  objecting.  As  one  objection  would  require  the  matter  to 
be  laid  over  one  day,  it  would  necessarily  prevent  final  action.  But 
the  Whigs,  determined  that  they  should  place  themselves  on  record, 
made  no  objection  ;  so  the  bill  passed  the  Senate.  In  the  Assembly  it 
was  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Committee,  an  indirect  method  of  stran 
gling  it  ;  and  now,  as  the  Governor  refused  to  send  the  resolutions, 
Virginia  received  no  aid  or  comfort  from  the  Legislature  whence  she 
had  confidently  expected  it. 

The  vetoes  of  the  bills  legislating  out  of  office  the  judges  of  the 
New  York  criminal  courts,  the  Bank  Commissioners,  and  the  State 
Printer,  not  having  been  overruled  in  the  Senate,  they  remained  in 
office.  Two  columns  and  a  half  in  the  State  paper  were  taken  up  with 
a  list  of  the  Governor's  nominations,  rejected  or  laid  on  the  table. 

The  address  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  was  published 
on  the  14th.  Its  chief  topic  was  the  stoppage  of  the  public  works, 
which  it  deplored  as  a  calamity  to  the  State.  They  also  addressed  a 
letter  to  Henry  Clay,  referring  to  his  course,  thanking  him  for  his 
national  services,  especially  in  the  protection  of  American  industry, 
and  tendering  their  good  wishes  on  his  retirement. 

It  received  a  courteous  and  appropriate  acknowledgment,  the  whole 
correspondence  implying,  though  not  expressing,  the  Whig  determina 
tion  to  nominate  him  for  the  presidency. 

The  Democratic  members  also  published  their  address  to  the  peo 
ple,  saying  that  the  practice  of  contracting  large  State  debts  was  dan 
gerous  to  public  liberty,  subversive  of  free  government  and  repugnant 
to  maxims  of  Jefferson. 

The  Erie  Canal  had  now  been  enlarged  between  Albany  and  Wa- 
tervliet.  It  was  a  handsome  work,  costing  more  than  a  million  dol 
lars,  and  its  completion  was  celebrated  with  festivities.  But  these  few 
miles  were  comparatively  useless,  until  the  other  sections  were  enlarged. 
The  enlargement  work  was  now  stopped.  The  Black  River  and  Gene- 
see  Valley  Canals  were  deserted.  The  work  on  the  New  York  &  Erie 
Railroad  was  abandoned.  The  Ogdensburg  &  Lake  Champlain  Rail 
road  was  left  unfinished.  In  all  parts  of  the  State  unfinished  arches, 
embankments,  culverts,  and  bridges,  were  seen,  while  the  tax-gatherer, 
always  an  unwelcome  guest,  was  knocking  at  every  door  for  money  to 
pay  for  them.  The  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  made  an  assignment 
of  its  property.  In  strong  contrast  to  this  sudden  decay  of  works  of 
improvement  in  New  York,  the  Albany  &  Boston  Railroad  was  doing  a 
rapidly-increasing  business  through  the  thriving  farms  and  busy  vil 
lages  of  Massachusetts.  Its  directors  exultingly  announced  that  they 
now  had  "  two  daily  trains,"  and  that  their  receipts  were  one  thousand 
dollars  a  day. 

At  the  charter  election  in  Albany  the  Whigs  were   beaten  this 


598  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

spring.  In  the  city  of  New  York,  Morris,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  mayor  was  elected,  the  Whigs,  however,  carrying  the  Common 
Council.  At  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  a  gang  of  fighting 
characters  known  as  the  "  Spartan  Band "  of  the  "  bloody  Sixth " 
Ward,  and  claiming  to  be  in  the  interest  of  Tammany  Hall,  had  a 
fight  with  some  Irishmen,  which  led  to  an  attack  upon  the  Sixth  Ward 
Hotel.  Having  sacked  this,  they  proceeded  to  Bishop  Hughes's  house 
in  Mulberry  Street,  and  with  loud  vociferations  and  threats  smashed 
his  windows,  and  apparently  were  proceeding  to  destroy  it.  As  the 
news  spread  through  the  streets,  the  Irish  assembled  in  large  numbers 
to  protect  the  bishop.  The  mayor  and  Justice  Taylor  now  arriving 
with  the  police  force,  the  mob  withdrew,  though  not  till  they  had 
smashed  the  windows  of  the  Irish  porter-houses  in  the  vicinity. 

They  then  rushed  to  Prince  Street,  and  commenced  throwing  brick 
bats  to  smash  the  windows  of  the  cathedral.  The  Irish  again  assembled 
to  defend  the  cathedral,  the  men  with  clubs,  the  women,  some  armed 
with  brickbats,  some  on  their  knees  in  prayer.  A  troop  of  horse  sent 
by  the  city  authorities  now  arrived  on  the  scene,  dispersed  the  mob, 
prevented  further  damage  to  the  cathedral,  and  kept  the  peace  by 
patrolling  the  neighborhood  for  several  hours  afterward.  After  care 
ful  examination  into  the  casualties  of  the  riot,  it  was  found  that  no 
persons  had  been  killed,  though  several  had  been  severely  wounded. 

Very  seasonably,  in  view  of  these  events,  the  new  election  law  was 
now  published,  dividing  towns  and  wards  into  smaller  election-dis 
tricts,  abolishing  the  three  days'  election,  and  fixing  the  Tuesday  suc 
ceeding  the  first  Monday  in  November  as  the  election-day  throughout 
the  State.  It  also  contained  provisions  to  prevent  illegal  voting,  and 
to  secure  the  freedom  of  access  to  the  polls.  This  reform,  which  Sew- 
ard  had  urged  ever  since  he  came  into  office,  was  at  last  consummated 
during  the  closing  year  of  his  term. 


CHAPTER  XLIL 

1842. 

Lord  Ashburton.— "  The  Dorr  Rebellion"  in  Rhode  Island.— Prigg  vs.  Pennsylvania.— 
Virginia  Search  Law.— Protestants  and  Catholics.— Extradition.— Jenny,  the  Fawn.— 
Dickens. — Spencer. — Wickliffe. — Hammond. 

LORD  ASHBURTON  was  reported,  early  in  April,  to  be  at  Annapolis, 
in  the  British  frigate  Warspite,  commanded  by  Sir  John  Hay,  after  a 
voyage  of  fifty-two  days.  Received  with  a  salute  on  landing,  he  pro 
ceeded  to  Washington,  where  he  took  the  house  of  Mathew  St.  Clair 


1842.]  REBELLION   IN   RHODE   ISLAND.  599 

Clark,  and  enter;  d  upon  his  negotiations  with  Mr.  Webster,  in  accord 
ance  with  his  instructions,  to  settle  "  the  various  questions  in  dispute 
between  the  two  countries,"  in  reference  to  the  unsettled  questions  of 
boundary,  naturalization,  fisheries,  and  unadjusted  claims.  Lord  Ash- 
burton  was  the  second  son  of  Sir  Francis  Baring,  and  commenced  a 
mercantile  career  in  early  life  in  Amsterdam.  He  came  to  the  United 
States  in  1796.  In  1798  he  married  Miss  Bingham,  daughter  of  a 
United  States  Senator,  whose  hospitable  house  had  open  doors  for  the 
exiled  French  nobility  in  this  country.  He  was  thus  brought  into 
acquaintance  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  had  now  become  Louis 
Philippe,  the  King  of  the  French,  with  Talleyrand,  and  with  Washing 
ton,  Hamilton,  Madison,  Adams,  Pinckney,  and  Jay.  After  passing 
five  or  six  years  in  Philadelphia,  he  returned  to  England,  and  became 
a  partner  in  the  house  of  Baring  Brothers.  He  withdrew  from  busi 
ness  in  1831,  leaving  his  son  in  his  place,  and  had  since  been  often  in 
Parliament,  and  long  in  public  life.  His  appointment  to  negotiate  with 
the  United  States  was  regarded  as  eminently  judicious. 

The  "  anti-rent "  troubles  this  year  broke  out  in  Schoharie  County 
among  the  tenants  of  the  Livingston  Manor.  The  Governor  issued  a 
proclamation,  offering  a  reward  of  seven  hundred  dollars  for  "persons 
convicted  of  unlawfully  and  forcibly  resisting  the  execution  of  legal 
process  in  Schoharie  County,  by  tumultuous  bodies  of  disguised  and 
armed  men,"  and  giving  notice  that  the  power  of  the  law  would  be  put 
in  exercise  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  transactions,  and  to  bring 
the  offenders  to  punishment. 

Early  in  the  year  there  were  rumors  of  serious  trouble  in  Rhode 
Island.  A  party  there  was  aiming  to  make  a  change  in  the  form 
of  the  State  government,  which  still  retained  features  prescribed  by 
the  royal  charter  in  colonial  days,  and  restricted  the  right  of  voting 
by  a  property  qualification.  This  party,  having  failed  in  peaceable 
efforts,  was  now  threatening  force.  There  was  great  excitement  in 
the  State,  and  Governor  King  had  issued  a  proclamation  calling  on  all 
good  citizens  to  sustain  the  constituted  authorities.  A  few  days  later 
it  was  stated  that  he  had  sent  commissioners  to  Washington,  invok 
ing  the  aid  of  the  President  to  sustain  the  State  government  against 
attempts  to  overthrow  it  by  violence.  The  President  had  answered, 
promising  to  aid  and  support  the  existing  government  until  the  peo 
ple  should  have  legally  framed  a  new  constitution.  The  election  in 
Rhode  Island  took  place  on  Monday,  the  18th.  The  nominee  of  the 
"  Law-and-Order  "  party  was  Governor  King,  while  the  revolutionary, 
or  "  Free-suffrage  "  party,  as  they  called  themselves,  nominated  Thomas 
W.  Dorr.  They  further  declared  that,  notwithstanding  the  President's 
letter,  they  should  persist  in  holding  an  election  under  the  pretended 
new  constitution  which  they  had  framed,  but  which  had  never  been, 


600  LTFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

legally  adopted.     At  this  election,  under  the  so-called  "  People's  Con 
stitution,"  a  large  vote  was  polled  for  "  Governor  "  Dorr. 

Governor  King  now  called  an  extra  session  of  the  General  Assembly 
at  Providence.  The  Legislature  promptly  authorized  the  Governor  to 
take  measures  for  the  public  defense,  and  to  appoint  a  Board  of  Coun 
cilors.  They  empowered  the  major-general  to  enlist  volunteers  and 
provide  for  their  payment.  Various  projects  were  proposed  and  dis 
cussed  for  another  convention  to  frame  a  constitution,  the  right  of 
voting  to  be  extended  to  all  taxed  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 

In  April,  a  meeting  at  the  City  Hall,  in  Albany,  demanded  an 
amendment  of  the  Constitution  in  view  of  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  Prigg  vs.  Pennsylvania.  This  decision  in  the  Prigg  case 
was  one  that  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  all  future  discussions  in 
regard  to  fugitive-slave  laws.  Briefly  it  was  this  :  Edward  Prigg,  as  the 
agent  of  a  Maryland  slave-owner,  seized  a  runaway  slave-woman,  Mar- 
garette,  with  her  children,  one  of  whom  was  born  some  time  after  she 
had  made  her  escape.  He  returned  her  to  bondage.  For  this  he  was 
arrested,  tried,  and  convicted,  in  Pennsylvania.  Appealing  from  the 
courts  of  that  State  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  the 
argument  there  turned  upon  the  constitutional  provision  relating  to 
"  persons  held  to  service  in  one  State  escaping  to  another."  Judge 
Story  pronounced  the  decision,  which  was,  that  Congress  had  exclusive 
power  to  legislate  concerning  fugitive  slaves ;  that  the  States  had  no 
power  to  legislate  on  the  subject,  either  for  or  against ;  that  the  owner 
might  take  his  slaves  wherever  he  could  find  them.  Judges  McLean  and 
Thompson  were  of  opinion  that  the  owner  must  prosecute  his  claim  ac 
cording  to  the  provision  of  the  act  of  1793.  The  other  judges  held 
that  the  slave  might  be  seized  and  removed,  with  entire  disregard  of 
the  laws  of  the  State.  But  the  main  point  was,  that  fugitive-slave 
catching  belonged  exclusively  to  the  Federal  Government,  and  that  the 
States  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  it. 

While  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania  in  regard  to  fugitives  were  thus 
declared  null  and  void,  the  time  had  arrived  when  New  York  was  to 
receive  her  punishment  by  Virginia  for  a  like  offense.  The  non-inter 
course  act  of  Virginia  was  to  take  effect  on  the  1st  of  May  ;  Governor 
Seward  not  having  delivered  the  three  colored  men,  and  the  Legislature 
not  having  repealed  the  "  trial-by-jury  law."  The  Virginia  act  pro 
vided  for  the  search  of  all  vessels  coming  from  or  belonging  to  New 
York.  To  make  sure  that  no  slave  should  be  concealed  on  board,  the 
vessel  was  to  be  seized  and  held  by  the  local  authorities  until  the  mas 
ter  or  owner  had  executed  a  bond  of  a  thousand  dollars  to  the  Com 
monwealth,  to  satisfy  any  judgment  growing  out  of  the  violation  of 
the  act.  For  every  neglect  to  comply  with  the  act  a  fine  of  five  hun 
dred  dollars  was  imposed.  For  these  fines  the  vessel  was  made  liable. 


1842.]  THE   VIRGINIA   SEARCH-LAW.  601 

Inspectors  were  stationed  at  Richmond,  Petersburg,  Norfolk,  Hampton, 
the  mouth  of  the  James,  the  York,  the  Rappahannock,  and  wherever 
else  the  Governor  should  think  proper,  to  watch  New  York  vessels,  and 
to  collect  fees  from  them  for  this  surveillance.  The  tendency  of  the 
whole  enactment  was  to  discourage  New  York  vessels  from  coming 
into  Virginia  waters. 

Affairs  in  Rhode  Island  soon  reached  a  crisis.  The  insurgents  or 
"  Free-suffrage  "  party  had  announced  that  on  the  3d  of  May  they 
would  induct  their  Governor,  Thomas  W.  Dorr,  and  his  Legislature, 
into  office ;  Governor  King  declared  his  determination  to  enforce  the 
law  against  all  attempts  to  usurp  the  government.  The  insurgents 
sent  out  invitations  to  various  military  companies  to  march  to  Provi 
dence  "to  perform  escort-duty  on  Tuesday  at  the  inauguration  of  Gov 
ernor  Dorr." 

General  Wool,  meanwhile,  had  arrived  at  Fort  Adams,  in  Narra- 
gansett  Bay,  with  three  hundred  United  States  troops.  In  Providence 
no  opposition  had  been  made  to  the  election  held  by  the  "  Free-suf 
frage  "  faction,  who  polled  6,989  votes.  On  the  Wednesday  succeed 
ing,  at  the  regular  election,  7,152  were  polled  by  the  "  Law-and-Order 
men,"  who  claimed  that  they  were  "  not  a  party,"  but  "  the  gov 
ernment." 

Intelligence  next  came  that  on  Tuesday  the  Dorr  party  had 
marched  in  procession,  sixteen  hundred  strong,  about  half  of  them 
armed,  from  a  tavern  to  an  unfinished  foundery -building  in  Providence, 
with  music  and  banners.  There  they  proceeded  to  organize  a  "  Gen 
eral  Assembly."  Sixty-six  members  of  the  "  House  of  Representa 
tives  "  answered  to  their  names,  were  sworn  in,  and  elected  a  Speaker 
and  Clerk.  The  towns  were  then  called  for  votes  for  Senators  and 
general  officers.  Everything  went  off  quietly  without  interference. 
Meanwhile,  the  Constitutional  Legislature  met  on  the  same  day  at 
Newport.  Two  days  later  came  tidings  that  the  usurping  Legislature 
had  adjourned  till  July. 

The  regular  one  remained  in  session,  recalled  the  State  arms  from 
the  military  companies,  counted  the  votes  for  Governor,  showing  that 
King  was  elected  by  a  large  majority,  and  discussed  resolutions  asking 
the  assistance  of  the  General  Government  in  their  difficulties.  There 
were  rumors  that  the  sheriff  was  in  pursuit  of  Governor  Dorr  to  ar 
rest  him,  but  could  not  find  him.  A  manifesto  of  the  revolutionists 
declared  :  "  The  people  of  Rhode  Island  are  now  struggling  for  con 
stitutional  liberty.  They  appeal  for  sympathy  and  assistance  ;  they 
have  arrayed  against  them  the  concentrated  wealth  of  their  own  State, 
and  are  threatened  with  the  armed  force  of  the  United  States  Govern 
ment.  They  solicit  contributions  of  arms  and  ammunition,  muskets, 
rifles,  pistols,  and  swords." 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

Soon  after  Governor  Dorr's  whereabouts  was  explained.  He  and 
other  leaders  of  the  revolution  were  in  New  York,  in  conference  with 
sympathizers  there.  One  evening  they  honored  the  Bowery  Theatre 
with  their  presence.  A  national  banner  was  displayed,  bearing  the  in 
scription,  "The  democracy  and  patriotism  of  New  York  will  throng  the 
Bowery  this  evening  to  give  their  champion  a  welcome." 

Some  of  the  members  of  the  revolutionary  party,  alarmed  at  the 
crisis  to  which  affairs  were  evidently  tending,  now  renounced  their 
association  with  it,  and  the  Rhode  Island  papers  contained  several  res 
ignations  of  the  so-called  "  representatives." 

On  the  other  hand,  Governor  Dorr,  encouraged  by  the  support 
given  and  promised  in  New  York,  issued  his  proclamation,  appealing 
to  the  people,  expressing  his  opinion  that  the  contest  would  become 
national,  with  the  State  as  the  battle-ground  of  ancient  freedom,  and 
adding,  "  No  further  arrests  will  be  permitted,  and  I  hereby  direct  the 
military  promptly  to  prevent  the  same,  and  to  release  all  who  may  be 
arrested."  This  was  signed  by  Dorr,  as  Governor  and  "  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations." 

On  his  return  from  New  York,  Dorr  was  received  at  the  depot  by 
eleven  hundred  men,  partly  armed.  Escorted  through  the  streets,  he 
made  a  violent  speech,  brandishing  his  sword  and  saying  that  he 
"  would  die  rather  than  yield,"  etc.  He  ordered  the  military  to  be 
ready  at  an  hour's  notice,  called  a  council  of  war,  established  his  head 
quarters  at  a  Mr.  Anthony's  house,  on  the  hill,  defended  by  two  field- 
pieces  and  an  armed  force.  There  he  defied  the  government  to  arrest 
him. 

Governor  King  issued  his  orders,  calling  the  military  companies 
under  arms,  the  bells  ringing  an  alarm  about  midnight.  Wednesday 
morning  the  insurgents  marched,  in  full  force,  to  the  arsenal,  Dorr 
at  the  head,  demanding  its  surrender.  Colonel  Blodgett,  its  com 
mander,  refused,  and  was  evidently  prepared  to  defend  it.  No  assault 
was  made  :  the  insurgents  apparently  having  expected  that  their  mere 
demonstration  would  have  made  it  yield.  At  this  point,  the  tide 
seemed  to  turn.  The  confidence  of  the  "  Law-and-Order  "  men  rose  : 
that  of  the  Dorr  men  rapidly  abated.  Governor  King  dispatched  his 
troops  to  the  principal  points  of  the  city,  of  which  they  rapidly  took 
possession.  The  Governor  and  sheriff  went  to  Anthony's  house,  to 
arrest  Dorr,  but  found  him  absconded,  and  his  supporters  dispersing 
or  surrendering.  The  so-called  "People's  officers,"  who  had  been 
elected,  published  their  resignations,  disavowing  Dorr's  acts,  and  say 
ing  that  "they  never  contemplated  resisting  the  General  Govern 
ment." 

The  close  of  the  troubles  now  seemed  at  hand  ;  especially  as  the 
"  Law-and-Order "  party  announced  their  readiness  to  make  a  liberal 


1842.]  THE   "DORR   WAR."  603 

extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  to  hold  a  Constitutional  Con 
vention,  in  a  lawful  and  peaceable  way. 

Quiet  was  once  more  restored  in  Providence,  though  the  war  of 
opinions  continued  to  rage  in  the  newspapers  within  and  without  the 
State.  No  one  knew  whither  Dorr  had  fled  ;  but  there  were  rumors 
that  Governor  King  had  issued  requisitions  for  him  on  the  Governors 
of  adjoining  States. 

On  the  26th  Dorr  issued  an  address,  dated  nowhere  in  particular, 
in  regard  to  what  he  called  his  "  withdrawal  from  headquarters,"  and 
explaining  why  his  cannon  did  not  go  off  when  ordered  to  be  fired  at 
the  arsenal.  He  said  "  they  were  found  to  be  plugged  with  wood  and 
iron ! "  He  stated  that  "  the"  absence  of  friends  "  and  the  "  paralyzing 
effect  of  the  publication  of  resignations  "  obliged  him  to  withdraw. 
He  said  there  had  been  no  compromise,  and  that  he  still  considered  his 
constitution  and  government  the  only  ones  to  be  recognized,  though 
omitting  to  tell  where  they  were  to  be  found ! 

Governor  Seward's  attention  was  called  to  the  question  by  a  requi 
sition  for  the  surrender  of  Dorr  in  case  he  should  take  refuge  in  New 
York.  With  this  he  promised  to  comply.  Insurrection,  though  some 
times  a  necessity  in  monarchical  countries,  he  never  believed  justifiable 
in  the  United  States.  He  held  that  the  opportunity  given  by  our 
political  system,  through  the  press  and  the  ballot-box,  was  ample  to 
achieve  all  reforms.  Although  he  sympathized  in  the  desire  of  the 
Rhode  Island  reformers  to  make  their  State  government  more  repub 
lican,  he  steadfastly  opposed  all  their  revolutionary  proceedings.  So, 
in  the  anti-rent  excitement,  though  he  concurred  in  the  dislike  to 
feudal  tenures,  he  discountenanced  everything  that  savored  of  riotous 
resistance  to  legal  authority. 

Advices  from  Washington  continued  to  grow  more  and  more  dis 
couraging  for  Whig  harmony.  The  rejection  of  nominations  by  the 
Senate  widened  the  breach  between  the  President  and  the  friends  of 
Mr.  Clay. 

Negotiations  between  Lord  Ashburton  and  Mr.  Webster  were  more 
satisfactory.  They  were  going  on  at  the  State  Department,  and  were 
promising  to  settle  all  the  points  in  dispute. 

The  Florida  War,  through  the  perseverance  and  activity  of  Colonel 
Worth,  had  apparently  been  brought  to  an  end  after  seven  years'  skir 
mishing.  Orders  were  issued  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops.  One 
hundred  and  fifty  Indian  warriors  were  captured,  and  one  thousand  old 
men,  women,  and  children  had  been  sent  beyond  the  Mississippi.  The 
Indians,  however,  were  still  left  in  possession  of  several  fastnesses. 
The  war  had  cost  forty  million  dollars. 

As  no  extradition  treaty  yet  existed,  American  and  British  Gov 
ernors  had  to  rely  upon  each  other's  courtesy,  or  sense  of  justice,  to 


604  k!FE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

obtain  the  surrender  of  criminals  for  punishment.     Seward  wrote  to 
Sir  Charles  Bagot  in  reference  to  one  : 

....  He  is  a  notorious  offender,  well  known  to  the  police  in  most  of  our 
cities.  I  have  no  right  to  demand  from  your  Excellency  a  surrender  of  the 
fugitive,  but,  supposing  that  it  would  be  agreeable  to  you  to  relieve  the  Brit 
ish  Province  of  such  felons,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that,  if  you  should  think 
proper  to  cause  him  to  be  surrendered,  the  proceeding  would  be  regarded  by  me 
as  an  act  of  international  courtesy. 

In  a  letter  to  an  earnest  friend  in  Canada  he  wrote,  in  regard  to 
the  Protestant  and  Catholic  religions  : 

There  will  be  errors  of  religious  belief,  as  there  will  be  of  opinion  upon 
questions  of  moral  truth  or  abstract  science.  These  are  to  be  tolerated  until 
they  are  corrected,  and  they  can  only  be  corrected  by  kindness,  persuasion,  and 
conviction.  No  man,  I  think,  more  clearly  sees  the  errors  of  the  Church  of 
Rome,  or  regards  them  as  more  inconsistent  with  the  simplicity  and  beauty  of 
Scriptural  revelation,  than  I  do.  None  values  more  highly  the  political,  and 
moral,  and  social  advantages  the  world  is  deriving  from  the  Reformation.  Yet 
I  should  esteem  myself  an  unworthy  Protestant  and  no  Christian  if  I  forgot 
that  the  Catholic  holds  fast  to  the  Christian  faith  that  I  deem  essential,  and 
that  every  man,  no  matter  of  what  race,  clime,  or  complexion,  is  my  brother, 
and  has  a  right  to  worship  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  and 
the  faith  of  his  forefathers. 

A  young  fawn  had  been  sent  to  Seward  by  a  friend.  Playful  and 
docile  enough  to  be  a  household  pet,  she  for  some  months  enjoyed 
the  liberty  of  the  grounds  about  the  Executive  mansion  ;  but,  unfor 
tunately  for  her,  the  day  came  when  she  grew  large  enough  to  clear 
the  board  fence  at  a  bound.  On  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  Mrs. 
Seward  had  gone  to  Auburn  for  the  summer,  he  wrote  : 

Tuesday  Evening,  May  24£A. 

When  I  reached  the  house  this  morning,  on  my  return  from  the  cars,  I  found 
a  multitude  of  boys,  almost  as  great  in  number  as  Governor  Dorr's  "  invinci- 
bles,"  and  presently  Nicholas  and  a  stout  apprentice  came  in  at  the  gate,  bringing 
Jenny,  the  fawn,  a  captive.  The  poor,  foolish  creature,  lonesome  and  broken 
hearted,  I  suppose,  because  Fred  and  Willie  had  left  her,  leaped  the  inclosure, 
and  commenced  a  most  improbable  search  for  sympathy  in  the  thoroughfares  of 
the  capital.  The  dogs  pursued  her,  and  the  boys  became  allies  by  force  of  natu 
ral  instinct.  She  came  back,  bleeding  from  her  wounds,  and  "  weeping/'  in 
deed,  like  an  innocent  that  had  been  stricken.  She  is  now  in  the  cellar,  and 
since  she  cannot  be  restrained,  if  you  will  send  for  Colonel  Richardson  and  get 
him  to  show  John  how  to  make  an  inclosure,  I  will,  as  soon  as  you  let  me  know 
that  the  prison  is  ready,  send  the  foolish  creature  to  you. 

The  house  ia  solitary,  and  I  am  quite  lonely  ;  but  the  day  has  been  turned  to 
good  account  in  examining  and  assorting  old  papers  that  have  been  too  long 
neglected. 

I  am  thinking  about  a  study  when  I  go  home.  Unless  I  can  sell  some  real 
estate,  of  which  there  is  now  no  probability,  I  can  scarcely  afford  to  build  ;  and 


1842.J  PLANS  FOR  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS.  G05 

jet  it  seems  almost  unendurable  to  take  my  books  and  exclude  myself  from  the 
dwelling  of  my  family.  Besides,  I  have  now  an  accumulation  of  really  valuable 
books  and  papers  for  literary  purposes,  and  they  would  be  exposed  to  accident 
and  to  depredation  in  the  crowded  part  of  the  town. 

Bob  is  whistling  away  in  solitude  in  the  hall.  I  grieve  to  see  him  alone 
there.  Shall  I  not  send  him  to  you  by  the  first  man  kind  enough  to  carry  him 
to  you  —  and  the  canary-birds  too  ?  Abby  will  take  better  care  of  them  than  w« 
can. 

This  afternoon  I  dropped  into  Mr.  Brown's  studio.  His  heads  of  Dr.  Nott, 
Dr.  Potter,  and  others,  almost  speak.  He  is  making  a  marble  bust  of  Mrs.  Wil- 
lard.  By-  the-  way,  he  told  me  that  Jocelyn's  picture  of  me  was  the  best  that 
had  been  made. 


ALBANY,  May 

We  have  a  fine  bright  morning  here,  and  I  trust  that  you  have  had  sufficient 
repose  after  your  journey  to  begin  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  rural  life. 

I  met  Mr.  Huntington,  of  Troy,  a  few  days  since.  He  enjoys,  perhaps,  more 
perfect  health  than  any  person  in  our  acquaintance.  He  gave  me  an  account  of 
his  mode  of  life.  One  feature  in  it  seemed  to  me  worthy  of  notice.  He  saya 
he  never  takes  his  breakfast  without  some  previous  exposure  in  the  air,  with  ex 
ercise,  if  possible.  Nothing  he  thinks  worse  than  going  from  the  toilet  straight 
to  the  breakfast-room.  I  have,  since  you  left,  endeavored  to  commence  a  habit 
of  rising  half  an  hour  or  an  hour  before  breakfast,  with  a  view  of  going  out. 

I  have  advices  this  morning  from  Colonel  Pitman.  Governor  Dorr  is  not 
found  in  New  York,  and  it  is  said  has  not  been  there  since  his  grand  flourish 
ing  exit,  when  on  his  way  from  Washington.  The  colonel  writes  me  that  the 
information  he  receives  from  Rhode  Island  is  altogether  of  a  pacific  kind. 

As  my  retirement  from  my  present  situation  approaches,  and  I  look  abroad 
upon  the  world  which  I  am  to  enter  without  an  income,  and  even  without  any 
arrangements  for  supporting  a  family,  already  expensive  and  becoming  more  so, 
my  spirits  have  become  depressed  when  I  have  reflected  upon  the  probability 
that,  for  a  season  at  least,  I  should  have  to  struggle  with  pecuniary  embarrasg- 
ments  resulting  from  the  universal  derangement  of  financial  concerns  in  the 
country.  But,  after  all,  this  depression  has  not  unmanned  me,  and  I  have  begun 
to  try  to  profit  by  it.  On  the  9th  of  May  I  determined  to  keep  a  memorandum 
of  my  resolution  and  purposes,  and  thus  to  strengthen  myself  in  the  proceedings 
which  the  present  emergency  seems  to  require.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  such 
matters  can  be  changed  and  corrected  after  one  is  forty  years  old.  I  have,  how 
ever,  determined  to  try  ;  and,  since  a  fortnight  has  passed,  I  find  myself  so  suc 
cessful  thus  far  that  I  feel  I  may  safely  communicate  with  you.  I  am  studying 
retrenchment  in  every  form,  and  at  the  same  time  continuing  in  every  way  to 
make  the  most  out  of  what  we  have,  and  to  make  preparations  for  a  comfort 
able  settlement  of  my  affairs  with  all  possible  dispatch  after  I  leave  the  city. 
You  will  aid  me  all  you  can  in  this  matter,  I  know.  If  I  had  only  had  your 
prudence  years  ago,  I  should  now  have  less  to  accomplish. 

ALBANY,  Saturday  Morning,  May  2Sth. 

I  wish  you  could  be  in  the  grounds  here  this  bright  morning.  The  chestnuts 
are  in  full  bloom,  and  there  is  a  humming  of  bees  in  their  foliage,  like  the  music 
of  a  distant  waterfall. 


606  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

By-the-way,  I  am  going  to  have  an  artist  take  a  view  of  the  place.  It  is  not 
so  pleasant  in  your  eyes  as  in  mine.  Still,  you  will  like  to  have  it ;  and  it  will 
be  more  valuable  because,  within  two  or  three  years,  the  groves,  and  even  the 
fine  old  mansion-house,  will  give  place  to  rows  of  dark  brick  walls. 

ALBANY,  Tuesday,  May  Slst. 

The  blasting  of  the  bud  of  treason  in  Khode  Island  is  very  gratifying.  Read 
the  Dorr  address,  and  see  if  you  do  not  admire  his  coolness  and  dignity  under 
his  disgrace.  He  is  manifestly  a  superior  man.  Do  not  wait  for  me  in  regard 
to  the  mineralogical  cabinet.  Consult  your  own  taste  where  my  letter  is  unin 
telligible.  I  am  impatient  to  see  a  beginning  of  a  return  to  the  old  condition 
of  things.  I  shall  be  cheerful  enough  if  I  know  you  are  so.  Hammond's  second 
volume  was  delivered  to  me  this  morning.  I  will  send  it  to  Judge  Miller  this 
evening. 

ALBANY,  Thursday  Morning. 

So  Dickens  has  cheated  us  outright.  I'll  punish  him  for  it,  by  reading  the 
last  chapter  of  "Little  Nell,"  and  finding  out  how  a  beautiful  story  has  been 
spoiled.  A  party  attends  him  on  the  steamer  to  his  ship,  when  he  embarks  on 
the  7th. 

After  her  long  imprisonment,  Jenny,  the  fawn,  has  been  released  into  the 
yard  to  crop  the  grass  with  her  own  minute  teeth,  during  the  day.  I  venture 
to  trust  the  foolish  ingrate,  but  not  without  fear  of  her  flight. 

ALBANY,  Friday  Morning. 

I  had  last  evening  a  visit  from  Mrs.  Quincy,  the  wife  of  the  President  of 
Harvard  University,  her  son  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  the  humorous  President  of  the 
Massachusetts  Senate,  and  of  the  "  Boz  "  dinner,  his  wife  and  sister.  They  had 
preserved  pleasant  recollections  of  your  visit  at  Boston,  and  were  apparently 
gratified  with  their  reception  here,  regretting  your  absence  at  home. 

It  had  been  made  known  to  me  that  the  Postmaster-General,  Mr.  Wickliffe, 
and  his  daughter,  would  arrive  in  town  last  evening.  So  I  presented  myself  at 
the  Eagle.  I  found  him  a  very  fine-looking,  sensible,  unaffected  man,  manifestly 
vigorous  in  mind,  and  of  right  judgment.  I  have  seldom  been  so  much  pleased 
with  a  public  man  on  first  acquaintance.  His  daughter  was  an  exceedingly  in 
teresting  young  lady ;  but,  there  being  no  ladies  in  this  domicile,  she  was  not 
attracted  here.  Her  father  came  with  two  or  three  other  gentlemen  to  supper 
at  ten.  We  had  a  not  unpleasant,  but  quite  unprofitable  discussion,  of  the  con 
dition  and  prospects  of  the  Whig  party. 

John  C.  Spencer  has  invited  me  on  the  President's  authority,  or  rather  with 
his  gracious  assent,  to  visit  Washington.  Morgan  had  told  Mr.  Spencer  that  I 
wanted  to  come,  but  was  apprehensive  of  an  unkind  reception ;  and  so  the  Sec 
retary  thought  my  reception  would  be.  This  he  reported  to  the  President,  who 
said :  "  No,  no,  why  should  he  not  come  ?  I  should  be  glad  to  see  him."  Where 
upon  the  Secretary  tendered  to  you  and  me  a  cordial  invitation.  I  shall,  of 
course,  excuse  myself,  having  no  appetite  for  the  entertainments  at  the  Capitol, 
and  undervaluing  them  as  much  as  they  are  overvalued  by  those  who  bestow 
them. 

Bob's  fame  in  the  art  of  music  has  gone  abroad,  and  he  has  set  up  a  singing- 
school.  He  has  one  pupil,  who  was  brought  here  by  a  bright-eyed  boy,  and  in 
stalled  at  Bob's  feet  to  learn  the  gamut.  He  has  made  no  effort  to  instruct  his 


1842.]  JENNY,   THE   FAWN.  607 

pupil  yet,  and  is  preparing  to  lay  aside  his  flute  for  the  season,  I  think.  Jenny, 
though  "  a  hind  let  loose,"  is  content  within  the  inclosure,  and  gives  no  sign  of 
a  desire  to  rove  again.  The  poor  creature  has  lost  much  flesh  during  her  im 
prisonment  in  the  cellar. 

ALBANY,  Saturday  Myrnwg,  June  teh. 

"  I  never  nursed  a  dear  gazelle 

To  glad  me  with  its  soft  black  eye, 
But  when  it  came  to  know  me  well 
And  love  me,  it  was  sure  to  die." 

I  came  in  yesterday  from  the  State  Hall.  Harriet  announced  to  me  that 
Jenny  had  been  exploring  the  cellar,  and  was  found  eating  the  poisonous  feast 
that  you  had  cruelly  prepared,  before  leaving  here,  to  diminish  the  rat  family 
during  your  absence.  Jenny  was  walking  about  for  half  an  hour,  then  sank 
down  upon  the  grass,  and  no  caresses  nor  dainty  food  that  we  could  offer 
roused  her  from  her  drooping  state.  There  was  a  deep  and  mournful  sadness 
throughout  all  our  little  household.  But  she  is  well  this  morning. 

ALBANY,  June  6,  1842. 

Yesterday  was  so  very  fine  a  day  that  I  spent  its  hours  chiefly  under  the  trees. 

Mr.  Greeley  has  sent  you  a  sheet  containing  a  printed  copy  of  his  poetical 
effusions,  which  have  not  been  published.  It  will  go  to  you  to-day,  in  a  bundle 
of  newspapers. 

Jenny  revives,  and  I  hope  will  henceforth  eschew  arsenic.  In  "maiden 
meditation  fancy  free,'*  she  seems  to  be  studying  to  give  her  experience  of  the 
medical  effect  of  mineral  poison.  Bob  becomes  ambitious.  The  lady-canary 
has  devoted  herself,  at  last,  with  becoming  assiduity  to  hatching  the  eggs  she  so 
long  neglected.  We  have  an  addition  to  our  aviary  in  the  form  of  a  blue  bird, 
with  golden-striped  wings.  My  time  is  so  precious  that  I  must  be  brief. 

ALBANY,  June  10th. 

You  will  find  the  papers  to-day  quite  rich,  in  Governor  King's  proclamation, 
offering  a  reward  for  Governor  Dorr  ;  in  the  trial  of  Colonel  Monroe  Edwards ; 
and  in  the  diplomatic  dueling  correspondence  between  Stanley  and  Wise. 

I  am  studying  geology  somewhat,  by  way  of  preparing  to  write  the  introduc 
tion  to  the  "  Geological  Survey."  I  have  made  free  use  of  the  specimens  for  a 
day  or  two,  and  become  quite  interested  in  the  study. 

ALBANY,  June  16,  1842. 

What  a  day  I  have  had  !     I  was  sitting  on  the  piazza,  smoking  my  cigar  and 

reading  the  news,  when  Mrs.  M ,  widow  of  the  late  dyer,  who  had  done  so 

many  things  for  us  in  his  way,  came  for  a  pardon  to  release  her  son  from  the 
county  jail.  While  engaged  in  hearing  her  appeal,  came  a  woman,  eight  months 
in  a  peculiarly  interesting  state,  poor,  and  with  no  place  to  lay  her  head,  for  the 
pardon  of  her  young  husband,  a  watchman,  who  had  committed  burglary  in  New 
York.  She  was  crowded  away  by  a  maiden  lady,  whose  only  brother  is  in  the 
State-prison  at  Auburn  for  forgery.  She  gave  place  to  a  poor,  broken-hearted 
creature,  whose  honey-moon  was  scarcely  passed  before  her  husband  was  dis 
patched  to  Sing  Sing.  And  when  she  left  me,  I  received  a  grocer's  wife,  whose 
husband  was  consigned  to  the  penitentiary  in  New  York,  for  a  larceny.  And  to 
these  appeals  was  soon  added  one  for  a  pardon  to  Thomas  Topping,  convicted 
of  the  murder  of  his  wife.  From  these  applications  for  Executive  clemency,  I 
have  had  to  change  to  issuing  warrants  for  the  arrest  of  Governor  Dorr. 


(308  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

CHAPTER   XLIII. 

1842. 

End  of  Ehode  Island  Eebellion.— Dr.  Vinton.— "  Notes  on  New  York."— Opening  of  Cro- 
ton  Aqueduct. — Collapse  of  United  States  Bank. — Presidential  Nominations. — Guber 
natorial  Candidates. — Extradition. — The  Ashburton  Treaty. 

.  THE  Rhode  Island  troubles  were  not  yet  entirely  over.  About  the 
1st  of  June  the  Supreme  Court  in  Providence  had  found  indictments 
for  treason  against  the  members  of  the  pretended  "General  Assembly." 
Meanwhile,  it  was  announced  that  Dorr  was  in  Connecticut,  enlisting 
men,  collecting  munitions  of  war,  and  issuing  scrip,  preparatory  to  a 
second  campaign.  The  General  Assembly,  toward  the  close  of  June, 
called  a  convention  to  frame  the  new  constitution.  Meanwhile,  a  force 
of  three  or  four  hundred  insurgents  was  reported  to  be  assembling  at 
Chepachet,  and  committing  various  depredations  and  disorderly  acts  ; 
stopping  passengers  on  the  highways,  etc.  The  uniformed  companies 
of  Newport,  Providence,  Warren,  and  Bristol,  were  again  called  under 
arms  to  oppose  this  demonstration. 

The  young  rector  of  Trinity  Church,  Newport,  Francis  Vinton,  when 
the  volunteers  from  that  town  were  assembling  to  proceed  to  Provi 
dence,  prayed  with  them,  and  as  soon  as  the  solemn  service  was  over, 
said,  "  I  have  prayed  with  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  and  now  I  am  ready 
to  fight  with  you  ;  "  "  and  no  man,"  remarked  the  Courier,  "  among 
them,  perhaps,  was  so  well  qualified,  for  he  was  educated  at  West 
Point,  and  was  in  the  army  before  he  took  orders  in  the  Church." 

On  the  28th  came  news  that  the  Governor  had  proclaimed  martial 
law  in  Providence  ;  that  families  were  leaving  the  city.  Governor 
King  had  issued  a  proclamation,  calling  on  all  the  adherents  of  Dorr 
to  throw  down  their  arms  and  disperse.  "  Governor "  Dorr  issued 
a  counter-proclamation,  calling  out  his  military  forces  to  "  resist  des 
potism,"  and  summoning  his  General  Assembly  to  meet  on  the  4th 
of  July.  But  this  campaign  was  destined  to  be  brief.  It  was  on 
Thursday  that  Dorr  returned  to  Rhode  Island  ;  on  Friday  he  reviewed 
and  harangued  his  forces  at  Chepachet  ;  on  Saturday  he  issued  his 
civil  and  military  proclamations  ;  on  Sunday  he  waited  the  popular 
response  ;  on  Monday  he  received  news  that  the  forces  of  the  State 
government  were  approaching  from  various  directions  to  surround  his 
encampment.  He  issued  a  notice  that  his  military  force  "was  dis 
persed,"  and  then  incontinently  fled,  accompanied,  it  was  said,  by 
about  fifty  men,  to  Connecticut.  There  was  no  conflict,  though  some 
individual  encounters.  A  number  of  prisoners  were  taken,  principally 
stragglers  from  Dorr's  camp  ;  and  so  ended  the  "  Dorr  rebellion." 

Seward,  during  the  progress  of  hostilities  in  the  little   State,  had 


1842.]  u  NOTES  ON  NEW   YORK."  609 

sent  two  members  of  his  military  staff  to  Providence  to  keep  him  ad 
vised  of  the  progress  of  events,  and  to  tender  to  Governor  King  the 
assurance  of  such  sympathy  and  aid  by  New  York  in  the  work  of 
maintaining  law  and  order  as  one  State  could  properly  extend  to 
another.  They  were  accompanied  thither  by  Mr.  Weed,  whose  letters 
to  the  Evening  Journal  gave  a  graphic  sketch  of  the  campaign. 

As  his  letters  show,  Seward  had  commenced  the  preparation  of 
his  "  Notes  on  New  York,"  which  were  to  form  the  introduction  to  the 
"  Geological  Survey."  Anxious  to  avail  himself  of  the  most  authentic 
information  of  the  progress  of  the  sciences  and  arts  in  the  State, 
he  addressed  letters  to  leading  men,  without  distinction  of  religious 
or  political  opinion.  The  facts  thus  gathered  enabled  him  to  pre 
sent  a  summary  worthy  to  precede  the  great  work.  Thus,  he  con 
sulted  Chancellor  Kent  in  reference  to  the  legal  profession;  Dr.  Horace 
B.  Webster,  about  the  history  of  science  ;  Prof.  Mahan,  about  military 
science  and  engineering  ;  the  Rev.  Charles  Anthon,  about  classical  lit 
erature  ;  Colonel  Stone,  about  Indian  history  ;  Prof.  Renwick,  about 
mechanical  science  and  invention  ;  Luther  Tucker,  about  agriculture  ; 
Gabriel  Furman,  about  antiquities  ;  Rev.  Dr.  Hawks,  about  sacred 
literature  and  ecclesiastical  history  ;  Mr.  Crittenden,  about  school- 
books  and  female  education  ;  Prof.  Redfield,  about  natural  philosophy ; 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Campbell,  about  polemic  divinity  ;  A.  B.  Johnson,  of 
Utica,  about  philosophy  and  finance  ;  Prof.  Weir,  about  arts  of  de 
sign  ;  George  Folsom,  about  the  Historical  Society  ;  Gideon  Hawley, 
about  colleges  and  academies  ;  B.  F.  Butler,  about  civil  polity  and 
codification  ;  S.  B.  Ruggles,  about  roads  and  canals ;  M.  M.  Noah, 
about  the  drama  and  the  stage  ;  Rev.  Dr.  Nott,  about  clergymen  ;  Dr. 
Francis,  about  medical  science  ;  Edwin  Croswell,  about  the  history  of 
the  press  ;  Dr.  Dekay,  about  zoology  ;  Dr.  Beck,  about  chemistry  and 
mineralogy  ;  Dr.  Torrey,  about  botany  ;  President  Charles  King,  about 
political  history  and  the  biography  of  public  men  ;  Charles  Fenno 
Hoffman,  about  fiction  ;  C.  N.  Bement,  about  cattle  ;  Joseph  Blunt, 
about  navigation  ;  Judge  Conkling,  about  law  and  government  ;  Hor 
ace  Greeley,  about  trade,  manufactures,  and  arts  ;  Orville  Holley, 
about  geography  and  typography  ;  A.  J.  Downing,  about  horticulture  ; 
Dr.  Hun,  about  surgery  and  physiology  ;  Prof.  S.  F.  B.  Morse,  about 
science  and  arts  of  design  ;  William  Jay,  about  slavery  ;  John  L. 
O'Sullivan,  about  the  penal  code  and  public  charities. 

The  summer  brought,  as  usual,  to  Albany  old  and  new  friends,  who 
paused  in  their  tours  of  recreation  to  call  upon  the  Governor.  Hard 
ing,  the  artist,  who  in  summer  used  to  lay  aside  the  pencil  and  palette 
for  the  rod  and  fly,  sent  over  by  the  new  railroad  a  string  of  Massa 
chusetts  brook-trout. 

Stephens,  the  traveler,  had  been  during  the  preceding  year  explor- 
39 


610  LIFE   AND  LETTERS.  [1842. 

ing  the  ruins  of  ancient  cities  in  Central  America,  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Catherwood,  the  artist,  and  had  just  returned,  laden  with  the  ma 
terial  for  his  two  interesting  volumes. 

The  Vincennes,  the  flag-ship  of  the  Exploring  Expedition,  which 
had  sailed  in  August,  1838,  and  had  ever  since  been  exploring  the 
Pacific  Ocean  and  islands,  arrived  this  summer.  Among  its  officers 
were  several  with  whom  Seward  was  afterward  to  be  brought  into  inti 
mate  relations — Commodore  Wilkes,  Lieutenant  Oliver  H.  Perry,  Lieu 
tenant  A.  L.  Case,  Lieutenant  Edwin  J.  De  Haven,  Lieutenant  Alonzo 
B.  Davis,  Lieutenant  William  M.  Walker,  Lieutenant  William  M.  Mau- 
ry,  Titian  R.  Peale,  naturalist ;  James  Alden,  commander  ;  Joseph  S. 
Sandford,  acting  master. 

The  Croton  Aqueduct,  so  long  in  progress,  was  now  completed.  The 
gates  at  Croton  Dam  were  opened  at  five  o'clock,  Wednesday  morning, 
and  the  stream,  ten  inches  deep,  commenced  its  flow  through  the 
aqueduct  toward  the  city.  Some  of  the  commissioners  and  engineers 
accompanied  the  water  down.  Part  of  the  time  they  were  in  their 
barge  inside  of  the  aqueduct,  and  part  of  the  time  on  the  surface 
above.  They  arrived  at  Sing  Sing,  eight  miles,  in  about  six  hours  ; 
started  again  at  noon,  and  so  continued  their  gradual  progress  with 
the  water  to  the  Harlem  River,  where  it  arrived  on  Thursday  morning. 

When  it  was  known  in  New  York  that  the  waters  of  the  Croton 
were  actually  beginning  to  pour  into  the  receiving  reservoir  at  York- 
ville,  an  immense  crowd  gathered,  said  to  be  fifteen  or  twenty  thou 
sand,  and  among  them  were  hundreds  of  ladies.  Every  avenue  reach 
ing  to  the  reservoir  was  black  with  vehicles.  The  Court  of  Errors, 
which  was  in  session  in  the  city,  went  up  in  a  body  to  witness  the 
novel  spectacle.  The  mayor  and  Common  Council,  of  course,  were 
present.  There  was  a  military  display,  and  a  salute  of  thirty-four  guns 
was  fired,  one  for  each  mile  from  the  Croton  River  to  the  reservoir. 

The  last  link  in  the  railway  between  Boston  and  Buffalo  was  fin 
ished  this  summer,  the  road  between  Buffalo  and  Attica  having  been 
completed. 

The  United  States  Bank  had  now  finally  collapsed.  It  had  over 
thrown  both  of  the  political  parties  :  first,  that  which  opposed,  and 
afterward,  that  which  supported  it ;  and  then  ended  by  destroying 
itself. 

There  were  many  sad  incidents  of  individual  misfortune  attending 
its  fall ;  for,  while  prospering,  everybody  had  been  eager  to  grasp  the 
stock,  believing  no  other  so  safe.  One  man,  living  in  Philadelphia, 
had  invested  his  whole  property,  forty  thousand  dollars,  in  it.  His 
wife  had  twenty  thousand  in  her  own  right,  which  they  also  put  in. 
A  legacy,  the  next  year,  of  ten  thousand,  was  also  deposited,  and  then 
the  bank  collapsed  ;  they  lost  every  farthing,  and  he  became  a  day- 


1842.]  EXTRADITION.  611 

laborer.  Two  children  who,  in  1837,  were  left  a  fori  me  of  eighty-two 
thousand  dollars,  were  now  living  in  a  hovel,  their  guardians  having 
invested  the  entire  sum  in  United  States  Bank  stock.  A  sea-captain, 
after  fifty  years'  service,  retired  with  fifty  thousand  dollars,  which  he 
invested  in  the  bank,  and  ended  as  a  pauper  in  the  lunatic  asylum. 

The  German  immigration,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been  but  small, 
was  rapidly  increasing,  and  a  story  was  circulated  that  one  entire  vil 
lage  in  Hesse  was  about  to  come  over,  bringing  its  lawyers,  doctors, 
school-master,  and  clergyman. 

The  Clay  movement  continued  with  unabated  vigor.  Mr.  Clay's 
portrait  was  in  the  windows  of  book-stores  and  print-shops.  On  the 
9th  of  June  a  great  barbecue  took  place  at  Lexington  in  his  honor,  and 
his  speech  on  that  occasion  was  eagerly  reprinted  and  read  by  the 
Whigs  throughout  the  Union,  as  the  key-note  of  the  coming  presi 
dential  campaign. 

Mr.  Tyler  was  charged  with  the  design  of  seeking  a  renomination 
from  the  Democrats,  and  also  of  attempts  to  build  up,  by  the  use  of 
official  patronage,  a  party  of  his  own.  If  such  was  his  object,  it  was 
attended  with  no  success.  Those  who  held  office  under  him  were 
called  the  "Tyler  guard,"  and  they  comprised  the  bulk  of  his  support 
ers.  The  Democrats  praised  his  independence,  and  defended  his  acts, 
in  their  speeches  and  newspapers  ;  but  they  evinced  no  disposition  to 
swerve  from  their  own  organization  or  candidates. 

Writing  to  Christopher  Morgan,  Seward  said  : 

ALBANY,  June  10, 1842. 

You  see,  we  have  the  presidential  campaign  already  set.  The  nomination  of 
Mr.  Olay,  made  as  it  virtually  is  by  the  press,  and  by  Congress,  and  several 
Legislatures,  brings  Mr.  Van  Buren  forward  as  the  opposition  candidate.  The 
reports  from  the  Western  States,  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  progress  there,  are  inspir 
ing  his  friends  here  with  much  hope.  We  must  now  carry  this  State  this  fall, 
or  the  prospect  of  the  presidential  election  will  be  dark  enough.  The  discussion 
of  the  gubernatorial  nomination  has  commenced.  The  three  most  prominent 
candidates  are  Bradish,  Collier,  and  Fillmore.  I  cannot  properly  speculate  on 
that  subject,  being  satisfied  with  the  three  alternatives.  Either  will  command 
all  the  votes,  and  be  personally  agreeable,  so  far  as  my  feelings  are  concerned. 

The  Democratic  papers,  in  like  manner,  were  discussing  their  most 
available  candidate.  Among  the  principal  names  mentioned  were  those 
of  William  C.  Bouck,  Samuel  Young,  Michael  Hoffman,  George  R. 
Davis,  and  Charles  Humphrey. 

The  echo  of  public  opinion  from  England,  in  reference  to  the  McLeod 
case,  now  brought  by  the  foreign  mails,  showed  a  calmer  and  more 
judicious  temper.  The  Edinburgh  JReview  said  : 

When  McLeod  voluntarily  entered  the  territory  of  New  York,  he  knew, 


612  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

or  must  be  held  to  have  known,  what  were  its  laws ;  and  he  .acitly  engaged  to 
be  governed  by  them.  England  has  always  refused  to  deviate  from  her  laws,  on 
the  requisition  of  a  foreign  power.  She  ought  not  to  have  complained  that 
America  followed  her  example. 

In  reierence  to  the  extradition  of  fugitives  from  justice  across  the 
frontier,  Seward  wrote  to  President  Tyler  : 

JWM  U. 

I  formed  an  opinion)  on  examining  the  subject,  that  the  power  in  such  oases 
was  a  national  one,  and  did  not  reside  in  the  State  government.  The  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  the  case  which  went  from  Ver 
mont,  if  it  did  not  establish  that  constitutional  principle,  at  least  rendered  the 
right  of  the  State  so  doubtful  that  the  power  could  no  longer  safely  be  exer 
cised.  Nevertheless,  the  Canadian  authorities,  in  pursuance  of  the  provincial 
laws,  and  as  acts  of  courtesy,  have,  until  recently,  surrendered  fugitives.  On 
the  21st  of  May  last  I  applied  to  his  Excellency  Sir  Charles  Bagot,  Governor- 
General  of  British  North  America,  to  surrender  a  fugitive  from  this  State ;  and 
I  learn,  from  his  reply,  that  doubts  have  arisen  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial 
Government  whether  the  power  can  be  legally  exercised  by  the  colonial  au 
thorities. 

The  subject  is  of  such  great  importance  that  it  seems  proper  to  submit  it  for 
your  consideration.  I  beg  leave  to  suggest  whether  it  would  not  be  expedient 
to  give  it  a  place  among  the  subjects  of  negotiation  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain. 

And  in  writing  on  the  same  subject  to  Sir  Charles  Bagot,  he  said  : 

The  importance  of  a  mutual  surrender  of  fugitive  criminals  between  the  con 
tiguous  countries  we  represent  has  always  been  acknowledged  by  your  Excel 
lency's  predecessors,  and  mine.  And  it  is  now  increased  by  the  greater  facili 
ties  of  intercourse  between  this  State  and  Canada.  .  .  .  The  power  of  demand 
ing  and  surrendering  fugitives,  when  a  foreign  state  is  concerned,  is  an  incident 
to  the  General  and  not  to  the  State  government ;  and,  inasmuch  as  no  law  or 
treaty  for  this  object  has  been  made  by  the  Federal  Government,  the  question  is 
in  abeyance.  Impressed  with  these  convictions,  I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to 
bring  the  subject  to  the  consideration  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
nnder  a  hope  that  it  may  receive  attention  in  the  pending  negotiations  between 
the  two  Governments. 

The  question  about  schools  for  colored  children,  to  which  Seward 
had  referred  in  his  messages,  was  one  which,  while  attracting  little 
attention  from  the  public  in  general,  excited  the  sympathies  of  the 
benevolent,  among  whom  none  were  more  active  than  the  Friends. 
Writing  to  David  S.  Thomas  upon  the  subject,  he  said  : 

....  I  heartily  approve  the  object,  and  wish  it  abundant  and  complete  suc 
cess.  It  is  an  occasion  of  deep  regret  that  the  prejudice  of  the  day,  which,  I 
think,  cannot  last  long,  often  excludes  persons  of  African  descent  from  our 
schools,  and  especially  from  the  higher  seminaries  of  learning ;  and  it  would 


1842.]  TYLER   AND    CLAY.  013 

be  altogether  better  if  the  advantages  of  education,  which  all  our  institutions 
of  learning  offer,  could  be  rendered  available  to  all  persona  without  distinction 
of  birth  or  caste. 

Under  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  the 
share  now  due  to  New  York  was  over  eighty-four  thousand  dollars. 
The  Governor  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  June  30th, 
designating  Lewis  Benedict  as  the  agent  of  the  State  to  receive  the 
money. 

His  letters  home  narrated  his  occupations  at  Albany  : 

Saturday  Night,  July  2d. 

There  is  much  news  of  extreme  political  interest.  The  President  has  fallen 
at  last  into  the  arms  of  our  opponents,  thus  giving  us  a  first  instance  of  an  Ex 
ecutive  Magistrate  deserting  the  party  that  elected  him.  He  has  for  his  excuse 
the  refusal  of  the  Whig  party  to  support  him ;  but  he  caused  the  desertion  by 
deserting  their  measures.  There  is  much  speculation  about  a  change  of  cabinet, 
but  I  have  nothing  authentic.  His  cabinet  have  probably,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  gone  with  him,  yet  can  they  hardly  commend 
themselves  to  the  leaders  of  the  party  into  which  the  President  has  gone.  There 
are  rumors  about  Mr.  Spencer.  I  think  he  will  not  be  sacrificed,  but  may  proba 
bly  be  transferred  to  another  department  of  service. 

These  events  at  Washington  bring  Mr.  Clay  prematurely  and  prominently 
into  the  canvass  for  the  presidency,  and  we  are  now  all  in  the  campaign  with 
him.  Those  who  love  him  best  and  most  wisely  would  have  preferred  delay 
until  action  could  be  effective  and  less  liable  to  disappointment. 

The  Rhode  Island  mission  was  very  grateful  to  the  good  people  of  that  lit 
tle  but  great  State.  Mr.  Dorr  is  now  said  to  have  escaped  to  Canada. 

July  1th. 

Blatchford  is  with  me.  I  am  dictating  and  he  writing  the  "  Introduction  of 
the  Geological  Survey."  When  this  work  will  be  done  Heaven  knowg.  It 
grows  upon  my  hands,  but  it  will  be,  I  think,  a  very  good  affair  when  done. 

We  have  had  a  sad  time  with  the  canaries.  One  of  the  horses  knocked 
their  cage  from  its  loop,  on  the  chestnut  in  the  grove.  The  structure  fell  and 
was  crushed;  the  nest  was  scattered  and  the  tiny  eggs  broken.  Dick  was 
stunned  and  deprived  of  speech.  Jenny  hopped  out  unharmed,  and,  pleased 
with  liberty,  flew  from  place  to  place,  then  to  the  lower  limb  of  the  tree,  and 
ascended,  as  she  became  used  to  the  exercise  of  her  wings,  to  the  topmost 
branch.  Toward  night  Dick  recovered  his  voice,  and  his  partner,  weary  of 
fasting,  was  persuaded  by  him  to  return  to  his  bed  and  board,  in  the  temporary 
lodgment  we  had  assigned  him. 

ALBANY,  July  15,  1842. 

I  have  floundered  through  a  wearisome  week,  in  which  I  have  lost  sight  of 
everybody  and  remembrance  of  everything,  except  engrossing  studies. 

My  memoir  of  the  progress  of  knowledge  in  the  State  ought  to  be  a  useful 
work,  but,  written  in  so  much  haste  and  mental  perplexity,  it  may  disgrace  ita 
author  and  the  State  he  so  much  desires  to  serve.  However,  the  first  pages 
lare  in  the  press,  and  the  labor  is  chiefly  performed.  There  is  relief,  there- 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

fore,  from  the  task,  or  at  least  a  mitigation  of  it.  I  am  to  read  a  part  of  it 
two  days  hence  before  the  commencement  at  Schenectady.  The  whole  must 
be  printed,  pressed,  and  bound  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Geological  Report, 
before  the  Legislature  assembles  on  the  16th  of  August.  My  message  for  that 
occasion  is  almost  prepared. 

Last  evening  I  attended  a  very  interesting  exhibition.  The  young  ladies 
who  graduated  last  year  at  the  Albany  Female  Academy  formed  an  association 
of  alumna3,  and  now  had  a  semi-public,  semi-private  celebration  of  their  anni 
versary.  The  young  ladies  sat  together  by  the  side  of  the  stage.  The  stage 
was  occupied  by  the  trustees  and  patrons  of  the  institution.  An  address,  writ 
ten  by  one  of  the  young  ladies,  and  a  poem,  the  production  of  another,  were 
read  by  the  officers  of  the  academy.  It  seemed  to  me  that  the  occasion  marked 
an  advance  in  the  progress  of  female  education. 

When  the  commencement  at  Schenectady  ends,  I  shall  take  the  car  and  pro 
ceed  thence  to  Auburn. 

ALBANY,  July  17,  1842. 

It  is  a  bright  and  lovely  Sunday  morning.  I  wish  you  and  the  boys  were 
here,  or  I  once  more  at  ease  with  you  at  Auburn.  My  occupation  here  dis 
tracts  and  has  wearied  me.  I  had  a  visit  from  John  Greig,  his  wife,  and  sister, 
the  other  day,  on  their  return  homeward  from  the  East.  There  are  all  manner 
of  conspiracies  at  Washington,  among  which  one  is,  as  I  learn,  to  expel  Philo 
C.  Fuller  from  the  Post-Office  Department,  that  one  more  yielding  to  the  pur 
poses  of  the  President  may  take  his  place.  I  am  disgusted  with  politics,  yet 
how  long  will  I  remain  so  ? 

ALBANY,  July  19,  1842. 

I  am  in  the  hands  of  the  printers,  who  so  slowly  drag  along  that  they  chain 
me  here,  I  know  not  how  long.  I  have  written  and  printed  forty  quarto  pages, 
and  have  one  hundred  and  sixty  more  to  print,  a  little  more  than  half  of  v^hich 
is  ready  for  the  compositor. 

The  "  book  "  is  made,  and  its  making  is  already  deeply  regretted.  Nearly 
every  one  that  has  seen  the  proof  has  pointed  out  to  me  errors  of  facts,  compo 
sition,  or  typography  ;  and  of  this  painful  and  irritating  criticism  I  have  already 
had  so  much  that  I  think  I  shall  never  attempt,  at  least  gratuitously,  another 
enterprise  of  that  sort.  Nobody  can  conceive  the  labor  and  sacrifice  it  has  cost 
me ;  yet,  if  it  could  have  waited  for  a  careful  revision,  I  should  have  had  cause 
to  be  proud  of  it. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  "  alumnae  "  of  the  Female  Academy,  referred 
to  in  his  letters,  the  Governor  had  been  called  upon  for  some  words  of 
encouragement.  He  said  : 

Your  plan  is  a  novel  one,  but  it  is  not  therefore  wrong.  Our  system  of  gov 
ernment  is  experimental,  and  the  progress  of  society  is  continually  disclosing 
extraordinary  results  of  that  system.  We  have  undertaken  to  educate,  not  one 
•ex,  but  both  sexes ;  not  one  class  or  portion  of  society,  but  the  whole  com 
munity  ;  and  since  we  desire  universal  female  education  instead  of  the  refine 
ment  of  a  portion  of  the  sex,  why  should  we  reject  the  aid  of  those  who,  like 
you,  have  received  so  great  a  blessing,  in  extending  its  enjoyments  to  others? 


3842.]  THE   ASHBURTON   TREATY.  615 

A  letter  of  the  5th  of  July  to  Mr.  Edwards  and  others,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  said  : 

Every  day's  observation  and  experience  confirm  the  opinion  that  the  ordi 
nances  which  require  the  observance  of  one  day  in  seven,  and  the  Christian 
faith  that  hallows  it,  are  our  chief  security  for  all  civil  and  religious  liberty,  for 
temporal  blessings,  and  spiritual  hopes.  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  cooperate  in 
any  proper  measures  which  the  friends  of  that  sacred  institution  may  adopt. 

In  regard  to  New  York  citizens  held  as  prisoners  in  Australia,  he 
addressed  Mr.  Webster  : 

You  will  recollect  that,  in  the  season  of  disturbances  on  the  frontier  of  this 
State  in  1837,  a  number  of  Americans  who  made  inroads  into  Canadian  terri 
tory  were  captured,  some  of  whom  were  afterward  executed,  and  others  were 
transported  to  New  Holland. 

The  excitement  in  the  Canadian  provinces  has  subsided ;  the  hostile  mani 
festations  and  feelings  on  this  side  of  the  frontier  have  passed  away.  There  is 
now  no  ground  whatever  to  apprehend  their  return. 

It  has  occurred  to  me  that  her  Majesty's  Government  might  think  it  not 
unworthy  the  dignity,  nor  inconsistent  with  the  security  of  their  country,  to 
extend  clemency  and  pardon  to  the  prisoners  remaining  in  New  Holland,  if 
their  attention  should  be  called  to  the  subject. 

I  beg  leave  to  submit  the  subject  for  the  consideration  of  the  Executive, 
and  to  request  that,  if  it  shall  be  compatible  with  the  relations  of  the  countries, 
some  expression  in  behalf  of  the  prisoners  may  be  made  to  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain.  The  showing  of  such  clemency  as  I  have  suggested  would,  I  am 
sure,  have  a  tendency  to  increase  the  feelings  of  kindness  and  friendship  which 
it  is  so  desirable  should  exist  between  the  people  of  this  State  and  her  Majesty's 
subjects  beyond  our  borders. 

Mr.  Webster  gave  a  dinner  to  Lord  Ashburton  on  the  occasion  of 
the  settlement  of  the  Northeastern  boundary  question.  The  guests 
were  the  President  and  cabinet,  Lord  Ashburton  and  suite,  Mr.  Fox, 
and  the  other  members  of  the  British  legation,  the  commissioners 
from  Maine  and  Massachusetts,  some  leading  senators,  and  the  gentle 
men  engaged  in  the  boundary  survey.  Mr.  Webster  toasted  "  Queen 
Victoria,"  Lord  Ashburton  toasted  "  The  President."  The  President 
gave  "  The  commissioners,  blessed  are  the  peace-makers."  The  Secre 
tary  of  War,  when  toasted,  said  his  business  had  been  spoiled  by  the 
commission. 

The  Whig  meetings  in  the  various  wards  in  Albany,  to  choose  dele 
gates  to  the  State  Convention,  adopted  resolutions  denouncing  Tyler, 
indorsing  Clay,  approving  the  administration  of  Governor  Seward,  and 
pronouncing  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Bradish  for  Governor,  and 
Collier  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  Several  county  conventions  adopted 
the  same  course.  Mr.  Clay  continued  to  be  nominated  with  more  or 
less  formality  in  various  places. 


LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1848- 

The  evidences  that  the  Administration  had  cut  loose  from  Whig 
associations,  or  rather  that  the  President  would  no  longer  bestow  office 
upon  those  who  no  longer  supported  him,  began  to  increase  and  multi 
ply.  The  post-office  advertisements  were  taken  away  from  the  Whig 
papers ;  postmasters  were  removed.  A  Tyler  General  Committee  was 
organized  in  the  city  of  New  York.  A  Tyler  State  Convention  was  held 
at  Columbus,  Ohio,  indorsing  his  course,  and  implying  that  they  deemed 
his  position  a  favorable  one  for  a  coalition  with  the  Democrats.  A 
mass  Tyler  meeting  was  also  held  in  New  York,  and  the  "  political  guil 
lotine  "  was  said  to  be  at  work  in  the  custom-house  and  the  depart 
ments  at  Washington. 

Congress  continued  in  session,  the  tariff  and  land  -  distribution 
law  occupying  the  principal  part  of  the  time.  In  the  votes  upon  it, 
while  the  Democrats  were  nearly  unanimous,  the  Whigs  were  divided, 
The  mass  of  them  supported,  but  some  of  the  Southerners  opposed 
it.  It  was  passed  at  last,  but  promptly  encountered  the  Executive  veto. 
Though  the  Whigs  could  hardly  have  expected  anything  else,  they 
broke  out  into  loud  condemnation  of  the  President,  who  had  "  betrayed 
his  party  and  deserted  his  principles." 

A  committee  of  thirteen  was  appointed  to  report  upon  the  course 
which  the  House  ought  to  take.  Ex-President  Adams  brought  in  an 
elaborate  report,  severely  reprobating  the  President's  action.  Never 
theless  the  votes  but  too  plainly  indicated  that  the  tariff  could  not  be 
passed  over  the  presidential  veto.  The  House  adopted  the  report  by 
one  hundred  to  eighty,  and  the  resolutions  against  the  veto  by  ninety- 
eight  to  ninety.  In  the  veto,  the  President  had  stated  as  a  ground  of 
objection  that  the  bill  united  two  objects  :  the  one,  taxation  ;  the  other, 
land  distribution.  As  a  last  hope,  the  Whigs  struck  out  the  land-dis 
tribution  clause,  put  tea  and  coffee  among  the  free  articles,  and  made 
various  other  amendments,  in  order  to  induce  the  change  of  individual 
votes,  and  in  this  shape  passed  it. 

In  this  amended  form  the  bill  now  went  to  the  Senate.  Finally,  on 
Saturday  night,  the  Senate  passed  it  by  one  majority  ;  the  Northern 
Whigs  all  voting  for  it,  and  having  the  help  of  three  Democrats,  Bu 
chanan,  Wright,  and  Sturgeon  ;  the  Southern  Democrats  all  voting 
against  it,  but  the  Southern  Whigs  dividing,  Morehead  and  Crittenden 
going  with  the  North.  Then  the  land-distribution  bill  was  also  passed 
by  both  Houses  with  some  modifications,  and  the  adjournment  was 
fixed  for  the  next  Wednesday. 

Lord  Ashburton,  having  completed  his  diplomatic  labors,  was  now 
about  to  return  in  the  Warspite  from  New  York.  Before  his  de 
parture  he  made  a  visit  to  Albany.  The  treaty  having  been  duly  signed, 
was  already  on  its  way  to  Great  Britain  by  the  Great  Western,  in  the 
hands  of  a  special  messenger.  The  Senate  at  Washington  had  ratified 


1842.]  THE  EXTRA  SESSION.  617 

it  by  a  vote  of  thirty-nine  to  nine,  and  the  next  day  it  was  published. 
It  was  dated  August  9,  1842.  Two  points  of  especial  interest  to  Gov 
ernor  Seward  were,  the  tenth  article,  providing  for  the  surrender  of 
criminals  over  the  frontier  on  requisition  ;  and  the  eighth  and  ninth, 
providing  for  combined  action  of  the  two  Governments  in  regard  to  the 
slave-trade.  Lord  Ashburton  arrived  at  Albany  on  the  29th  from  Bos 
ton,  accompanied  by  Sir  John  Hay,  the  commander  of  the  Warspite  ; 
Seward,  with  Chief-Justice  Spencer,  spent  the  evening  with  him.  The 
next  day  he  left  for  New  York  on  the  morning  boat. 

It  was  now  reported  from  Rhode  Island  that  some  of  the  disbanded 
revolutionists,  acting  upon  a  chemical  hint  in  one  of  the  New  York 
newspapers,  "how  to  produce  combustion  in  hay  without  detection," 
were  setting  fire  to  barns  in  the  vicinity  of  Providence,  and  the  name 
of  "  Barn-burners  "  was  soon  applied  to  all  who  sympathized,  or  were 
supposed  to  sympathize,  in  the  Dorr  movement.  Seward,  while  giving 
his  support  and  sympathy  to  the  "  Law-and-Order "  party,  warned 
them  that  it  was  unwise  to  allow  the  Dorr  party  to  occupy  high  van 
tage-ground  in  favor  of  the  extension  of  suffrage,  and  advised  them 
to  favor  a  more  liberal  constitution. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

1842. 

The  Extra  Session.— Stoppage  of  Public  Works.— Repudiating  State*. — Carlin.— The  Hutch  - 
bisons.—  The  Millerites.— Webster  and  Adams.— Bradish  and  Bouok.— Address  at  State 
Fair. — Education  of  Farmers. 

THE  Legislature  had  been  called  to  meet  on  the  16th  of  August. 
The  special  purpose  of  this  extra  session  was  to  divide  the  State  into 
congressional  districts  in  accordance  with  the  new  apportionment  law. 
The  15th  found  the  capital  in  active  preparation  for  the  session,  and 
the  Governor's  message  prepared  and  ready  for  delivery.  The  Legis 
lature  met  at  the  appointed  day  and  hour.  The  members  of  the  ma 
jority  immediately  proposed  to  confine  the  action  of  the  session  to  the 
congressional  apportionment,  and  thereupon  arose  a  debate  as  to 
whether  the  customary  message  of  the  Governor  should  or  should  not 
be  received.  The  message  would  be  imbued  with  Whig  doctrines,  and 
recommend  legislative  action  of  some  sort.  The  Democratic  leaders 
neither  wished  to  listen  to  the  doctrines  nor  to  take  any  action,  except 
that  for  which  they  had  been  specifically  called. 

In  this  debate  Michael  Hoffman,  McMurray,  and  Swackhamer, 
took  prominent  part.  Meanwhile,  the  proceedings  of  the  New  York 


618  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

&  Erie  Railroad  Convention  at  Owego  were  presented.  The  Senate 
laid  them  on  the  table  by  a  party  vote.  Then  the  committee  on  appor 
tionment  of  districts  presented  their  report.  Then  followed  debate  on 
the  request  to  receive  a  petition  for  aid  to  the  Erie  Railroad.  If  they 
refused  to  receive  it,  they  would  be  charged  with  denial  of  the  "  rights 
of  petition."  If  they  commenced  receiving  petitions,  they  would 
have  begun  legislative  business.  It  was  found  before  long  impossible 
to  hold  a  legislative  session  at  the  State  capital,  and  at  the  same  time 
refuse  to  hold  the  customary  communication  with  the  other  branches 
of  the  government  and  with  their  constituents. 

Besides,  wise  as  it  might  be  in  the  leaders  of  the  party  to  make 
the  session  brief,  party  discipline  was  hardly  strong  enough  to  induce 
members  to  vote  for  that  policy  when  each  of  them  had  a  constituency 
behind  him,  who  were  expecting  him  to  act  and  speak  in  their  behalf 
on  a  variety  of  subjects. 

Seward,  in  his  letters  to  Auburn,  noted  the  progress  of  these  events: 

Executive  Chamber,  Tuesday  Noon. 

Here  I  am,  once  more  in  controversy  with  the  Legislature.  The  Assembly 
has  sent  me  a  message  that  they  have  convened  to  transact  the  business  for  which 
they  adjourned.  By  annexing  this  qualifying  clause,  it  is  supposed  they  do  not 
mean  to  receive,  or  perhaps  that  they  will  refuse  to  read,  a  message.  To  that 
communication  I  answered  that  I  would  transmit  a  message  to  both  Houses 
when  I  should  be  informed  that  the  Senate  was  convened.  In  the  Senate,  a 
motion  was  made  to  raise  a  committee  to  announce  to  me  that  the  Senate  was 
convened.  Mr.  Strong  moved  to  amend  the  resolution  so  as  to  state  that  they 
had  convened  for  the  special  object  of  adjournment.  Upon  this  a  debate  has 
arisen,  and  it  is  not  likely  to  end  in  some  time.  In  the  mean  time  the  printers 
have  the  message. 

Quarter  before  one :  the  committee  are  coming,  and  the  message  goes  in. 
They  read  it,  and  so  the  petty  oppugnation  ends. 

When  the  Governor's  message  was  delivered  and  read,  it  was  found 
to  be  short,  but  explicit  in  its  recommendations  of  public  policy, 
which  were  based  upon  the  same  principles  as  those  which  had  gov 
erned  his  preceding  messages. 

In  regard  to  the  suspension  of  the  public  works  he  said  : 

For  the  first  time  in  the  quarter  of  a  century  which  has  elapsed  since  the 
ground  was  broken  for  the  Erie  Canal,  a  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
in  meeting  the  Legislature,  finds  himself  unable  to  announce  the  continued  prog 
ress  of  improvement.  The  officers  charged  with  the  care  of  the  public  works 
have  arrested  all  proceedings  in  the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  con 
struction  of  the  auxiliary  works. 

The  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad,  with  the  exception  of  forty-six  miles  from 
the  eastern  termination,  lies  in  unfinished  fragments  throughout  the  long  line  of 
southern  counties,  stretching  four  hundred  miles  from  the  Walkill  to  Lake  Erie. 


1842.]  THE   LAST   MESSAGE.  619 

The  Genesee  Valley  Canal,  excepting  the  portion  between  Danville  and  Roches 
ter,  also  lies  in  a  state  of  hopeless  abandonment.  The  Black  River  Oanal,  which 
was  more  than  two-thirds  completed  during  the  last  year,  has  been  left  wholly 
unavailable.  As  if  this  were  not  enough,  two  railroads,  toward  the  construc 
tion  of  which  the  State  had  contributed  half  a  million  dollars,  and  public- 
spirited  citizens  large  sums  in  addition,  have  been  brought  to  a  forced  sale,  and 
sacrificed  at  an  almost  total  loss  to  the  Treasury. 

The  objects  which  the  Legislature  had  in  view  in  directing  the  suspension  of 
the  public  works  were  declared  to  be,  to  pay  the  debts  of  the  State  and  preserve 
its  credit.  The  means  of  paying  the  debts  are  derived  from  revenues  and  taxes; 
but  the  State,  so  far  from  diminishing,  has  increased  its  indebtedness  by  becom 
ing  liable  to  contractors  for  heavy  damages,  while,  by  discontinuing  the  neces 
sary  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Oanal,  the  increase  of  revenues  hitherto  so  con 
stant  and  so  confidently  relied  upon  for  the  reimbursement  of  the  debts,  is 
checked,  and  must  ultimately  cease. 

The  fiscal  officers  of  the  State  are  not  now  able  to  negotiate  loans,  even  at 
seven  per  cent.  Previously  to  the  present  session  of  Congress,  when  as  yet 
only  one  State  had  omitted  to  pay  the  interest  on  its  debt,  I  called  the  attention 
of  the  Federal  Government  to  alarming  indications  of  a  general  failure  by  the 
indebted  States,  and  invoked  the  constitutional  efforts  which  that  Government 
might  effectually  make  to  avoid  such  a  catastrophe.  .  .  . 

State  after  State,  some  with  unavailing  struggles,  but  others  without  any, 
have  neglected  to  perform  their  fiscal  engagements,  and  thus  a  dark  stain  is  dif 
fusing  itself  over  the  escutcheon  of  our  country.  Under  these  circumstances  1 
must  adhere  to  the  views  before  submitted,  and  invite  their  reconsideration ; 
and,  to  avoid  any  misapprehension,  I  recommend  that  the  Legislature  rescind 
the  law  directing  the  discontinuance  of  the  public  works. 

Referring  to  the  Virginia  search  and  seizure  law,  he  renewed  his  re 
quest  for  authority  to  test  its  validity  in  the  courts.  The  case  of 
Prigg  vs.  Pennsylvania,  he  was  aware,  was  cited  as  favoring  the  cap 
ture,  even  without  legal  proofs,  of  persons  claimed  as  slaves,  but  he 
said  : 

The  authority  of  the  decision  cannot  be  extended  to  cases  presenting  facts 
materially  varying  from  those  which  marked  the  case  thus  adjudicated.  It  is, 
therefore,  believed  that  the  privileges  of  Tidbeas  corpus  and  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury  as  yet  remain  unimpaired  in  this  State,  and  that  we  are  not  obliged  to 
retrace  what  is  justly  regarded  as  an  important  advance  toward  that  complete 
political  and  legal  equality  which,  being  conformable  to  divine  laws,  and  essen 
tial  to  the  best  interests  of  mankind,  will  ultimately  constitute  the  perfection  of 
our  republican  institutions. 

Finally,  he  added : 

In  closing  this,  my  last  general  communication  to  the  Legislature,  it  would 
evince  singular  insensibility  not  to  anticipate  my  retirement  from  the  trust  which 
I  have  received  from  my  fellow- citizens.  Far  from  indulging  a  belief  that  er~ 
rors  have  not  occurred  in  conducting  the  civil  administration  of  a  State  embrac 
ing  such  great  and  various  interests,  I  am,  nevertheless,  solaced  by  the  reflec- 


620  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

tion  that  no  motive  lias  ever  influenced  me  inconsistent  with  the  highest  regard 
for  the  interests  and  honor  of  the  State,  and  with  the  equality  justly  due  to  all 
its  citizens.  It  may  be  that,  in  seeking  to  perfect  the  differences  of  knowledge, 
or  in  desiring  to  raise  from  degradation  or  wretchedness  less  favored  classes, 
unjustly  depressed  by  the  operation  of  unequal  laws  or  adventitious  circum 
stances,  or  in  aiming  to  carry  into  remote  and  sequestered  regions  the  physical 
and  commercial  advantages  already  afforded  to  more  fortunate  and  prosperous 
districts,  I  have  urged  too  earnestly  what  seemed  to  me  the  claims  of  humanity, 
justice,  and  equity ;  yet,  remembering  the  generous  appreciation  which  those 
efforts  have  met,  I  shall  carry  with  me  into  retirement  a  profound  sense  of  obli 
gation  and  a  spirit  of  enduring  gratitude. 

In  the  Senate,  the  Whigs  lost  no  time  in  introducing  measures  to 
compel  their  opponents  to  give  up  their  project  of  restricting  the  busi 
ness  of  the  session  to  the  apportionment.  Tariff  resolutions  were  in 
troduced  by  Dickinson,  distribution  resolutions  were  introduced  by 
Root.  Resolutions  were  moved  for  the  relief  of  the  Erie  Railroad. 
The  question  of  apportionment  was  referred  to  a  committee  composed 
of  one  Senator  from  each  district.  The  Assembly  referred  it  to  a  select 
committee  of  sixteen. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Faulkner  introduced  a  resolution  that  the  Comp 
troller  should  bid  in  the  New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  at  the  sale  adver 
tised  to  take  place  at  the  Capitol,  on  the  1st  of  December,  at  an  amount 
not  exceeding  the  State  mortgage.  Mr.  Ely  moved  to  postpone  the  sale 
till  the  first  Tuesday  in  May,  which  was  adopted  by  a  party  vote  of 
fifteen  to  twelve.  Having  thus  voted  on  the  Erie  Railroad,  it  became 
difficult  for  the  Senate  to  refuse  to  vote  on  other  subjects.  The  Assem 
bly,  however,  continued  a  few  days  longer  the  restriction  against  any- 
other  business  but  the  apportionment,  and  this  restriction  itself  occu 
pied  many  hours  of  tedious  debate.  Finally,  on  the  27th,  the  Assembly 
opened  the  restriction,  and  decided  to  consider  the  household-exemp 
tion  act.  The  apportionment  debate  continued  throughout  the  month. 

Mr.  Carlin  the  artist,  a  deaf-mute,  after  having  had  instruction 
abroad,  was  now  in  Albany.  He  had  just  completed  his  illustrations 
of  Irving's  "  Sketch-Book."  He  spent  some  time  at  Governor  Seward's 
while  painting  his  portrait.  His  talents  and  estimable  character  and 
disposition  won  the  affection  of  the  household,  and  the  friendship  thus 
formed  was  long  continued. 

This  summer,  a  family,  consisting  of  three  brothers  and  one  sister, 
gave  a  concert  in  Albany,  at  Knickerbocker  Hall,  where  they  attracted 
special  interest  by  the  harmony  of  their  voices  and  the  judicious  and 
patriotic  taste  of  their  selections.  These  were  the  Hutchinsons,  who 
subsequently  had  a  long  and  brilliant  musical  career. 

A  gathering  which  excited  more  public  attention  was  that  of  the 
believers  in  the  Second  Advent.  It  was  held  at  a  great  tent  on  Arbor 


1842.]  THE  PRISONERS   IN   VAN  DIEMEN'S  LAND.  621 

Hill,  and  lasted  a  week  ;  Miller  himself  was  expected  to  be  present. 
Elder  J.  V.  Hines  and  others  said  that  the  object  of  the  meeting  waa 
to  arouse  the  Church  and  the  world  to  a  sense  of  their  peril,  by  sound 
ing  the  midnight  cry.  There  was  no  room  for  debate  on  any  subject ; 
time  was  growing  shorter  and  shorter  every  moment.  "  All  who  love 
the  appearing  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  are  requested  to  rally  at  this 
feast  of  tabernacles,  where  there  will  be  preaching  at  ten,  two,  and 
seven  o'clock." 

The  Senate  and  Assembly  continued  their  debates  on  the  details  of 
the  apportionment,  each  party  desirous,  as  they  usually  are  at  such 
times,  to  secure  such  arrangement  of  districts  as  would  help  to  obtain 
as  many  representatives  as  possible.  On  the  1st  of  September  the 
Senate  again  voted  down  the  proposal  to  relieve  the  Erie  Railroad. 
On  the  6th  the  two  Houses  finally  concurred  in  a  conference  report 
upon  the  apportionment.  This  closed  the  principal  business  of  the 
session,  which  came  to  an  end  by  an  adjournment  on  the  7th. 

Writing  to  Sir  Charles  Bagot  in  regard  to  extradition  cases  and 
the  treaty,  Governor  Seward  said : 

I  have  to  return  you  my  thanks  for  your  persevering  attention  to  the  requeita 
for  the  surrender  of  fugitives  from  justice. 

I  deein  it  a  matter  of  congratulation  that  the  new  treaty  will  happily  place 
this  important  subject  on  a  basis  which  will  be  advantageous  to  both  countries. 

The  misguided  Americans  who  had  taken  part  in  the  "  Patriot 
War,"  and  were  now  prisoners  at  Van  Diemen's  Land,  had  been  a  fre 
quent  subject  of  Seward's  correspondence  with  the  Government  at 
Washington.  Moved  by  his  representations,  and  by  various  consider 
ations  which  showed  the  present  to  be  a  favorable  opportunity  for 
obtaining  their  release,  Webster  urged  it  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Ashburton. 

Early  in  September  the  House  of  Representatives  received  a  mes 
sage  from  the  President,  saying  that  he  had  signed  the  revenue  bill. 
The  land -distribution  bill  he  still  retained  in  his  pocket.  He  also  sent 
a  protest,  based  on  the  report  of  the  committee  on  the  subject  of  his 
last  veto.  It  recalled  the  similar  case  in  1834,  when  General  Jackson 
sent  in  a  protest,  and  the  House  had  passed  resolutions  against  receiv 
ing  it,  and  for  these  resolutions  Tyler  had  voted.  Botts  now  moved 
the  readoption  of  the  resolutions  of  1834,  which  was  carried  ;  then  the 
Congress  adjourned. 

A  committee  of  a  hundred  Whigs  from  Philadelphia  met  the  mem 
bers  at  Wilmington  with  a  steamboat,  on  which  there  was  a  dinner, 
followed  by  congratulatory  speeches,  as  they  proceeded  up  the  Dela 
ware. 

At  Elizabethport  the  next  day  several  were  received  on  a  boat  sent 
to  bring  them  in  triumph  to  New  York.  At  Albany  on  the  following 


622  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

day  the  Whigs  assembled  to  give  the  Whig  members  a  fresh  greeting. 
They  arrived  by  the  boat  from  New  York,  and  amid  salutes,  music, 
and  ringing  of  bells,  were  escorted  to  Congress  Hall.  In  the  evening 
they  went  to  the  Capitol,  where  a  meeting  was  organized  ;  but,  the 
Capitol  proving  too  small,  the  meeting  adjourned  to  the  park.  There 
Willis  Hall  welcomed  them  ;  Fillmore,  Caruthers,  Thompson,  and  oth 
ers,  made  speeches  in  reply. 

The  Whigs  generally  exulted  in  the  belief  that  they  had  at  last, 
and  definitely,  settled  the  national  policy,  on  the  basis  of  protection  to 
American  manufactures — the  policy  so  long  and  eloquently  advocated 
by  their  leader,  Henry  Clay.  Seward,  while  sharing  in  their  satisfac 
tion,  did  not  fully  share  in  their  hopes.  In  a  letter  to  S.  Newton  Dex 
ter  he  wrote : 

....  I  congratulate  you  upon  the  passage  of  a  tariff  bill.  Although  confi 
dence  cannot  rapidly  revive  while  public  credit  is  prostrate  and  we  continue  to 
suffer  the  evils  of  a  want  of  currency,  I  nevertheless  look  to  see  a  speedy  im 
provement  in  trade,  and  the  commencement  of  a  rise  in  the  value  of  lands,  in 
consequence  of  the  impulse  which  manufacturing  industry  will  receive. 

Mr.  Webster  had  also  his  ovations  on  his  return  home  to  Massachu 
setts,  for  a  season  of  rest,  after  closing  his  labors  on  the  English  treaty. 

But  perhaps  the  most  enthusiastic  reception  of  all  was  that  of  John 
Quincy  Adams  by  his  constituents.  A  great  concourse  at  Weymouth 
thronged  to  the  church  to  greet  the  "  old  man  eloquent "  with  a  pro 
cession,  with  music,  and  speeches  of  welcome. 

Mr.  Adams,  in  his  address,  referred  to  Webster's  continuance  in 
Tyler's  cabinet.  Pointing  to  his  success  in  dealing  with  the  great  for 
eign  questions,  the  boundary,  extradition,  etc.,  Mr.  Adams  added  : 

Upon  being  consulted  by  the  Secretary  of  State  as  to  the  course  he  ought  to 
pursue,  I  advised  him  to  remain  in  his  position,  and  I  have  never  had  cause  to 
regret  that  he  had  done  so." 

On  the  7th  the  State  Conventions  of  both  parties  assembled  at  Syra 
cuse.  That  of  the  Whigs  nominated  Luther  Bradish  for  Governor,  and 
Gabriel  Furman,  of  Kings  County,  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  While 
the  convention  was  in  session,  General  Root  moved  the  nomination  of 
Clay  for  President,  and  it  was  made  by  unanimous  acclamation.  Reso 
lutions  were  adopted  indorsing  the  public  course  of  Seward  ;  they  sai  3 
that  he  "  had  proved  himself  worthy  of  the  suffrages  and  confidence 
of  the  people  whose  interests  he  had  labored  with  great  assiduity  and 
ability  to  promote." 

At  the  Democratic  Convention,  the  candidates  of  1840,  Messrs. 
Bouck  and  Dickinson,  were  again  nominated  for  Governor  and  Lieu 
tenant-Governor.  Political  meetings  and  conventions  and  the  organ 
ization  of  Clay  clubs  went  on  actively  throughout  the  State. 


1842.]  AGRICULTURAL  ADDRESS.  623 

Toward  the  close  of  September  a  long-promised  military  review  took 
place  at  Troy  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Fifty- fifth  regiment,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Darius  Allen.  The  Governor  arrived  about  twelve  o'clock, 
accompanied  by  his  staff  and  a  numerous  military  party,  among  whom 
were  Generals  Viele,  Cooper,  Ten  Eyck,  Townsend,  and  Richardson, 
with  their  respective  staffs.  The  review  was  preceded  by  a  collation 
at  the  house  of  Le  Grand  Cannon,  and  followed  by  a  military  dinner  at 
the  Troy  House. 

The  State  Agricultural  Fair  was  to  open  toward  the  close  of  the 
month,  and  its  chief  feature  was  to  be  an  address  by  Daniel  Webster. 
The  steamboats  Swallow  and  Columbus  had  come  from  New  York 
loaded  with  fruits,  vegetables,  and  flowers.  Great  preparations  were 
making  at  the  grounds  for  the  trial  of  agricultural  implements.  A 
ploughing-match  was  to  take  place  in  the  spacious  field  attached  to  the 
Bull's  Head  Tavern,  on  the  Troy  road.  Two  days  before  the  appointed 
time,  the  managers  learned  that  Mr.  Webster  would  be  prevented  by 
indisposition  from  coming  ;  so  that  there  would  be  no  address.  In 
their  perplexity  they  came  to  Seward  to  ask  his  help.  There  was  no 
time  for  careful  thought  or  study,  but  he  cheerfully  promised  to  deliver 
such  hasty  written  and  desultory  remarks  as  he  could  have  in  readiness, 
rather  than  permit  the  Agricultural  Society  to  have  the  mortification 
of  a  public  disappointment.  He  went  immediately  to  work  at  it. 

On  the  29th  it  was  duly  delivered  at  the  Capitol.  In  it  he  re 
marked  : 

....  Thirty  years  before  the  Revolutionary  War,  at  a  celebration  in  Massachu 
setts,  the  matrons  and  maidens  of  Boston  appeared  on  the  Mall,  each  industriously 
plying  the  busy  spinning-wheel.  Need  it,  then,  excite  surprise  that  our  sister  State 
now  excels  with  the  shuttle,  and  extorts  wealth  from  the  floods,  the  ice,  and  the 
rocks?  The  character  of  a  people  maybe  studied  in  their  amusements.  The 
warlike  Greeks  fixed  their  epochs  on  the  recurrence  of  the  Olympic  games.  The 
husbandmen  of  Switzerland  at  stated  periods  celebrate  the  introduction  of  tho 
vine.  Well  may  we,  then,  continue  ovations  in  honor  of  agriculture,  which, 
while  they  give  expression  to  national  rejoicing,  promote  the  welfare  of  our 
country  and  the  good  of  mankind. 

In  the  course  of  the  address  he  adverted  to  some  of  the  popular 
fallacies  current  at  the  period,  especially  among  the  farmers.  Thus  in 
regard  to  the  education  of  the  rural  population  : 

....  There  is  not,  as  is  often  supposed,  a  certain  amount  of  knowledge  which 
it  is  profitable  for  the  farmer  to  possess  and  dangerous  to  exceed.  Learned  men 
sometimes  fail  in  this  honorable  pursuit,  but  not  in  consequence  of  their  acquire 
ments  ;  and  the  number  of  sucb  is  vastly  less  than  of  those  who  fail  through 
ignorance.  It  is  a  fact  which,  however  mortifying,  cannot  be  too  freely  con 
fessed  or  too  often  published,  that  an  inferior  education  is  held  sufficient  for 
those  who  are  destined  to  the  occupation  of  agriculture.  .  .  .  The  domestic,  so- 


624  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

cial,  and  civil  responsibilities  of  the  farmer  are  precisely  the  same  with  those 
of  every  other  citizen,  while  the  political  power  of  his  class  is  irresistible. 

....  Let  it  be  the  task  of  individual  effort  to  awaken  the  attention  of 
our  fellow-citizens  to  the  importance  of  keeping  the  common  schools  open  dur 
ing  a  greater  portion  of  every  year ;  of  a  more  careful  regard  to  the  qualifica 
tions  of  teachers ;  of  the  introduction  of  the  natural  sciences  into  the  schools ; 
of  allowing  the  children  of  the  State,  at  whatever  cost,  to  persevere  in  the 
course  of  education  commenced ;  and,  above  all,  of  removing  every  impediment 
and  every  prejudice  which  keeps  the  future  citizen  without  the  pale  of  the  pub 
lic  schools.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

1842. 

The  Croton  Water  Celebration.— Spencer  and  Tyler.— Election.— A  Whig  Overthrow.— Phi 
losophy  of  Defeat.— The  Murder  of  Samuel  Adams.— Case  of  John  C.  Colt. 

THE  citizens  of  New  York  determined  to  celebrate  with  imposing 
ceremonies  the  introduction  of  the  Croton  water,  the  reservoirs  and 
pipes  for  its  distribution  throughout  the  city  being  now  complete. 
Seward  accepted  the  invitation  to  be  present,  and  became  the  guest 
of  Mr.  Ruggles,  at  his  house  on  Union  Square.  On  the  morning  of 
the  14th,  the  day  appointed  for  the  celebration,  the  new  fountain  in 
the  square  began  throwing  up  a  copious  jet  of  water,  and  was  sur 
rounded  by  an  admiring  crowd  to  witness  the  novel  spectacle.  That 
in  the  City  Hall  Park  was  similarly  attended.  It  was  a  gala-day  in 
Broadway.  The  procession  marching  down  occupied  two  hours  and  a 
half  in  passing.  The  military  portion  of  it  was  reviewed  by  the  Gov 
ernor  at  Union  Square  ;  then  followed  the  fire  companies,  in  apparent 
ly  interminable  succession,  having  engines  decorated  with  flags  and 
ribbons  ;  then  came  platforms  with  workmen  carrying  on  their  various 
trades,  hammering,  sawing,  pipe-laying,  etc.  The  printers,  carrying 
Franklin's  press,  were  presided  over  by  Colonel  Stone,  as  one  of  the 
oldest  members  of  the  craft,  seated  in  Franklin's  arm-chair,  while  the 
journeymen  were  striking  off  an  ode  written  for  the  occasion  by 
George  P.  Morris.  The  devices  were  varied  and  ingenious.  There 
was  a  boat  with  children,  representing  the  water-sprites  of  Croton 
Lake.  There  was  a  car  with  the  miller  and  his  men  in  dusty  white 
coats  surrounding  the  hopper,  with  a  boy  on  horseback  carrying  the 
grist  to  mill.  There  were  iron-workers  constructing  steam-engines  ; 
butchers  in  great  numbers  on  horseback,  with  sleeves  and  aprons  ;  tem 
perance  societies  innumerable,  one  with  a  banner  on  which  was  painted 
an  upset  decanter,  with  the  inscription,  "  Right  side  up  !  " 

One  large  car  had  an  old-fashioned  well-sweep  and  bucket,  with 


1842.]  CROTON  WATER   CELEBRATION.  625 

which  a  farmer  was  drawing  up  cold  water  and  distributing  it  to  the 
crowd.  On  another  was  a  model  of  a  Hudson  River  steamer,  followed 
by  Captains  Brainard,  of  the  South  America  ;  McLean,  of  the  Swallow  ; 
Roe,  of  the  De  Witt  Clinton  ;  Schultz,  of  the  Utica  ;  and  Vail,  of  the 
Albany.  On  one  car  the  Croton  workmen  were  in  uniform,  wearing  hat 
bands  inscribed  "  Pipe-layers."  All  day  long  bells  were  ringing,  cannons 
firing,  fountains  playing,  and  balloons  going  up.  In  the  evening  the 
Astor  House  was  illuminated,  with  a  candle  to  each  pane.  A  ball  was 
given  at  Washington  Hall,  which  was  attended  by  the  Governor  and 
the  mayor.  There  were  toasts  and  speeches,  of  course.  In  his  re 
marks  Seward  said  : 

....  A  new  feature  has  been  stamped  upon  the  face  of  our  metropolis. 
But  yesterday  it  was  the  dusty  trading-mart,  unattractive  and  unadorned ;  to 
day  the  pure  mountain-stream  gushes  through  its  streets  and  sparkles  in  its 
squares.  To  the  noble  rivers  with  which  it  was  encircled  by  Nature,  is  now 
added  the  limpid  stream,  brought  hither  by  art,  until  in  the  words  of  the  Roman 
poet,  alike  descriptive  and  prophetic,  her  citizens  exult — 

"  Inter  flumina  nota, 
Et  fontes  sacros." 

....  This  stupendous  aqueduct,  and  these  splendid  fountains,  so  worthy  of 
being  enjoyed,  are  equally  worthy  of  being  paid  for.  They  owe  their  existence 
to  that  mighty  engine  of  modern  civilization,  public  credit.  Is  there  one  among 
us  "  with  soul  so  dead  "  as  to  doubt  that  this  debt  will  be  paid  to  the  utmost 
farthing  ?  Is  there  one  among  this  assembled  multitude  who  would  enjoy  the 
benefit,  yet  basely  shrink  from  the  burden  ? 

I  give  you,  "  The  city  of  New  York :  one  American  community  which, 
through  a  trying  crisis,  and  amid  discouraging  embarrassment,  has  prosecuted 
the  system  of  physical  improvement,  at  the  same  time  maintaining  its  credit 
and  completing  its  works." 

The  Whigs  were  destined  this  year  to  alternations  of  hope  and 
fear.  After  their  crushing  disappointment  at  Washington,  following 
Harrison's  death  and  Tyler's  vetoes,  they  had,  nevertheless,  under  the 
inspiriting  influence  of  Clay  clubs,  mass-meetings,  and  congressional 
oratory,  come  to  believe  that  all  was  not  yet  lost  ;  that  they  might 
yet  retain  their  sway  in  the  State  and  in  Congress,  until,  in  two  years 
more,  the  triumphal  election  of  "  Harry  of  the  West "  would  restore 
them  to  their  former  power. 

Mr.  Webster,  on  reaching  Boston,  had  made  a  great  speech  at 
Faneuil  Hall,  in  which  he  announced  that  he  would  not  leave  the  cabi 
net  at  present  ;  that  he  opposed  Tyler's  vetoes,  and  claimed  to  be  as 
good  a  Whig  as  any  in  Massachusetts.  He  urged  his  friends  to  sup 
port  Tyler's  measures  so  far  as  they  were  consistent  with  Whig  prin 
ciples.  "  Where  am  I  to  go  ?  "  was  his  question  then,  so  often  echoed 
and  quoted  since. 
40 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842, 

Meanwhile,  Mr.  Clay  was  writing  letters  to  various  Whig  conven 
tions,  all  graceful  and  clear,  enforcing  the  well-known  Whig  principles 
with  new  illustrations,  especially  adapted  to  each  region. 

It  was  a  serious  damper  to  enthusiasm  when,  a  few  days  later,  news 
came  that,  notwithstanding  all  their  magnificent  demonstrations,  the 
Ohio  State  election  had  gone  against  the  Whigs. 

About  the  20th  of  October  John  C.  Spencer,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
arrived  in  Albany.  He  was  on  an  official  tour,  had  been  visiting  West 
Point,  and  was  on  his  way  to  the  Watervliet  Arsenal.  Stopping  over 
night  at  Congress  Hall,  he  was  visited  by  some  of  his  old  associates, 
with  whom  his  personal  relations  were  as  yet  undisturbed,  although 
events  seemed  to  menace  their  political  ones.  That  night  the  Capitol 
was  resounding  with  political  music  and  oratory  ;  its  halls  illuminated, 
the  streets  blazing  with  fire-balls,  and  cannon  echoing  from  the  distance, 
for  the  Democrats  were  holding  a  mass-meeting  there.  The  next  night 
Horace  Greeley  was  to  speak  there  before  a  Whig  gathering.  The 
Secretary  of  War  declined  to  participate  in  the  demonstrations  of  either 
party  ;  though  one  felt  that  it  had  a  claim  upon  his  past,  and  the  other 
upon  his  future.  A  day  or  two  later  a  letter  from  him  appeared,  de 
fending  the  measures  of  President  Tyler's  Administration.  Whig 
newspapers  denounced  it  as  an  abandonment  of  his  party.  Mr.  Web 
ster's  speech  at  Faneuil  Hall  had  not  been  received  with  favor,  yet  it 
had  given  the  Whigs  some  comfort.  But,  while  they  half  approved 
the  Secretary  of  State,  they  had  only  condemnation  for  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

Washington  Hunt  was  nominated  for  Congress  in  the  Niagara  dis 
trict,  Christopher  Morgan  in  the  Cayuga  one.  Among  the  senatorial 
nominations  of  the  Whigs  were  Willis  Hall,  in  the  Third  District ; 
Thomas  A.  Johnson,  in  the  Sixth  District  ;  William  K.  Strong,  in  the 
Seventh  ;  and  Harvey  Putnam,  in  the  Eighth. 

On  the  evening  of  the  7th,  the  night  before  the  election,  the  streets 
in  Albany  swarmed  with  torch-light  processions.  Meetings  and  speeches 
lasted  till  midnight.  Handbills  were  distributed  in  huge  black  letters,, 
calling  the  attention  of  voters  to  the  fact  that  this  year  the  election 
was  for  one  day  only. 

The  election  came  and  passed  off  quietly.  By  the  evening  of 
Wednesday  the  Whigs  found  that  they  had  carried  Albany  City  and 
County,  and  were  elated  with  their  triumph;  but  the  next  morning  told 
another  tale.  Returns  poured  in,  and  nearly  every  report  brought 
news  of  defeat  in  the  various  counties.  The  Whigs  were  beaten  in  the 
State,  not  by  a  meagre  majority,  but  by  an  avalanche.  They  had 
saved  only  about  thirty  members  of  the  Assembly  and  one  Senator  ; 
possibly  nine  or  ten  Congressmen.  The  Whig  counties  had  given 
greatly-reduced  majorities,  and  doubtful  ones  had  gone  Democratic. 


1842.]  THE   PHILOSOPHY   OF   DEFEAT.  627 

Even  the  Eighth  District  showed  a  great  falling  off.  The  official  re 
turns  showed  that  Bouck's  majority  was  21,982,  although  he  had  re 
ceived  less  votes  than  in  1840.  This  showed  a  falling  off  of  forty  thou 
sand  in  the  Whig  vote. 

To  Christopher  Morgan,  a  few  days  later,  Seward  wrote  : 

ALBANY,  November  12,  1842. 

Well,  ray  dear  Morgan,  you  are  beaten,  although  your  efforts,  not  less  than 
your  high  qualities,  deserved  a  better  result.  I  hope  that  you  did  not  succeed 
in  raising  your  confidence  as  high  as  you  did  mine,  or  rather  as  my  affection  did. 

It  is  not  a  bad  thing  to  be  left  out  of  Congress.  You  will  soon  be  wanted 
in  the  State,  and  that  is  a  better  field.  I  would  have  had  you  escape  a  defeat, 
not  for  its  effect  on  your  permanent  success,  but  for  your  pride.  But  do  not 
mind  that ;  one  defeat  hurts  nobody,  if  the  knight  bore  himself  generously  dur 
ing  the  combat,  as  you  did.  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  Adams  the  elder  and 
younger,  had  one  defeat. 

Defeats  are  bad  for  the  end  of  a  political  life,  but  not  bad  in  the  beginning. 

November  15th. 

Your  letter  of  the  14th  was  received  this  evening.  I  am  very  glad  to  know- 
that  you  are  recovering  from  the  depression  which  a  defeat  in  a  popular  elec 
tion  produces,  notwithstanding  all  our  philosophy.  Fortunately,  you  have  not 
the  mortification  of  having  exposed  unreasonable  solicitude,  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  was  a  candidate  on  compulsion. 

One  of  the  vivid  pictures  given  by  Dickens,  in  his  "  Notes,"  was 
the  description  of  his  visit  to  the  New  York  House  of  Detention.  The 
keeper,  who,  like  everybody  else,  had  done  his  best  to  be  courteous  to 
the  distinguished  author,  was  distressed  to  find  himself  presented  in 
quite  another  light. 

A  friend  wrote  to  Seward,  and  he  replied  : 

ALBANY,  November  18,  1842. 

I  have  looked  over  Dickens's  "  Notes  "  of  his  visit  to  the  New  York  House 
of  Detention,  and  am  satisfied  that,  while  the  faults  in  the  conduct  of  that 
prison  are  not  exaggerated,  nor  the  dialogue  untrue,  it  nevertheless  tends  to 
give  unintentionally  a  wrong  idea  of  the  keeper.  I  do  not  doubt  that  Colonel 
Jones  was  his  guide.  He  is  one  of  the  most  candid  of  men,  so  you  see  he  de 
nied  nothing  and  concealed  nothing ;  nor  did  he  prevaricate,  but  told  the  truth 
in  a  homely  way.  I  recognize  some  of  his  customary  expressions.  But  Dick 
ens  so  turns  the  dialogue  as  to  make  Jones  appear  bold,  swaggering,  and  row- 
dyish.  On  the  contrary,  notwithstanding  his  vulgar  forms  of  speech,  he  is 
gentle,  modest,  and  respectful,  and  it  would  be  easy  for  one  who  knew  him  to 
discover,  by  his  answers,  that  he  was  abashed. 

Thanksgiving-time  had  again  arrived,  and  he  issued  his  usual  procla 
mation.  In  it  he  adverted  to  national  grounds  for  gratitude  : 

Commotions  which  threatened  to  involve  a  sister  State,  and  even  the  whole 
American  family,  in  the  calamities  of  civil  war,  and  thus  repress  the  growing 


628  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

confidence  of  mankind  in  their  capacity  for  self-government,  have  peacefully 
subsided,  and  our  controversies  with  a  European  nation  have  been  adjusted  by 
a  treaty  securing  reciprocal  advantages,  and  directing  the  efforts  of  both  states 
to  the  removal  of  a  great  reproach  of  Christendom,  by  the  extirpation  of  the 
slave-trade. 

Replying  to  a  note  of  apology  from  an  invited  guest,  he  said: 

When  Nicholas  was  told  who  were  to  be  my  guests  on  Thursday,  he  selected 
a  nice  sirloin,  ample  for  a  judge,  and  delicate  enough  for  you,  my  most  fastid 
ious  friend.  On  that  day  you  did  not  come,  nor  did  the  Hon.  William  Kent, 
circuit  judge,  nor  any  other  circuit  judge,  the  Chief-Justice,  nor  any  justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  by  whom  as  well  the  said  sirloin,  etc.,  or  certain 
pumpkin-pies,  etc.,  and  other  etc.,  could  then  and  there  be  tried  by  you,  as  be 
fore  said ;  whereupon  the  process  between  the  parties  is  continued  until  the 
next  Thursday,  at  the  said  dinner-table,  etc. 

A  few  months  before,  the  community  had  been  horrified  by  the 
bloody  details  of  a  great  crime  in  New  York.  Samuel  Adams,  a  job- 
printer,  had  mysteriously  disappeared.  He  had  been  traced  as  far  as 
the  business-office  of  John  C.  Colt,  for  whom  he  had  been  executing 
some  work,  and  there  trace  of  him  was  lost.  Colt  was  a  man  of  re 
spectable  character  and  connections  ;  no  quarrel  was  known  to  have 
existed  between  them,  and  suspicion  of  him  seemed  to  have  been  pre 
cluded.  After  long,  unavailing  search,  a  box  was  found  in  the  hold  of 
a  ship  about  to  sail  for  New  Orleans,  from  which  a  noisome  odor  pro 
ceeded.  It  was  opened,  and  found  to  contain  human  remains,  which 
were  identified  as  those  of  the  missing  Adams. 

Step  by  step,  and  link  by  link,  the  clew  thus  found  was  pursued, 
until  it  was  proved  beyond  possibility  of  doubt  that  Adams  had  gone  to 
Colt's  office,  and,  for  some  reason  unknown,  had  been  killed  by  him  ; 
that  his  remains  had  been  carefully  packed  in  a  box  which  Colt  had 
addressed  to  some  real  or  pretended  persons  in  New  Orleans,  and  had 
endeavored  to  send  off  by  the  ship.  Arrested  and  indicted,  he  was 
brought  to  trial  in  New  York,  in  January,  Judge  Kent  presiding.  He 
was  defended  by  Dudley  Selden  and  Robert  Emmet.  The  dramatic 
incidents  of  the  affair  engaged  universal  attention.  The  newspapers 
teemed  with  facts  and  speculations.  It  was  an  absorbing  theme  of 
conversation.  Medical  experts  were  called  to  testify  to  the  nature  of 
the  wounds,  and  the  instrument  by  which  Adams's  skull  had  been  re 
peatedly  and  horribly  fractured. 

After  his  conviction  and  sentence  to  death,  Colt's  own  version  of 
the  affair  was  given,  describing  the  quarrel  which  was  about  an  account 
of  a  few  dollars,  the  murder,  and  his  subsequent  proceedings  ;  how  he 
had  thought  of  going  to  his  brother,  of  going  to  the  magistrate,  of 
escaping,  of  firing  the  building,  and  finally  of  adopting  the  box  as  the 
surest  and  speediest  method  of  concealing  the  deed. 


1842.J  CASE   OF  JOHN   C.    COLT. 

Colt  was  described  as  being  about  five  feet  eleven  inches  in  height, 
firmly  built,  though  slender,  fine-looking,  with  light-brown,  richly-curl 
ing  hair,  thirty-two  years  old,  of  courteous  manners,  gentle  voice,  dark- 
brown  hazel  eyes,  and  mild  expression.  He  was  a  man  of  education, 
had  many  friends,  and  during  his  imprisonment  had  excited  great  pop 
ular  sympathy.  His  life  and  his  letters  during  his  imprisonment  were 
published.  In  this  sketch  it  was  stated  that  he  had  published  works 
on  book-keeping,  as  a  teacher  of  which  he  had  some  celebrity. 

And  now  began  to  come  appeals  to  the  Governor  for  his  pardon, 
or  the  commutation  of  his  sentence.  In  answer  to  one  of  them,  Sew- 
ard  observed  : 

The  sympathy  for  convicted  persons  is  not  unnatural,  and  those  who  indulge 
it  forget  the  danger  to  which  it  leads.  When  blood  has  been  shed  the  whole 
community  is  alarmed ;  every  citizen  rushes  forward  to  apprehend  the  fugitive, 
and  bring  him  to  justice.  The  vindicatory  spirit  continues  its  work  until  the 
offender  is  convicted  and  sentenced,  and  then  that  spirit  reposes  and  is  satisfied. 

The  opposite  or  antagonist  spirit  rises  then,  and,  at  first,  timidly  and  appre 
hensively,  approaches  the  Executive  power,  but,  gaining  confidence,  becomes 
more  and  more  importunate,  until  it  happens  in  most  cases  that  the  Governor 
who  conscientiously  declines  to  pardon  murder  judicially  established,  and  per 
haps  unrepented  of,  comes  to  be  regarded  as  himself  the  only  manslayer  in  the 
transaction. 

My  table  groans  with  letters  from  gentlemen  and  ladies  of  acknowledged 
respectability  and  influence ;  among  the  former  are  gentlemen  of  the  press,  and 
of  every  profession,  recommending,  urging,  and  soliciting  the  pardon  of  John 
C.  Colt. 

Colt  had  been  sentenced  to  be  hanged  on  the  18th  of  November. 
As  soon  as  the  sentence  was  made  known,  the  letters  and  petitions 
began  to  pour  in  upon  the  Governor.  Nearly  every  morning's  boat 
from  New  York  brought  visitors  who  had  come  to  urge  the  same  re 
quest.  The  pressure  increased  as  it  became  manifest  that  the  Gov 
ernor  was  indisposed  to  interfere  with  the  due  course  of  law. 

Alluding  to  the  case  in  one  of  his  letters  home,  Seward  said  : 

ALBANY,  Saturday  Afternoon. 

This  has  been  a  day  of  consuming  anxiety.  It  seems  that  the  fates  have  com 
bined  against  Colt  to  pervert  his  own  mind  and  those  of  his  counsel.  His  con 
fession,  which  it  appears  he  prepared  immediately  after  his  arrest,  and  which 
was  evasive  and  unsatisfactory,  was  suppressed  until  the  proofs  were  closed,  and 
then  read  to  the  jury. 

His  counsel  have  been  first  before  the  Circuit  Judge,  then  before  all  the 
judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Rochester,  and,  defeated  there,  they  applied  to 
the  Chancellor.  Refused  by  him,  they  applied  to  me  thirteen  days  only  before 
the  day  of  his  execution,  and  the  papers  he  submits  show  him  a  depraved  man. 
His  friends  have  been  before  me  most  of  the  day,  and  the  rest  has  been  spent  in 
examining  the  papers  submitted. 


630  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1842. 

A  week  later  he  wrote  : 

ALBANY,  Saturday. 

You  can  have  no  idea  of  the  fatigning  weariness  of  the  week  spent  in  hear 
ing  every  form  of  application  for  pardon  to  Colt,  and  in  studying  the  voluminous 
papers  submitted.  It  is  over  now,  and  I  have  just  time  to  give  you  a  haity  note 
before  the  mail  closes. 

You  will  find  the  decision  in  Colt's  case  in  the  Journal. 

In  this  decision  the  Governor  said  : 

The  proof  on  the  trial  left  no  doubt  that  Adams  suffered  death  at  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  on  the  17th  of  September,  by  the  hands  of  the  accused 
in  his  apartments,  in  the  second  story  of  a  spacious  granite  edifice  on  the  corner 
of  Broadway  and  Chambers  Street,  no  other  person  being  then  present.  It  was 
rendered  quite  certain  that  the  meeting  of  the  parties  on  that  occasion  was 
neither  preconcerted  by  them,  nor  anticipated  by  the  accused.  It  was  equally 
clear  that  he  had  made  no  preparation  for  so  dreadful  a  deed ;  and  that  until 
that  time  the  parties  had  maintained  amicable  relations,  and  the  accused  had 
manifested  no  malice  nor  even  unkindness  toward  the  deceased.  These  circum 
stances  bore  strongly  in  favor  of  the  accused.  But,  on  the  contrary,  the  deceased 
was  a  meek  and  inoffensive  man.  He  was  unarmed,  and  visited  the  prisoner, 
although  under  some  excitement,  yet  without  any  hostile  purpose ;  and  when 
the  remains  of  the  deceased  were  found,  the  head,  fractured,  with  certainly  five, 
and  probably  more,  wounds,  no  longer  retained  the  human  form.  .  .  .  These 
wounds  were  manifestly  the  result  of  blows  inflicted  with  a  hatchet. 

A  hatchet,  which  was  one  of  the  usual  form,  and  in  weight  exceeded  seven 
teen  ounces,  was  found  in  the  apartment,  and  identified  as  belonging  to  the  ac 
cused.  Each  of  the  wounds  would  have  been  mortal,  and  whichever  of  them 
was  first  inflicted  must  have  instantly  deprived  the  deceased  of  consciousness  and 
all  power  of  resistance.  Such  a  homicide  could  not  have  been  accidental,  or 
necessary  for  self-defense.  It  was  committed  with  a  deadly  weapon  in  a  cruel 
and  inhuman  manner,  upon  a  defenseless  and  powerless  man.  Reason  and  law 
agree  that  the  homicide  could  not  have  been  innocent,  justifiable,  or  excusable. 
Society  could  never  exist  if  human  life  could  be  destroyed  in  such  a  manner 
with  impunity.  It  was,  then,  a  felonious  homicide,  and  the  jury  had  only  to 
ascertain  the  degree  of  crime  which  had  been  perpetrated. 

By  a  presumption  of  law,  that  crime  was  murder,  and  it  remained  for  the 
manslayer  to  show  that  the  deed  would  bear  a  milder  designation. 

The  accused  could  show  this  only  by  proving  that  Adams  was  perpetrating 
or  attempting  to  perpetrate  a  crime  or  misdemeanor,  or  that  the  wounds  were 
inflicted  without  a  design  to  effect  death,  in  a  heat  of  passion,  in  an  attempt  to 
resist  murder,  or  self-defense  against  some  great  personal  injury,  of  which  the 
accused  was  in  immediate  danger.  No  such  proof  was  given  or  offered.  But 
since  no  other  human  eye  witnessed  the  deed,  nor  human  ear  heard  anything 
but  a  confused  sound  and  a  heavy  fall,  the  jury  were  required  to  suppose  it 
possible  that  Adams  had  assailed  the  accused,  and  that  the  crime  was  committed 
in  self-defense.  Even  if  this  could  have  been  assumed,  it  must  also  have  been 
assumed,  not  only  that  there  were  an  assault  and  an  affray,  but  that  the  accused 
was  in  imminent  danger,  and  in  the  heat  of  passion,  suddenly  excited,  intense, 
uncontrollable,  and  allowing  no  time  for  reflection,  and  that  he  did  not  design, 


1842.]  THE   EXECUTIVE   DECISION.  631 

to  produce  death,  and  was  unconscious  that  such  a  consequence  might  follow  his 
violence. 

But  Adams  was  unarmed.  He  had  never  heen  known  to  menace  the  ac 
cused  or  assail  any  other  person.  In  strength,  Adams  at  most  did  not  excel  the 
accused.  If  there  was  an  affray,  there  would  probably  have  been  an  outcry  by 
one  of  the  parties,  unless  the  first  blow  terminated  the  strife  by  rendering  one 
of  them  speechless  as  well  as  defenseless.  If  the  accused  had  been  in  imminent 
danger,  he  could  possibly  have  shown  wounds  or  marks  of  an  assault ;  but  he 
exhibited  none.  On  the  contrary,  he  carefully  concealed  a  small  and  unimpor 
tant  discoloration  of  the  skin,  accidentally  discovered  by  Caroline  M.  Henshaw  on 
his  neck  on  the  merning  after  the  deed  was  committed.  And  even  if  an  affray 
had  been  proved,  could  it  be  supposed  that  the  passion  of  the  accused  had  no 
time  to  abate,  and  his  mind  no  time  to  relent,  when  the  first  blow  had  relieved 
him  from  the  assailant,  and  each  subsequent  blow  fell  upon  an  unconscious  and 
unresisting  victim  ? 

Whatever  was  the  degree  of  crime,  it  was  complete  when  life  was  extin 
guished,  and  could  not  be  changed  by  the  subsequent  conduct  of  the  accused. 
Yet  his  subsequent  conduct  was  legitimately  opened  to  the  jury,  for  the  light 
it  might  reflect  on  the  deed  he  had  consummated.  The  house  was  filled  with 
tenants  from  the  base  to  the  roof.  The  narrow  room  of  the  accused  was  sepa 
rated  only  by  thin  folding-doors  from  an  occupied  apartment,  and  looked  out  on 
the  corner  of  the  streets.  Even  without  leaving  the  presence  of  the  dying  or 
dead  man,  the  accused  could  have  instantly  summoned  a  multitude ;  but  he  in 
voked  no  witnesses.  On  the  contrary,  according  to  his  own  acknowledgment, 
he  closed  the  only  aperture  through  which  he  might  be  observed,  stripped  the 
deceased  of  the  clothing  by  which  the  person  might  be  identified,  and  without 
aid,  and  almost  with  superhuman  efforts,  wrapped  the  body  in  canvas,  con 
tracted  it  with  a  rope,  and  deposited  it  in  a  box  three  and  a  half  feet  in  length, 
and,  standing  upon  the  protruding  knees,  pressed  them  down  by  dislocating  the 
limbs,  until  the  box  could  be  closed.  After  this  was  done,  and  night  had  come, 
the  accused,  with  hands  unaccustomed  to  such  labor,  washed  the  fioor,  and 
carefully  stained  it  with  oil,  and  ink,  and  tobacco,  to  conceal  blood  which  had 
been  shed.  He  clandestinely  cast  the  clothing  and  articles  of  property  found 
on  the  person  of  the  deceased,  except  his  watch,  into  a  sink,  repaired  to  a 
bathing-house  and  washed  the  stains  from  his  own  dress,  and  then  retired  to 
his  lodgings.  Early  next  morning,  before  the  usual  hour  for  going  abroad,  he 
returned  to  the  apartment  and  resumed  his  efforts  to  remove  the  evidences  of 
the  fatal  transaction.  He  carefully  fastened  the  box,  labeled  it  with  the  ad 
dress  of  an  imaginary  person  in  St.  Louis,  to  the  care  of  imaginary  persons  in 
New  Orleans,  and  carefully  removed  it  from  his  apartment,  and  caused  it  to 
be  conveyed  to  the  ship  which  was  expected  to  depart  immediately  to  that 
port,  and  delivered  it  to  the  master,  and  took  a  receipt  for  it  as  for  a  parcel  of 
merchandise.  He  had  many  associates  in  this  city.  To  none  of  these  persons 
did  he  reveal  what  had  happened  or  what  he  had  done.  On  the  contrary,  upon 
mature  reflection,  as  he  says,  he  avoided  his  brother,  and  took  counsel  only 
with  himself.  He  gave  Caroline  M.  Henshaw  a  false  explanation  of  the  reasons 
of  his  late  return  on  the  night  succeeding  the  crime,  and  of  his  early  absence  on 
the  next  morning.  To  the  persons  who  occupied  the  adjoining  rooms  he  at  first 
denied,  and  afterward  falsely  explained,  circumstances  which  had  excited  sns- 


632  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1842. 

picions,  and  day  after  day,  while  the  friends  of  the  deceased  and  his  fellow- 
citizens  were  engaged  in  anxious  inquiries  concerning  his  fate,  the  accused 
visited  the  place  where  the  deceased  was  accustomed  to  transact  business,  and 
remarked  on  his  mysterious  absence  like  a  sympathizing  friend. 

Nature  suggests  a  mode  of  proceeding  in  every  exigency,  but  not  the  same 
mode  in  exigencies  so  entirely  dissimilar  as  those  of  guilt  of  murder,  and  con 
sciousness  of  having  committed  other  forms  of  homicide.  Guilt  seeks  conceal 
ment,  misfortune  sympathy,  and  innocence  vindication.  If  the  homicide  had 
not  been  felonious,  the  first  impulse  of  the  accused,  when  he  discovered  the 
fatal  consequences  of  his  violence,  would  have  been  to  invoke  aid  to  the 
sufferer  if  living,  or  at  least  advice  or  sympathy  for  himself.  If  the  blood 
which  had  been  spilled  did  not  accuse  the  prisoner,  he  would  not  have  endeav 
ored  to  remove  the  stains  it  left.  It  seems  impossible  to  suppose  that  an  indi 
vidual  guilty  of  only  such  a  crime,  and  exposed  to  only  such  hazards,  would  go 
on  for  hours  and  days  accumulating  for  his  own  destruction  such  a  mass  of  the 
peculiar  evidences  of  murder.  .  .  . 

Society  has  been  deeply  shocked  and  justly  alarmed  for  the  security  of  life 
in  the  metropolis.  A  deliverance  of  the  prisoner  by  Executive  clemency  would 
be  an  encouragement  to  atrocious  crime. 

He  wrote  to  Mrs.  Seward  : 

ALBANY,  November  17,  1842. 

Now  that  the  last  act  is  done,  and  only  the  event  remains  to  be  contem 
plated,  I  find  myself  suddenly  sinking  from  a  state  of  excitement.  It  will  never 
be  known,  and  cannot  be  conceived,  how  much  I  have  heard,  read,  thought, 
and  felt,  on  that  painful  subject ;  and  yet  how  unjust  and  blind  are  human  sym 
pathies  !  In  the  jail  at  Lockport  there  is  lying  a  condemned  malefactor  waiting 
his  death,  yet  incapable  of  distinguishing  day  from  night,  and  thus  counting  the 
hours  as  they  carry  him  along  toward  an  inevitable  doom,  and  no  one  thinks  of 
him.  He  is  poor,  a  stranger,  and  an  outcast.  Colt  has  connections,  relations, 
and  associations,  with  the  educated  class. 

I  believe  you  know  the  substance  of  his  application  to  me.  When  the  judge* 
refused  him  a  new  trial,  his  friends  came  with  Willis  Hall  and  delivered  me  sev 
eral  letters.  I  detained  Hall,  and  spoke  freely  with  him  as  a  friend  and  former 
counselor.  The  next  day  I  learned  that  he  was  acting  as  an  advocate.  Then 
Judge  Spencer  came  into  town,  and  called  to  inform  me  that  Colt  was  unjustly 
condemned.  Dudley  Selden  and  others  met  here  Lewis  Gaylord  Clark,  and  three 
surgeons  from  New  York,  who  brought  a  head  and  a  hatchet,  and  demonstrated 
preparatively  before  the  medical  faculty  of  Albany  ;  after  which  rehearsal  they 
demonstrated  to  me  how  Adams  might  have  deserved  to  be  murdered.  The  next 
day  Eobert  Emmet,  David  Graham,  Willis  Hall,  and  Samuel  Stevens,  appeared 
with  witnesses  newly  discovered.  The  decision  was  promulgated  on  Friday. 
On  Sunday  I  heard  and  denied  an  application  for  a  respite.  On  Monday  I  lis 
tened  to  appeals  from  wandering  philanthropists  without  knowledge ;  and  with 
especial  attention  to  a  phrenological  professor  who  demonstrated  that  Colt  was 
a  murderer,  but  he  was  so  because  society  had  cultivated  the  wrong  bumps ;  and 
therefore  society  ought  to  be  hanged,  not  he !  Yesterday  came  the  application 
from  a  seditious  meeting  of  the  bar  in  New  York,  which  was  decided  and  of 
course  overruled.  This  morning  it  appears  that  Colt's  counsel  have  endeavored 


/  THE       V' 

f    UNIVERSITY 

1842.]  SEQUEL   OF  THE   COLT   CASESv,^  ^ 

to  intimidate  the  sheriff,  and  that  all  manner  of  inflammatory  appeals  have  been 
made  to  the  populace.  I  think  the  sheriff  will  perform  his  duty ;  but  he  has 
long  since  entered  his  protest  with  me  against  the  execution  of  the  sentence  on 
the  ground  of  the  injustice  of  the  verdict.  If  he  refuses,  I  shall  have  further  and 
painful  duty. 

Among  the  mass  of  letters  appealing  in  Colt's  behalf  were  many 
anonymous  and  some  threatening  ones.  One  ran  as  follows  : 

You  have  time  to  grant  a  pardon  to  him  whom  your  prejudices  are  about 
to  deprive  of  a  life  as  dear  to  him  as  yours  is  to  you.  Yes,  you  have  full  time, 
but  not  the  disposition  ;  you  thirst  for  the  blood  of  a  fellow-being,  and  you  may 
drink  it  to  the  last  drop  ;  but,  by  the  Almighty  God,  into  whose  presence  you 
usher  a  poor  soul  with  a  load  of  sin  upon  his  head,  by  the  hopes  I  entertain  of 
immortality  hereafter,  I  swear  that  one  who  has  lived  for  him,  and  will  at  any 
time  die  for  him,  holds  you  responsible  to  the  very  tittle  for  what  may  happen 
to  him !  Should  he  suffer  an  ignominious  death,  his  corpse  shall  not  be  interred 
before  your  life  pays  the  forfeit,  and  you  follow  him  to  an  eternal  hell ! 

You  may  disbelieve  me  now,  but  too  soon,  perhaps,  will  death  cause  you  to 
regret  the  past.  As  for  Kent,  his  fate  is  sealed,  provided  John  C.  Colt  is  hanged. 

I  say  BEWAKE  ! 

November  lUh. 

I  must  still  continue  the  tragic  story  that  ran  through  my  last.  The  day 
after  I  had  refused  to  depart  from  the  course  of  the  law,  an  application  was 
made  to  the  Chancellor  to  reconsider.  He  denied  the  same.  Colt  spent  that 
day  (Thursday)  in  writing,  some  say  a  review  of  my  opinion  ;  others  say  a  paper 
to  remain  sealed  until  his  child  arrives  at  age.  He  was  particularly  disappointed  in 
my  second  decision.  The  counsel  had  procured,  strangely  enough,  the  insertion 
of  their  protest  in  the  Tribune  of  Thursday  morning ;  but  when  it  was  discov 
ered  that  public  feeling  was  excited  by  this  dangerous  attempt  to  overawe  the 
sheriff,  they  suppressed  the  paper  in  their  city  edition,  and  sent  it  only  into  the 
country.  It  came  back  upon  them  from  the  country  yesterday  morning,  and 
roused  a  very  hostile  feeling  against  the  Tribune.  The  warrant  directed  the 
execution  to  take  place  "  between  sunrise  and  sunset."  Colt  asked  that  it  might 
be  postponed  until  four  o'clock,  and  the  request  was  acceded  to.  At  twelve 
o'clock  Caroline  M.  Henshaw  visited  him,  and  they  were  married.  A  few 
minutes  before  four,  he  asked  to  be  left  alone  fifteen  minutes,  and — 

Saturday  NigU. 

I  was  interrupted  in  my  narrative,  which  I  wrote  from  verbal  intelligence. 
My  letter  is  delayed,  and  the  newspapers  will  now  tell  you  the  whole.  It  is  a 
wild  and  fearful  tragedy  calculated  to  disgust  us  with  humanity. 

The  morning  boat  had  brought  the  sequel  of  the  tale.  Up  to  eight 
o'clock  on  Friday  morning,  .Colt  and  his  friends  had  been  confident 
that  the  respite  would  be  obtained  ;  but  the  sheriff,  notwithstanding 
the  protest  of  Colt's  counsel,  was  reluctantly  proceeding  with  the  prep 
arations  for  the  execution.  During  the  morning,  Colt's  brother  and 
his  counsel  had  passed  some  time  in  his  cell.  In  accordance  with  his 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842. 

request,  the  execution  had  been  deferred  until  the  last  moment  ;  and 
at  noon  he  was  married  to  Caroline  M.  Henshaw,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  An- 
thon,  who  remained  with  him  till  two  o'clock.  Colt,  having  taken  leave 
of  his  friends,  then  requested  to  be  left  alone.  Just  before  four  o'clock, 
the  sheriff,  with  his  deputy  and  the  clergyman,  went  to  the  cell.  They 
found  Colt  on  his  bed,  with  a  dirk  thrust  between  his  ribs  into  his 
heart. 

The  doctors  pronounced  him  dead.  At  that  moment  the  cupola  of 
the  prison  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire.  The  cry  went  out,  "  Colt  has 
committed  suicide,  and  the  Tombs  are  on  fire  ! "  Speedily  thousands 
were  added  to  the  thousands  already  surrounding  the  prison,  whose 
dome  was  in  flames.  Soon  the  fire  was  extinguished,  and  a  coroner's 
inquest  was  held  over  the  body.  The  fire  was  believed  to  be  designed 
to  create  such  alarm  and  confusion,  at  the  hour  appointed  for  the  exe 
cution,  as  would  allow  the  prisoner's  rescue  or  escape.  There  was 
great  excitement  throughout  the  city,  many  theories  and  stories,  that 
an  attempt  had  been  made  to  bribe  the  keepers  to  let  Colt  escape  in 
female  attire  ;  that  he  had  so  escaped,  and  that  the  body  found  was 
one  of  a  dead  convict  substituted  for  his  own.  Great  suspicion  was, 
not  unreasonably,  created  by  the  conduct  of  the  keepers  in  leaving  him 
alone  for  an  hour  and  a  half. 

A  day  or  two  later  came  additional  details.  When  the  volume  of 
smoke  and  flame  burst  from  the  cupola,  there  was  a  tremendous  rush 
of  those  inside  to  get  out,  and  of  those  outside  to  get  in.  The  City- 
Hall  bell  struck  the  alarm  at  precisely  the  hour  of  execution.  The 
engines  were  on  the  ground,  but  could  not  reach  the  cupola,  and  it 
burned  until  the  whole  was  consumed  down  to  the  roof.  There  seemed 
no  good  ground  for  believing  it  the  work  of  an  incendiary.  The  watch 
man  was  in  the  habit  of  keeping  a  fire  there,  and,  on  that  day,  had 
made  a  large  one,  and  then  went  out  to  see  the  execution  ;  the  stove 
pipe  had  become  red-hot  and  set  fire  to  the  roof. 

The  coroner's  inquest  elicited  nothing  as  to  how  Colt  obtained  the 
knife  with  which  he  killed  himself.  At  the  inquest,  the  clergymen, 
doctors,  turnkeys,  and  the  brother  and  wife  of  the  deceased,  were  ex 
amined;  but  there  was  no  clew  to  the  knife.  The  jury  rendered  a  ver 
dict  accordingly.  The  body  was  given  to  the  friends  for  interment, 
and  the  tragedy  closed. 

For  months  afterward,  perhaps  even  for  years,  there  were  many 
who  were  incredulous  of  the  suicide,  and  believed  Colt  to  be  still  living 
in  some  foreign  land.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Anthon  published  a  statement  of 
his  interview  with  Colt  ;  and  said  he  had  left  him  impressed,  by  his 
language  and  behavior,  that  he  was  repentant,  was  prepared  for  death, 
and  would  submit  to  the  sentence.  He  had  believed  him  when  he  said 
that  "he  wished  to  be  left  alone  in  order  that  he  might  pray."  Sheriff 


1842.]  NEW  YORK   AND   THE   PUBLIC   LANDS.  635 

Hart  submitted  to  the  Board  of  Aldermen  an  anonymous  letter  re 
ceived  by  him  on  the  17th,  signed  W.  W.  W.,  inclosing  ten  one-hun 
dred-dollar  bills,  asking  him  to  refuse  to  hang  Colt,  and  saying  that 
an  equal  amount  would  be  sent  to  him  afterward. 

Dr.  Hosack,  who  conducted  the  post-mortem,  examination,  found 
that  the  suicide  had  been  premeditated  and  arranged  with  mathe 
matical  accuracy.  A  circle  two  inches  in  diameter  had  been  cut  out 
through  his  clothing,  so  that  nothing  might  interfere  with  the  knife, 
and  its  point  penetrated  the  heart  in  its  centre. 

ALBANY,  November  25,  1842. 

You  need  have  no  concern  about  the  right  in  Colt's  case.  Had  he  died  after 
the  manner  of  a  Christian,  he  could  not  have  raised  the  least  distrust  on  my 
part  of  his  being  a  murderer.  After  all  my  efforts  to  study  the  case  thorough 
ly,  I  did  not  fully  realize  the  size  and  depth  of  the  wounds.  Five  mortal 
wounds  with  such  an  instrument,  when  the  first  must  have  deprived  his  victim 
of  the  power  to  defend  or  supplicate !  Yet  I  think  that,  with  some  reserva 
tions,  he  made  himself  believe  that  he  was  not  a  murderer,  making  a  definition 
of  murder  to  suit  himself,  and  in  no  respect  conforming  to  the  law.  So  he  said 
that  he  inflicted  the  death  in  self-defense  ;  but  he  was  unable  to  show  any  form 
of  attack  which  rendered  such  a  defense  necessary.  Read  his  statement  to  Mr. 
Anthon ;  you  will  see  that  he  spoke  only  iu  general  terms.  He  has  never  given 
any  history  of  the  affray  in  detail,  as  an  innocent  man  might. 

It  is  horrible,  but  not  more  so  for  me  than  to  resist  the  importunities  of  a 
poor,  forsaken  wretch  with  whom  none  sympathized,  and  for  whom  no  efforts 
were  made.  But,  thank  Heaven,  I  am  through  with  those  painful  duties ! 


CHAPTER  XL VI. 
1842-1843. 

Last  Month  in  Office. — Dr.  Sprague. — Colonel  Webb. — A  Christmas  Pardon. — Lewis  Tap- 
pan.— Half  a  Cord  of  Papers.— Case  of  Philip  Spencer  and  Mackenzie.— A  Week  at  the 
Eagle  Tavern. — Governor  Bouck. 

CONGRESS  met  on  the  5th  of  December.  The  exchequer  scheme, 
the  bankrupt  laws,  the  relations  between  Congress  and  the  President, 
the  British  treaty,  and  the  hostilities  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  all 
continued  to  engross  attention  at  Washington,  and  consequently 
throughout  the  country. 

Lewis  Benedict,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  Governor  to  pro 
ceed,  as  the  agent  of  the  State,  to  Washington,  to  receive  New  York's 
share  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  returned  from  the  national 
capital  with  eighty-four  thousand  nine  hundred  and  seventy-four  dol 
lars,  the  first  fruits  of  that  measure,  and  the  money  was  paid  over  to 
Comptroller  Flagg,  to  be  deposited  in  the  Treasury. 


636  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1842-'43. 

Writing  to  Lewis  Tappan  in  regard  to  the  reclamation  of  a  kid 
napped  person,  Seward  said  : 

I  know  no  one  who  would  more  willingly  undertake,  or  more  perseveringly 
pursue,  the  labor  of  benevolence  asked  in  the  inclosed  letter,  than  yourself. 

Since  my  coming  into  office  a  law  has  been  passed  which  authorizes  the 
Governor  to  appoint  agents  to  reclaim  citizens  of  this  State  sold  into  slavery 
in  other  States.  I  do  hereby  appoint  you  agent  for  the  purpose  of  restoring 
the  person  described  in  the  letter  to  his  freedom,  if  you  shall  find  satisfactory 
evidence  that  he  is  a  citizen  of  this  State.  This  appointment  will  secure  your 
indemnity  for  your  necessary  expenses. 

George  W.  Patterson,  the  former  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  had 
now  taken  up  his  residence  at  Westfield,  Chautauqua  County,  and  had 
consented  to  accept  the  charge  and  management  of  the  Chautauqua 
purchase.  He  had  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  agency,  and  was 
gradually  but  steadily  winding  up  its  business,  receiving  the  final  pay 
ments  from  the  purchasers  of  the  lands,  and  giving  them  conveyances 
of  title.  The  American  Life  and  Trust  Company,  having  become  em 
barrassed,  and  forced  to  go  into  liquidation,  had  made  an  assignment 
of  its  property.  The  securities  it  held,  payable  by  the  owners  of  the 
Chautauqua  purchase,  were  now  transferred  to  its  English  bondholders. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Sprague,  of  Albany,  had  a  fondness  for  collecting 
autographs,  and  the  Governor's  extended  and  promiscuous  correspond 
ence  offered  an  ample  field  for  such  researches.  In  answer  to  a  note 
from  him,  Seward  said  : 

I  am  too  much  of  a  philosopher  to  suppose  any  human  passion  is  extirpated 
by  resistance,  or  by  experience  of  injurious  consequences.  My  correspondence 
shall  be  open  to  you  as  "  melting  charity."  You  will  find  no  exploding  guns 
concealed  in  bundles ;  and  you  may  be  assured  that,  whatever  errors  you  may 
commit,  you  will  never  find  my  autograph  in  the  shape  of  a  hostile  communi 
cation.  Just  now,  and  until  the  close  of  the  year,  I  shall  be  engaged  in  arrang 
ing  my  papers.  I  shall  remain  here  a  few  days  after  that,  and  thus  you  must 
come  and  spend  a  quiet  day  with  me,  and  I  shall  be  able  to  extract  more  of 
sweet  philosophy  from  your  conversation  than  you  will  derive  from  all  the  au 
tographs  of  all  the  politicians  in  the  country. 

Colonel  Webb  had  not  fully  recovered  from  the  wound  received  in  his 
duel  with  Marshall,  before  he  was  indicted  for  accepting  the  challenge. 
The  indictment  was  based  upon  an  old  and  very  stringent  statute, 
enacted  after  the  death  of  Alexander  Hamilton  by  the  hand  of  Aaron 
Burr.  That  event  had,  more  than  any  law,  contributed  to  the  revul 
sion  of  popular  sentiment  in  the  State  against  the  practice  of  dueling, 
and  the  law  had  slumbered,  nearly  forgotten,  for  over  thirty  years. 

Colonel  Webb  having  pleaded  guilty,  the  next  phase  in  the  case 
was  the  appearance,  one  morning,  of  a  couple  of  gentlemen  who  came 


1842-'43.J  LAST   MONTH   IN   OFFICE.  637 

up  from  the  steamboat  to  the  Governor's  office,  accompanied  by  a  cart 
bringing  a  barrel.  This,  when  unloaded  and  opened,  was  found  to  con 
tain  a  mammoth  petition  for  Webb's  pardon,  with  many  thousand  sig 
natures,  headed  by  the  name  of  ex-Governor  Morgan  Lewis,  who,  as 
the  occupant  of  the  Executive  chair,  had  signed  the  law  under  which 
Webb  was  now  convicted.  For  convenience  in  carrying,  and  as  the 
only  practicable  mode  of  reading  it,  the  petition  was  mounted  on  two 
rollers  in  a  frame,  and  by  turning  a  crank  each  sheet  was  passed  in 
succession  under  the  eye.  Mr.  Hoskins,  the  assistant  editor  of  the 
Courier  and  Enquirer,  who  came  with  it,  said  that  the  names  were 
gathered  hastily,  nearly  everybody  signing  to  whom  it  was  presented, 
political  opponents,  as  well  as  friends  and  even  the  judge  and  jurors  ; 
and  he  had  no  doubt  that  if  there  had  been  more  time  many  other 
thousands  would  have  appended  their  names.  Similar  petitions,  large, 
though  of  less  dimensions,  were  brought  from  Hudson,  Troy,  Cherry 
Valley,  Geneva,  and  elsewhere.  The  Governor  issued  the  pardon  on 
the  following  Wednesday.  It  was  based  upon  the  condition  that  he 
should  not  again  violate  any  of  the  laws  designed  to  prevent  dueling. 
The  pardon  recited  its  reasons,  viz. : 

Because  he  was  not  the  challenger :  because  the  challenger,  though  holding 
a  high  representative  trust,  has  not  been  brought  to  justice,  and  is  not  amenable 
to  the  laws  of  this  State :  because  the  combat  was  not  mortal,  and  the  chal 
lenged  party  sincerely  manifested  a  determination  to  avoid  depriving  his  adver 
sary  of  life,  and  he  was  unharmed :  because  the  said  James  Watson  Webb  vol 
untarily  submitted  himself  to  justice,  waving  all  advantage  of  legal  defense, 
etc.,  etc. :  wherefore,  it  is  represented  to  us  that  it  would  be  partial  and  unequal 
to  enforce  in  the  present  case  penalties  which  may  have  been  regarded  as  ob 
solete. 

Two  or  three  days  later,  the  Courier  and  Enquirer  contained  a  card 
from  Colonel  Webb,  publishing  the  pardon,  expressing  his  grateful  ap 
preciation  of  the  sympathies  exhibited  by  his  friends  and  fellow-citizens, 
and  his  acknowledgments  to  the  press. 

The  Evening  Post,  a  few  days  afterward,  contained  a  poetical 
travesty  of  the  pardon.,  attributed  to  the  pen  of  Bryant,  whose  humor 
ous  points  none  appreciated  more  heartily  than  the  Governor  at  whom 
it  was  aimed. 

Few  pardon  cases  could  now  be  disposed  of.  While  not  desirous 
to  throw  upon  his  successor  any  responsibility  which  more  properly 
devolved  upon  himself,  Seward  could  not  take  premature  action.  Ap 
plicants  for  pardon,  like  those  for  office,  turn  their  faces  toward  the 
"next  Governor,"  of  whom  they  know  little,  and  therefore  hope  for 
much. 

The  last  pardon  that  he  issued  while  in  office  was  one  accompanied 
by  a  letter  to  the  daughter  who  had  solicited  it,  in  which  he  said  : 


638  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842-'43, 

I  have  directed  your  mother  to  be  released  from  the  prison  on  Christmas-day. 
If  you  shall  be  able  to  visit  Sing  Sing  on  that  day,  you  will  have  the  pleasure  of 
conducting  her  to  her  home.  She  will  be  indebted  to  you  for  a  great  mitigation 
of  her  punishment.  I  hope  she  will  prove  herself,  hereafter,  to  be  worthy  of 
the  respect  and  affection  of  her  children,  and  they  may  never  again  be  subjected 
to  so  severe  a  trial  as  that  through  which  they  have  passed. 

Seward  now  commenced  preparations  for  leaving  Albany.  His 
family  had  already  preceded  him  to  Auburn,  except  one  of  his  sons. 
His  private  secretary  was  busily  aiding  him  to  close  his  correspondence, 
to  arrange  his  papers,  and  turn  over  the  business  of  the  department 
to  Governor  Bouck. 

His  letters  to   Auburn  described  the   occupations  of   his  closing 

month  of  official  service  : 

ALBANY,  December  1st. 

Webb  is  pardoned,  for  reasons  and  on  conditions  which,  I  doubt  not,  will 
soon  appear  in  the  public  prints.  He  writes  in  a  grateful  spirit. 

I  will  send  you  to-morrow  a  pamphlet  containing  real  or  pretended  conver 
sation  of  Colt's,  in  which  he  attributes  my  action  to  pique  and  resentment  for 
political  abuse  of  me  four  years  ago,  when  I  was  a  candidate.  This  is  the  first 
I  ever  heard  of  it. 

ALBANY,  December  2d. 

Yesterday  I  met  Governor  Marcy  at  the  Court  of  Errors.  Feeling  drawn 
toward  him  by  recollections  not  unworthy  of  either,  I  was  courteous  to  him. 
He  mentioned  that  I  procured  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  for  him  in  1839,  and  I  have 
invited  him  to  sit  for  his  bust  in  1842. 

December  5th. 

I  am  at  work  busily,  though  quietly,  preparing  to  leave  this  place  in  the  first 
week  in  January.  We  are  all  buried  in  the  snow,  as  of  course  you  are. 

Prof.  Keed,  of  Schenectady,  came  over  on  Saturday  night.  I  attended  him 
to  Troy  yesterday,  and  heard  him  preach  twice.  We  dined  at  George  Warren's. 

Jenny  has  gone,  and  we  are  all  sad.  She  had  become  so  gentle,  and  since 
the  grass  withered  and  the  twigs  dried  up  she  has  been  so  domestic,  that  I 
loved  her  more  than  ever.  I  got  two  crockery  crates  this  morning,  inverted 
one  over  the  other,  lashed  them  together,  supplied  the  cage  with  a  floor  and 
soft  bed,  furnished  her  with  a  loaf  of  bread  in  pieces  adapted  to  her  teeth,  and 
she  went  off  eating  and  unconcerned  to  the  boat.  She  goes  to  a  kind  master. 

ALBANY,  December  ^th, 

I  am  much  occupied.  As  I  told  you,  it  was  necessary  to  examine,  arrange, 
and  preserve,  all  my  papers.  This  is  no  slight  affair.  When  closely  filed,  they 
will  be  almost  as  large  as  half  a  cord  of  wood.  These  duties,  with  the  ordinary 
official  labors,  confine  me  very  closely,  and  will  extend  into  January,  perhaps. 

A  new  view  of  the  subject  of  my  future  occupation  has  occurred  to  me  to 
day.  The  staying  about  Albany  seems  now  more  disagreeable  to  me  than  the 
discomforts  of  business  at  Auburn.  I  now  think  that  I  shall  be  content  to  go 
into  my  old  office  at  Auburn,  and  take  direct  hold  of  such  law-business  as  shall 
come  to  me.  To  supply  myself  with  occupation  of  a  higher  order  than  the  prac 
tice  of  the  law,  for  such  spare  time  as  I  may  find,  I  think  I  can  employ  myself 


1842-143.]  GOVERNOR  BOUCK. 

in  writing  a  commentary  upon  American  government,  politics,  and  law,  which 
would  be  a  work  not  unworthy  of  the  consideration  I  have  acquired.  I  have 
consulted  nobody  about  this  plan,  and  may  change  it  to-morrow.  I  need  not 
say  that  I  shall  cling  to  it  fondly,  because  it  will  leave  me  liberty  to  remain  with 
you  and  such  of  the  boys  as  we  can  keep  with  us. 

Weed  has  gone  to  Saratoga,  to  defend  himself  in  one  of  Cooper's  libel-suits. 
He  returned  only  on  Monday  night.  It  is  among  the  pleasing  reflections  upon 
my  retirement  from  public  life  that  I  shall  be  able  to  be  useful  to  him.  Such 
generous,  faithful  friendship  as  his  deserves  not  to  be  always  taxed. 

Mr.  Mooney  has  completed  his  picture  for  the  City  Hall.  I  am  not  sorry 
that  you  cannot  see  it';  you  would  not  like  it ;  it  is  as  stern  as  "  Old  Hickory." 
Fred,  Henry,  and  Rogers,  all  were  surprised  to  see  a  presentment  of  me  in  such 
a  character ;  but  Rogers  undertook  to  ascertain  whether  the  picture  was  just. 
He  was  with  me  when  a  man  insisted  on  a  pardon  that  I  thought  it  wrong  to 
grant,  and  Rogers  acknowledged  that  the  picture  was  just  to  my  official  appear 
ance. 

The  artist  has  made  for  you  a  picture  presenting  a  more  gentle  aspect,  which 
I  think  you  will  be  pleased  with. 

ALBANY,  December  17,  1842. 

The  staff  gave  me  a  dinner  on  Thursday.  To-day  I  have,  strange  to  tell, 
resolutions  most  laudatory  and  enthusiastic  from  the  Whig  Young  Men's  Gen 
eral  Committee  in  New  York,  the  same  body  which  elected  their  chairman  out 
of  spite  against  me,  and  last  summer  turned  my  poor  bust  out-of-doors.  It 
seems  to  be  working  so,  and  I  am  like  to  have  atonement  for  the  unkindness  I 
have  heretofore  suffered  from  those  who  owed  me  better  feelings. 

I  am  at  work  more  busily  than  ever,  and  still  looking  with  impatience  to 
the  end,  when  I  shall  go  straight  to  Auburn,  and  make  my  home  there  in  con 
tent. 

Governor  Bouck  has  not  yet  come  to  town.  He  will  find  trouble  enough 
before  he  gets  through  his  first  term. 

ALBANY,  December  25d. 

The  signs  of  the  change  that  the  New-Year  brings  in  multiply.  Governor 
Bouck  arrived  here  on  Saturday  ;  on  Tuesday  he  called  upon  me.  His  manners 
are  easy  and  fascinating,  and  I  think  that  he  lacks  neither  dignity  nor  grace ; 
but  my  taste,  you  know,  differs  from  the  prevailing  one.  He  is  evidently  a 
kind,  honest,  amiable,  and  sagacious  man.  He  was  at  first  quiet,  reserved,  and 
manifested  a  sense  of  restraint.  I  told  him  much  that  it  was  important  to 
know,  tendered  to  him  every  explanation  and  aid,  and  assured  him  that,  do  as 
he  might,  I  would  never  write  at  him  in  the  newspapers  as  my  predecessor  had 
written  against  me.  The  good  man  relaxed,  went  with  me  to  the  Geological 
Museum  and  the  several  departments,  where  Colonel  Young  and  Mr.  Flagg  dis 
cussed  political  questions  in  my  presence,  and  with  such  deference  to  my  opin 
ion  that  my  successor  forgot  I  was  an  opponent.  His  house  is  neatly  furnished 
with  Mrs.  Dix's  furniture.  Mrs.  Bouck  came  to  town  a  day  or  two  since ;  1 
call  upon  her  to-morrow.  The  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Dickinson 
called  here  to-day  while  I  was  calling  on  Governor  Marcy.  We  all  met  there  ; 
and,  having  killed  off  so  many  Governors,  I  concluded  to  give  no  quarter ;  so  I, 
to-night,  called  at  Congress  Hall  to  return  Dickinson's  visit ;  thence  I  paid  my 
visit  to  Mrs.  Bradish,  and  to  him  that  should  have  been  the  Governor. 


640  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842-'43. 

"We  are  doing  great  execution  in  the  moving  line ;  books,  maps,  papers,  etc., 
are  going  into  boxes.  The  carriage-house  at  Auburn  will  receive  all  that  is 
valuable  next  Saturday  or  Monday  week,  and  the  auctioneer  will  have  the  rest. 
1  shall  be  able  to  follow  my  affairs  in  a  few  days  at  farthest. 

Seward  was  always  averse  to  lingering  near  the  capital  after  the 
expiration  of  his  term  of  office.  He  compared  the  public  men,  who  re 
mained  at  the  seat  of  government  when  their  functions  had  ceased,  to 
actors  "  lagging  superfluous  on  the  stage,"  or  ghosts  revisiting  old 
haunts,  where  they  can  accomplish  nothing,  and  are  in  the  way  of  the 
survivors.  He  was  impatient  to  start  at  once  for  Auburn  at  the  close 
of  his  official  term. 

About  the  middle  of  December,  the  United  States  brig  Somers 
arrived  at  New  York,  and  immediately  the  startling  news  was  spread 
that,  soon  after  her  departure  from  the  African  coast,  a  mutiny  had 
broken  out  on  board,  headed  by  Midshipman  Spencer,  a  son  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  War,  which  had  drawn  off  forty  or  fifty  of  the  crew.  Spencer 
and  two  others  were  sentenced  to  death  and  hanged,  by  Captain  Mac 
kenzie's  order,  at  the  yard-arm.  It  was  further  stated  that  solemn 
oaths  had  been  entered  into  by  the  conspirators,  who  signed  papers 
drawn  up  by  Spencer,  partly  in  Greek  letters.  Spencer  was  only  nine 
teen  years  old,  had  received  his  warrant  as  midshipman  in  November  of 
the  year  before,  and  was  in  the  spring  attached  to  the  Brazilian  squad 
ron.  The  commanding  officer  of  the  Somers  was  Alexander  Slidell 
Mackenzie,  a  brother  of  John  Slidell.  The  first-lieutenant  was  Ganse- 
voort,  of  Albany,  and  there  were  five  or  six  midshipmen — among  them 
two  sons  of  Commodore  Perry,  and  a  nephew  of  Commodore  Rodgers. 
For  a  week  the  papers  were  filled  with  details  and  conflicting  opinions  ; 
some  accepting  with  credulity  the  story  of  Spencer's  guilt,  others 
severely  denouncing  the  captain,  charging  him  with  having  yielded  to 
absurd  fears,  and  having  committed  unnecessary  and  wanton  murder, 
when  he  might  have  brought  the  accused  home  for  trial.  A  long  and 
scathing  article  in  the  Madisonian  in  regard  to  the  case,  signed  "  S.," 
was  attributed  to  the  pen  of  the  agonized  father  himself.  As  further 
intelligence  came  out,  most  of  the  stories  first  put  in  circulation  were 
found  to  be  grossly  inaccurate.  The  Government  ordered  a  court  of 
inquiry,  consisting  of  Commodores  Stewart,  Jones,  and  Dallas,  with 
Ogden  Hoffman  as  judge-advocate,  to  commence  their  sittings  on 
Wednesday  the  28th,  on  board  the  North  Carolina  at  Brooklyn. 

ALBANY,  December  23d. 

You  have  read  all  that  has  transpired  concerning  the  awful  calamity  that 
has  befallen  the  Spencers.  Was  ever  a  blow  more  appalling?  I,  of  course, 
knew  Philip  only  as  friends  know  our  children.  I  should  as  soon  have  ex 
pected  a  deer  to  ravage  a  sheepfold.  There  are  all  manner  of  reports  from 
Washington  concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  parents  receive  this  last  sad 


1842-43.]  END   OF  OFFICIAL   TERM. 

blow,  but  I  have  no  curiosity  on  the  subject.  I  know  that  Nature  has  given  no- 
firmness  to  resist  the  immediate  shock  to  the  mother,  but  time  may  heal  and 
obliterate  the  wound.  The  card  which  Mr.  Spencer  has  published  (or  rather 
his  communication)  shows  that  his  iron  nerves  were  proof.  Mr.  Weed  is  at 
Washington,  but  I  have  no  information  from  him. 

ALBANY,  Sunday,  December  25th. 

Weed  writes  from  Washington  that  Mrs.  Spencer  is  heart-broken,  and  her 
husband  scarcely  less.  That  article  in  the  Madisonian  was  MB.  Weed  says  that 
the  papers  sent  to  Washington  do  not  show  a  necessity  for  the  execution,  and 
that  the  conduct  of  Mackenzie,  as  ascertained  from  these  papers,  appears  to 
have  been  cowardly  and  murderous.  This  may  all  be,  and  yet  the  name  and 
fame  of  Spencer  be  as  irretrievable  as  his  life.  Mackenzie  married  a  daughter 
of  Morris  Robinson,  one  of  my  Chautauqua  associates,  and  brother-in-law  of 
John  Duer. 

I  called  yesterday  on  Mrs.  Bouck.  She  has  a  daughter  who  was  educated  at 
the  Crittenden  School  here,  and  who  will  soon  be  a  belle. 

The  nearer  I  come  to  Auburn,  the  more  I  foresee  the  necessity  for  a  library 
and  study  in  the  house.  I  will  keep  a  law-office  in  connection  with  somebody  ; 
but  nights  and  mornings  and  Sundays  I  must  have  a  place.  I  would  not  have 
clients  there,  nor  clerks  ;  but  only  desire  it  for  a  private  study. 

To-morrow  morning  I  remove  to  the  Eagle  Tavern. 


EAGLE  TAVERN,  ALBANY,  December 
We  are  so  far  on  our  way  to  Auburn.     The  mansion  is  deserted  by  all  but 
Nicholas  and  Harriet,  little  Harriet  and  the  mice.     The  furniture  will  leave 
here  on  Monday  next  ;  we  follow  as  soon  as  we  can. 

At  the  Eagle  Tavern,  with  writing-chair  and  papers,  he  occupied 
a  parlor  as  his  office  for  the  remaining  days  of  his  term.  It  was 
thronged  with  visitors,  but  not  unwelcome  ones.  Those  who  visit 
Governors  from  motives  of  interest  or  selfishness  no  longer  troubled 
him,  for  their  attention  was  turned  to  the  "  rising  sun."  Instead,  his 
visitors  now  were  friends  or  strangers  who  came,  not  to  solicit  favors, 
but  to  give  assurances  of  esteem,  express  regrets  for  his  retirement,  or 
good  wishes  for  his  future.  "  On  the  whole,"  he  remarked,  "  I  have 
never  found  my  official  position  so  endurable,  or  received  so  many  gen 
erous  and  kindly  words,  in  the  whole  four  years  that  preceded,  as  I 
have  in  the  last  four  weeks." 

Mr.  Underwood,  his  private  secretary,  had  carefully  filed  in  alpha 
betical  order,  or  bound  in  volumes,  his  private  correspondence  and 
documents,  and  all  was  arranged  for  shipment  to  Auburn. 

At  such  times  the  absence  of  missing  volumes  from  the  library  is 
noted,  and  the  Governor  asked  General  King  to  put  a  paragraph  in 
the  Evening  Journal,  saying  that  he  had  lent  a  folio  volume  from  his 
set  of  Michel  Chevalier  to  some  friend,  but  to  whom  he  had  forgotten, 
and  requesting  such  friend,  if  the  paragraph  should  meet  his  eye,  to 
return  it.  The  next  evening  General  King  walked  in  with  the  volume 
41 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1842-'43. 

under  his  arm,  saying  :  "  Here,  Governor,  you  see  the  benefits  of  the 
advertising  system.  After  I  had  written  and  published  the  notice  in 
the  Journal  yesterday,  I  went  home,  and,  looking  over  my  book 
shelves,  found  I  had  borrowed  your  volume  myself." 

The  Whig  newspapers  now  came  to  him  by  every  mail,  with  grace 
ful  and  kindly  editorial  tributes.  A  farewell  letter  to  Weed  closed 

the  year  : 

ALBANY,  December  31, 1842. 

The  end  has  come  at  last.  My  successor  and  the  New-Year  come  together. 
He  has  the  keys  and  the  seal,  and  I  have  only  recollections  and  reflections. 
Those  which  crowd  upon  me  are  different  from  what  I  anticipated ;  I  looked 
for  ennui,  if  not  for  regret ;  but  there  is  nothing  of  these.  The  thousand 
perils  through  which  I  have  passed,  the  thousand  enemies  by  whom  I  have  been 
opposed,  the  hundreds  by  whom  I  have  been  causelessly  hated,  and  the  many 
whom  I  have  unavoidably  or  imprudently  offended,  rise  up  before  me  ;  and  yet 
I  am  safe ;  and  if  friends  who  never  nattered  when  I  had  power  are  not  false 
now  when  I  am  powerless,  I  am  more  than  safe.  My  public  career  is  success 
fully  and  honorably  closed,  and  I  am  yet  young  enough,  if  a  reasonable  age  is 
allotted  to  me,  to  repair  all  the  waste  of  private  fortune  it  has  cost.  Gratitude 
to  God,  and  gratitude  and  affection  toward  my  friends,  and  most  of  all  to  you, 
my  first  and  most  efficient  and  devoted  friend,  oppress  me.  Without  your  aid 
how  could  I  have  sustained  myself  there ;  how  have  avoided  the  assaults  to 
which  I  have  been  exposed ;  how  have  secured  the  joyous  reflections  of  this 
hour? 

But  I  did  not  mean  to  say  any  of  these  things.  I  felt  that  I  could  not  leave 
you  to  suppose  what,  after  all,  you  would  not  suppose,  that  I  did  not  feel  as  I 
ought. 

When  Seward  descended  to  breakfast  on  Sunday  morning,  it  was 
with  an  unmistakable  air  of  cheerfulness,  almost  of  exultation,  at  find 
ing  himself  once  more  a  private  citizen.  The  guests  at  the  table  of 
the  Eagle  were  most  of  them  Whigs ;  they  had  therefore  deemed  the 
day  not  one  to  be  rejoiced  over,  and,  until  he  entered,  were  silent  and 
dull ;  but  long  before  the  meal  was  over  he  had  infused  his  own  good 
spirits  into  the  company,  and  was  humorously  imitating  the  querulous 
tone  in  regard  to  public  officers  that  had  been  adopted  so  often  toward 
himself.  He  occupied  his  accustomed  seat  at  St.  Peter's,  and  passed 
the  remainder  of  the  day  quietly  in  his  room. 

The  next  morning,  Monday,  was  to  be  celebrated  as  New-Year's-day. 
At  ten  o'clock  Nicholas  brought  the  horses  to  the  door,  and  drove  the 
ex-Governor  to  the  side-door  of  the  Capitol  for  the  last  time,  accom 
panied  by  his  adjutant-general  and  private  secretary.  The  hall  was 
thronged  with  people  to  witness  the  inauguration.  Rogers  was  still 
at  the  door  of  the  Executive  chamber,  and  going  in  they  found 
there  Governor  Bouck  with  his  personal  friends,  Lieutenant-Govern 
or  Dickinson,  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Chief-Justice,  and  others. 
After  a  brief  exchange  of  greetings,  both  parties  proceeded  to  the 


1842-'43.]  THE   NEW   GOVERNOR.  643 

head  of  the  staircase  in  the  great  hall,  where  the  Chancellor  adminis 
tered  to  Governor  Bouck  the  oath  of  office.  As  he  laid  down  the  book, 
Seward  stepped  forward,  and,  shaking  him  by  the  hand,  congratulated 
him  upon  the  high  distinction  conferred  on  him  by  the  people,  and  ex 
pressed  the  hope  that  his  administration  might  redound  as  well  to  his 
own  honor  as  to  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  State.  Governor 
Bouck  thanked  him  for  his  courtesy  arid  good  wishes,  and,  exchanging 
bows,  they  separated.  So  unusual  had  any  such  proceeding  hitherto 
been,  that  the  audience,  taken  aback,  stood  in  open-mouthed  surprise 
at  the  spectacle  of  such  an  exchange  of  courtesies  betweeen  a  Whig 
and  a  Democratic  Governor.  The  custom  thus  introduced,  however, 
commended  itself  at  once  to  popular  good  taste;  and  since  then  the  in 
coming  and  the  outgoing  Governor  exchange  brief  salutatory  speeches. 

Governor  Bouck  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Dickinson  went  over  to 
the  gubernatorial  residence  on  Washington  Street,  where  a  concourse  of 
visitors  was  already  awaiting  them  ;  and  the  reception  of  citizens  and 
strangers,  civic  and  military,  with  its  hand-shaking  and  compliments, 
continued  through  the  day. 

At  the  Eagle,  the  ex-Governor's  parlor,  on  the  first  floor,  was  also 
thronged  throughout  the  morning.  Personal  and  political  friends, 
strangers  and  opponents  curious  to  see  how  he  took  the  loss  of  power, 
helped  to  make  up  the  crowd.  Many  interesting  and  some  pathetic 
scenes  occurred,  for  with  many  it  was  their  farewell  interview  with  a 
friend  they  had  learned  to  esteem  and  admire.  The  Burgesses  Corps 
and  the  Military  Association  came,  to  visit  their  ex-commander-in-chief . 

The  Legislature  met  on  Tuesday  morning.  The  Lieutenant-Gov 
ernor  took  the  chair  in  the  Senate.  The  Assembly  organized  by  the 
election  of  George  R.  Davis,  of  Troy,  as  Speaker  ;  the  Whig  minority 
voting  for  Willis  Hall.  The  Argus  of  the  morning  announced  the 
Governor's  staff  and  other  appointments.  The  evening  usually  brought 
Weed,  Benedict,  King,  and  other  prominent  Whigs,  together  in  the 
parlor  at  the  Eagle.  These  evening  hours  were  devoted,  as  Seward  used 
to  say,  "  very  largely  to  smoking  and  scandalum  magnatum"  During 
the  day  he  passed  such  intervals  as  occurred  between  visits  in  answer 
ing  letters  and  preparing  for  final  departure  from  town. 

The  prevailing  topic  in  political  circles  was  the  message  of  the  new 
Governor,  and  the  action  of  the  dominant  party  in  the  Legislature. 
The  opinions  of  Whigs  and  Democrats  were,  of  course,  irreconcilable  on 
the  subject  of  the  suspension  of  the  public  works  ;  but  it  very  soon  be 
came  manifest  that  opinions,  even  among  the  Democrats  themselves, 
were  not  entirely  harmonious.  A  considerable  portion  of  the  party 
had  begun  to  doubt  whether  the  stoppage  was  not  an  unwise  step. 

Governor  Bouck,  in  his  message,  endeavored,  as  judiciously  as  pos 
sible,  to  ward  off  conflict  of  views,  while  adhering  to  the  platform  laid 


644  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1842-'48. 

down  by  the  convention  which  nominated  him.  He  said  :  "  That  the 
State  has  the  ability  eventually  to  complete  all  her  works  which  have 
been  commenced,  cannot  be  questioned.  But  great  caution  should  be 
observed  in  increasing  the  State  debt,  already  too  large." 

Much  interest  had  been  felt  in  what  Governor  Bouck  would  say 
about  the  delicate  and  difficult  questions  of  the  Virginia  controversy, 
the  antislavery  laws,  trial  by  jury,  etc.  But  on  these  he  took  un 
equivocal  party  ground,  that  such  laws  were  repugnant  to  a  faithful 
discharge  of  constitutional  obligations  ;  adding,  "  I  submit  whether 
these  laws  ought,  any  longer,  to  have  a  place  upon  the  statute-book." 
Adverting  to  the  decision  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  in  the 
case  of  Prigg  vs.  Pennsylvania,  he  expressed  his  concurrence  in  the 
opinion  that  stealing  a  slave  in  Virginia  was  a  crime  for  which  the 
offenders  ought  to  be  delivered  up  by  New  York.  So,  on  all  questions 
involving  State  rights  and  Democratic  doctrines,  he  went  with  his 
party.  On  those  which  were  not  the  subject  of  party  controversy,  he 
recommended  wise  and  proper  legislation.  No  reference  was  made  to 
the  Virginia  search-law. 

The  colored  citizens  of  Albany  held  a  meeting  in  the  vestry  of  the 
Hamilton  Street  church.  Among  them  were  Primus  Robinson,  the  Pauls, 
V.  Latimore,  Stephen  Myers,  and  W.  M.  Topp.  A  well- written  address 
accompanied  their  feeling  resolutions,  in  which  they  remarked  that  it 
was  "  not  for  vain  ostentation,  but  that  they  deemed  it  their  duty  to 
thank  their  benefactor  in  behalf  of  those  who  cannot  speak  for  them 
selves,  and  who  have  so  few  advocates  to  speak  for  them." 

Seward,  in  his  acknowledgment,  said  : 

Only  time  can  determine  between  those  who  have  upheld  and  those  who 
have  opposed  the  measures  to  which  you  have  adverted.  But  I  feel  encouraged 
to  await  that  decision ;  since,  in  the  moment  when,  if  ever,  reproaches  for  in 
justice  should  come,  the  exile  does  not  reproach  me,  the  prisoner  does  not  exult 
in  my  departure,  and  the  disfranchised  and  the  slave  greet  me  with  their  salu 
tations. 

In  reply  to  a  similar  letter  from  colored  men  in  New  York,  J.  Mc- 
Cune  Smith  and  others,  he  remarked  : 

I  may  say,  without  egotism,  that  I  shall  cherish  among  the  pleasing  recollec 
tions  of  my  public  life  the  remembrance  that  I  received  the  thanks  of  those 
whose  protection  required  a  sacrifice  of  some  personal  advantage,  and  a  conflict 
with  prejudices  matured  by  age,  and  sustained  by  political  combinations. 

The  Evening  Post  and  some  other  Democratic  papers  dissented 
from  several  points  in  Governor  Bouck's  message.  It  was  becoming 
evident  that  the  slavery  question,  as  well  as  the  canal  question,  might 
be  a  source  of  future  discord  in  the  Democratic  ranks. 


1848.]  AT   HOME  AGAIN.  645 

Some  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Albany  tendered  a  public  dinner 
to  Seward.  The  list  of  signers  was  headed  by  H.  G.  Wheaton  and 
Samuel  Stevens.  Among  the  others  were,  Friend  Humphrey,  Rufus 
H.  King,  Archibald  Mclntyre,  James  Horner,  J.  L.  Schoolcraft,  Teunis 
Van  Vechten,  Robert  Hunter,  Henry  L.  Webb,  William  Parmelee, 
Herman  Pumpelly,  Visscher  Ten  Eyck,  James  and  John  Taylor. 

A  day  or  two  were  now  spent  in  a  round  of  farewell  visits  on  foot 
to  some  of  the  many  families  in  Albany  to  whom  he  was  indebted  for 
hospitality.  When  Lewis  Benedict  came  one  evening  to  the  Eagle, 
he  related  with  some  indignation  how  he  had  met  an  acquaintance  in 
the  street,  who  asked  him,  "  What  is  that  old  Seward  doing  here  so 
long  ?  "  to  which  he  had  retorted  that  Governor  Seward  had  as  good 
a  right  to  be  in  Albany  as  any  other  citizen,  and  that  he  was  attend 
ing  to  his  private  affairs.  The  ex-Governor  laughed,  and  said  :  "  No, 
your  friend  was  right  about  it.  A  public  officer  when  he  goes  out  of 
office  ought  to  go  home,  and  not  linger  around  the  capital.  The  peo 
ple  have  willed  that  some  one  else  should  attend  to  public  business, 
and  they  do  not  want  him  to  be  meddling  or  appearing  to  meddle.  I 
think,  as  your  friend  did,  it's  time  that  old  Seward  went  home  !  " 


CHAPTER  XL VII. 
1843. 

At  Home  again.— The  Law-Office.— A  Struggle  for  Independence.— The  Mackenzie  Inquiry. 
—The  Virginia  Question.— The  City-Hall  Portrait. 

"  WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Esq.,  left  the  city  this  morning  for  Auburn, 
his  former  and  future  residence,  carrying  with  him  the  unfeigned  and 
heart-felt  wishes  of  thousands  of  our  citizens  for  his  happiness  and 
prosperity."  So  chronicled  the  evening  paper  the  departure  of  the  ex- 
Governor. 

Arriving  at  Auburn  on  Saturday  night,  he  at  once  began  talking  of 
projects  for  resuming  his  profession.  He  converted  one  of  the  rooms 
into  a  study,  and  arranged  his  books  and  papers  for  business.  He 
had  brought  with  him  in  the  train  some  of  the  first  numbers  of  Ali 
son's  "  History  of  Europe,"  of  which  an  American  edition  was  in 
press,  and  he  remarked  that  it  was  a  pleasure  to  be  able  to  read  again 
in  the  evening.  He  had  found  no  time  at  Albany  even  for  history  or 
philosophy  ;  as  for  novels,  he  had  not  looked  into  one  in  four  years. 
He  left  off  when  he  laid  down  "  Nicholas  Nickleby,"  in  1838,  and  he 
now  took  up  "  The  Neighbors,"  a  translation  of  which  had  just  been 
published  by  Mary  Howitt  who  thus  introduced  Miss  Bremer  to  the 


646  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

American  reading  public.  Books,  papers,  and  pamphlets,  were  placed 
on  the  shelves  and  in  the  cases  of  the  new  library,  and  it  was  found 
necessary  to  create  another  "  little  library  "  before  all  could  be  stowed 
away.  It  was  never  his  habit  to  destroy  letters  or  papers,  though 
they  were  frequently  allowed  to  accumulate  without  systematic  ar 
rangement. 

Old  friends  and  neighbors  dropped  in  to  visit  and  welcome  him. 
Among  those  from  a  distance  were  Trumbull  Gary  and  Judge  Sackett  ; 
and,  after  a  Saturday  evening  conference  with  them,  he  settled  the 
question  about  his  la w -office,  by  sajdng  that  he  should  resume  busi 
ness  in  the  old  place  on  Monday  morning. 

On  Monday  the  old  tin  sign,  "  Wm.  H.  Seward,"  was  nailed  up  at 
the  foot  of  the  stairway  in  the  Exchange  Building,  and  the  Auburn 
Journal  contained  this  :  "  NOTICE. — The  subscriber  will  attend  to  any 
business  which  may  be  confided  to  him  in  the  courts  of  law  and  in 
the  Court  of  Chancery."  He  sat  down  to  wait  for  clients.  During 
the  morning  an  occasional  visitor  looked  in,  usually  a  Whig  friend. 
But  no  business  offered  until,  the  next  day,  a  farmer  came  in,  who, 
having  heard  that  he  was  going  to  practise  law,  had  brought  to  him 
his  case,  which  was  a  suit  in  regard  to  a  broken  fence  and  "  breachy 
oxen,"  the  whole  sum  involved  in  which  would  amount  to  perhaps  five 
or  ten  dollars. 

As  he  looked  over  the  bills  and  notices  of  protest  which  lay  scat 
tered  on  his  table,  and  thought  of  the  interest  on  his  notes  for  the 
Chautauqua  purchase,  his  huge  debt  of  four  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
he  involuntarily  paused  to  calculate  how  many  breachy  oxen  per  diem 
it  would  take  to  meet  the  problem  that  was  staring  him  in  the  face. 
However,  everything  must  have  a  beginning,  and  he  would  begin 
with  the  suit  in  the  justice's  court,  in  the  hope  that  there  might  some 
day  be  an  end  of  the  financial  embarrassment  which  four  years  had 
gathered  around  him. 

The  mail  from  Washington  brought  the  National  Intelligencer, 
with  a  kindly  notice  from  Mr.  Seaton.  In  the  same  mail  came  a  letter 
with  a  black  seal  from  John  C.  Spencer,  in  reply  to  one  written  to  him. 

I  ought  sooner  to  have  acknowledged  your  kind  and  feeling  note  of  sympa 
thy  in  the  horrible  calamity  which  has  overtaken  me  and  my  family.  I  now 
do  so,  with  my  grateful  assurances  of  the  consolation  it  has  afforded  ;  but  Mrs. 

S and  myself  are  well  aware  that  we  must  look  to  a  higher  than  human 

source  for  that  balm  which  only  can  heal  the  wounds  of  our  bleeding  hearts. 

From  the  State  capital  came  news  of  warm  debate  over  the  public 
printing  bill,  ending  on  the  20th,  with  the  passage  of  the  law  taking 
the  State  printing  away  from  Weed  ;  and  on  the  following  day  the 
two  Houses,  in  joint  ballot,  elected  Edwin  Croswell  to  be  State  Print- 


1848.]  THE   DEMOCRATS   IN   POWER.  647 

er,  the  Whig  minority  giving  a  complimentary  vote  for  Horace 
Greeley. 

A  bill  had  also  been  introduced  to  repeal  the  "  trial-by-jury  law," 
by  the  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  Assembly.  The 
Richmond  Inquirer ',  Richmond  Whig,  Charleston  Mercury,  and  other 
Southern  papers,  had  received  with  decided  approbation  Governor 
Bouck's  message  in  regard  to  the  Virginia  controversy,  and  contrasted 
it  with  that  of  his  predecessor  with  much  satisfaction. 

Seward's  letters  to  Weed  now  described  his  life  at  Auburn  : 

AUBURN,  January  13,  1843. 

All  excesses  leave  a  train  of  penances.  Sad  as  the  times  are,  and  huge  the 
undertaking,  I  will  try  to  meet  all  debts,  with  as  long  a  time  to  work  in  as 
Walter  Scott  had  to  pay  his  creditors.  I  feel  especially  bold,  now  that  I  prom 
ise  to  keep  the  accounts  of  my  dilapidated  estate  myself. 

I  have  spent  the  whole  time  since  my  arrival  here  in  unpacking  and  arrang 
ing  my  books  and  papers.  From  present  indications  I  shall  not  need  an  office 
in  the  village  to  attract  business,  as  heretofore,  as  my  success  will  depend  on 
how  well  I  prepare  my  briefs.  For  that  purpose  my  old  arm-chair  and  my  quiet 
home  are  indispensable  to  me.  Greeley  has  notified  me  that  he  is  to  be  prose 
cuted  by  Cooper.  I  shall  make  it  my  business,  at  an  early  day,  to  prepare  my 
self  for  that  contest. 

January  19,  1843. 

One  would  think  from  reading  your  letters  that  we  had  led  a  life  of  dissipa 
tion  and  profligacy  while  I  lived  at  Albany.  You  have  "  eschewed  champagne, 
and  oysters,  and  deserted  taverns,"  you  tell  me.  I  think  it  is  less  my  absence 
than  that  of  Hawkins  and  Hunt  that  is  entitled  to  the  merit  of  your  reforma 
tion.  Whatever  the  cause  may  be,  I  hope  it  may  continue.  You  will  be  sur 
prised  to  find  what  a  comfortable  place  I  have  made  for  myself  here.  You  are 
welcome  to  sign  a  release  for  me  of  public  life.  I  shall  get  acclimated  to  retire 
ment,  so  that  I  shall  be  no  burden  to  political  friends ;  but  I  warn  you  that  you 
will  find  no  suppers  and  no  cards  when  you  visit  my  Tusculum:  we  are  all 
reformed. 

The  Democrats  here  begin  to  manifest  knowledge  of  the  feud  at  the  capital, 
and  to  divide  into  factions.  What  will  be  the  end  of  it  is  uncertain.  The 
Whigs,  since  the  commencement  of  the  new  order  of  things  at  Albany,  are 
weak  enough  to  believe  that  they  can  succeed  here  next  fall,  even  with  the  pres 
ent  organization.  Nothing  could  be  more  absurd. 

This  schism  will  strengthen  Van  Buren  in  1844,  but  exhaust  and  disturb 
their  party  immensely  after,  I  think.  Being  now  free  from  responsibility,  he 
will  be  able  to  rise  above  the  contentions  of  his  supporters. 

A  fine  article  that,  of  King's,  on  the  life  of  General  Arcularius.  I  see  it 
traveling  around  the  country,  and  hear  many  persons  speak  of  it. 

AUBUBN,  January  21,  1843. 

I  have  just  been  reading  Fillmore's  report.  It  is  clear  and  able.  How 
strangely  our  friends  at  Washington  forget  that  John  Tyler  was  elected  by 


(548  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1843, 

"Whigs,  and  that  proving  him  a  knave  or  a  fool  does  not  answer  any  desirable 
purpose ! 

I  have  just  received  a  very  clear  letter  from  Benedict,  giving  me  the  key  to 
the  recent  proceedings  concerning  the  State  Printer,  which  I  needed.  Has  Gov 
ernor  Bouck  no  reliable  and  disinterested  adviser  ?  I  think  he  has  not.  I  shall 
be  mistaken  if  the  party  do  not  eschew  the  first  agricultural  Governor  sooner 
than  the  Whigs  fell  out  with  his  unlucky  predecessor. 

I  have  opened  my  old  office,  and  am  for  the  present  alone;  but  have 
arranged  with  young  Beach  and  Underwood  to  join  them  in  April  or  May.  As 
yet  I  have  no  business ;  but  my  friends  are  around  me  so  warm-hearted  and 
affectionate  that  I  have  no  fears  about  the  future. 

I  have  done  little  since  I  came  here  but  make  alterations  and  repairs  indis 
pensable  to  my  family  and  myself,  under  our  present  circumstances.  To-day  I 
have  spent  like  a  lawyer  in  my  office — engaged,  however,  as  most  lawyers  are, 
in  giving  gratuitous  advice. 

Mr.  Croswell,  for  once,  has  lost  something  of  his  coolness.  He  should  have 
been  content  with  his  triumph,  without  reproaching  his  opponents.  Van  Dyck 
might  have  been  left  alone,  and  Bryant  won  back ;  but  both,  with  all  who  have 
aided  them,  will  war  upon  the  victor,  because  he  has  struck  them  after  they 
were  down.  This,  however,  will  not  render  you  nor  me  unhappy. 

With  affectionate  regard  to  Mrs.  Weed  and  the  young  ladies, 

I  remain  yours, 

W.  H.  SEWAKD, 

Attorney,  in  propria  pertona. 
To  THTTELOW  WBKD,  Esq., 

Late  Printer  to  the  State ;  late  Dictator,  etc.,  etc. 

ATTBUBN,  January  24,  1843. 

I  hope  that  no  supercilious  creature  bought  my  carriage,  and  that  the  horses 
have  found  a  humane  master.  I  am  glad  to  know  the  loss,  for  I  am  seeking  to 
get  at  the  aggregate  of  that  commodity.  I  shall  yet  be  able  to  balance  it,  I  hope, 
if  Providence  shall  be  only  half  as  kind  as  heretofore. 

Whittlesey  has  written  me  a  letter  that  cheers  and  delights  me.  It  is  full  of 
generous  sentiments  and  kind  and  affectionate  feelings,  delicately  and  beautifully 
expressed.  I  could  not  acknowledge  it  as  he  deserved. 

I  fear  that  unlucky,  ill-starred  Congress  will  make  short  work.  Morgan 
writes  that  there  is  no  hope  of  resisting  the  appeal  in  the  Senate,  and  I  suppose, 
moreover,  that,  in  their  madness,  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  will  even  pass  the 
bill,  if  it  shall  be  vetoed.  Heaven  be  praised,  we  are  near  the  end  of  hope ; 
and  in  two  months  we  shall  be  in  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  safe  from  further 
loss  by  the  folly  of  friends ! 

It  is  as  I  supposed  :  our  friends  in  the  Legislature,  noble  and  in  the  main  dis 
creet,  will  present  an  organized  front.  T  shall  not  suggest  a  thought  to  the  con 
trary.  Yet,  I  regret  that  we  should  do  anything  to  bind  a  mass  of  opponents 
§o  ready  to  fall  asunder. 

AUBURN,  Saturday. 

I  received  this  morning  your  letter,  simultaneously  with  a  half-bushel  of  let 
ters  about  that  unfortunate  subject,  the  New  York  artist. 

The  question  cannot  be  delayed  ;  the  postage  on  letters  from  friends  of  the 


1843.]  RESUMING  LAW   PRACTICE.  649 

artist  would  ruin  me ;  besides,  delay  would  operate  as  it  always  does  in  such 
cases.  Neither  Mr.  Weir  nor  any  other  artist  would  volunteer  or  consent  to 
stand  between  me  and  the  profession.  I  had  better  decide  here  and  without 
more  information  than  in  New  York  with  all  the  aid  I  could  get.  My  private 
opinion  is  most  favorable  to  Inman.  I  have  seen  his  pictures.  I  am  told  that 
Harding  is  pronounced  superior ;  but  I  never  saw  his  pictures.  Let  the  right, 
real  right,  prevail.  If  Harding  is  the  superior  artist,  let  him  have  his  right.  I 
send  you  the  paper,  that  you  may  record  your  vote  in  it,  and  send  it  to  Minturn 
if  it  suit  you. 

So  much  for  that.  I  answer  your  inquiries  very  generally.  I  spend  my  days 
in  my  law-office :  I  charge  reasonable  counsel-fees,  and  they  are  thus  far  cheer 
fully  paid.  Everything  is  gratifying,  so  far  as  the  public  feeling  and  sentiment 
are  known  to  me.  My  earnings,  thus  far,  have  been  equal  to  the  salary  for  an 
equal  period  while  in  office.  My  expenses  are  vastly  diminished.  I  do  not 
work  hard,  and  especially  devote  myself  as  counsel ;  have  no  partner,  and  only 
one  clerk.  I  may  earn  five  thousand  dollars  this  year,  in  this  way,  if  business 
continues  as  it  has  begun.  I  have  commenced  paying  interest  on  all  my  debts. 
The  principal  is  too  great  to  be  affected  by  my  sinking-fund,  unless  I  shall  earn 
more. 

I  spend  my  evenings  in  gathering  those  state  papers.  They  are  richer  and 
better  tohan  I  thought.  King  wants  a  review  of  the  Virginia  critic.  It  seeing 
to  me  that  the  very  best  review  that  can  be,  is  my  second  letter  to  Rutherford 
(in  documents  accompanying  the  Governor's  message,  1842).  I  think  it  is  the 
second.  At  all  events,  it  is  the  letter  which  contains  the  passage  that  is  some 
times  quoted.  I  make  this  blind  reference  because  the  documents  are  not  within 
my  present  reach, 

I  am  happy  enough,  much  more  so  than  while  I  was  in  Albany,  because  I 
have  recovered  a  sense  of  pecuniary  independence ;  and  I  suffered  more  from 
the  privation  of  that  than  anybody  knew  while  I  was  in  Albany. 

For  the  future  I  am  thoughtless.  If  forgotten,  I  shall  still  be  content.  My 
ambition  has  reached  beyond  the  lines  of  my  contemporaries  as  well  as  my  own. 
All  present  praise  cannot  secure  me  that  which  would  be  posthumous;  and 
oblivion  now  could  not  deprive  me  of  a  hope  that  I  should  be  remembered  for 
some  good  as  time  and  truth  roll  on.  So  give  yourself  no  thought  for  me. 
Only,  when  you  have  nothing  else  to  do,  take  a  railway-car,  and  spend  a  Sunday 
with  us. 

ATTBTTBN,  February  \teh. 

The  hurly-burly  of  a  circuit  week,  even  though  you  have  very  little  business, 
is  exciting  and  distracting. 

Thus  far,  by  advising  parties  to  compromise  unfortunate  suits,  I  have  kept 
out  of  court,  and  am  trying  to  do  so,  for,  having  no  fear  that  I  shall  not  ulti 
mately  have  business  enough,  I  wish  to  get  into  the  display  exercises  of  the 
profession  with  modesty  and  moderation. 

I  wish  I  had  been  incog,  at  Washington  while  you  were  there.  Bowen 
wrote  some  amusing  things  about  the  despotism  reigning  there  concerning  a 
great  question.  That  book  makes  up  very  slowly.  I  spend  the  whole  day  in 
my  office  on  the  main  street  giving  advice,  sometimes  for  pay,  and  oftentimes 
gratuitously,  and  entertaining  as  well  as  I  am  able  the  quidnuncs  whose  curi 
osity  is  reasonable,  and  who  have  claims  upon  tne  for  old  friendship's  sake. 


650  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

At  night  I  make  briefs,  or  draw  bills  in  chancery ;  but,  since  Mr.  Blake  holds 
on,  I  must  return  to  the  book,  leaving  law  with  the  canine  race,  where  some 
body  proposed  to  "  throw  physic."  I  will  send  the  prospectus  to  Whittlesey, 
as  it  is  time  to  let  him  decide  whether  he  will  be  willing  to  be  printed  there. 
He  spent  two  days  with  me.  You  ought  to  have  met  him  here.  You  seldom 
see  him  at  Albany  when  both  of  you  are  enough  at  ease.  A  visit  here  is  quite 
another  affair.  He  has  acquired  great  learning  in  his  judicial  studies  and  prac 
tice.  I  seldom  meet  a  lawyer  who  makes  me  feel  insignificant,  or  a  judge 
either ;  but  I  found  him  so  profound,  so  extensively  learned,  that  I  felt  alto 
gether  incompetent  in  discussion  with  him.  I  should  have  forsworn  political 
ambition  as  a  seductive  jade,  if  he  had  not  shown  me  his  lecture. 

You  ask  me  when  I  am  going  east.  Heaven  bless  you,  I  do  not  think  of 
such  a  thing !  I  am  resolving  myself  into  a  village  lawyer ;  the  thought  of  the 
expense  of  time  and  money  which  a  visit  would  require  appalls  me.  Why,  I  am 
wearing  out  old  clothes,  burning  tallow-candles,  smoking  a  pipe  instead  of 
cigars,  economizing  fuel,  and  balancing  my  cash-book,  night  and  morning. 
Don't  think  of  asking  me  to  travel  on  the  railroad  until  the  canal  opens  and  the 
second-class  cars  are  on  the  road.  If  I  have  occasion  to  visit  Albany,  as  I  may 
by-and-by,  I  think  I  shall  strike  across  the  country  on  foot  to  Goshen,  and 
arrive  at  Albany  by  one  of  Newton's  steamboats,  which  always  convey  me 
gratis. 

Our  opponents  here  are  much  divided  and  alienated  concerning  their  ap 
pointments  ;  it  would  not  interest  you,  however,  to  know  the  effervescence  of 
the  teapot,  so  let  it  pass. 

The  business  at  the  law-office  gradually  began  to  revive  and  in 
crease.  Soon  the  days,  instead  of  seeming  long,  had  not  hours 
enough  for  the  work.  Seward  threw  himself  earnestly  into  the  labors 
of  his  profession,  was  as  much  confined  to  his  office  as  in  former 
years,  and  hardly  gave  himself  time  for  his  meals  and  sleep.  His  pe 
cuniary  affairs,  indeed,  demanded  extraordinary  effort,  if  they  were 
ever  to  be  relieved  from  embarrassment.  The  heavy  debt  for  the 
Chautauqua  property  brought  incessant  calls  for  interest.  His  mod 
erate  personal  estate  had  nearly  melted  away  in  the  four  years'  guber 
natorial  life  at  Albany,  which  had  involved  lavish  expense.  Friends 
suggested  that  the  easiest,  perhaps  the  only  practicable,  way  was  to 
accept  the  bankruptcy  that  seemed  inevitable  ;  to  wipe  out  all  old  ac 
counts  and  begin  again.  But  to  this  suggestion  he  would  not  listen. 
He  would  rather  struggle  to  pay  off  the  debt,  whatever  amount  of  work 
it  might  involve.  Indeed,  the  amount  of  work  in  any  case  rather 
seemed  to  stimulate  than  to  discourage  him.  It  was  to  be  a  hard  strug 
gle  and  a  long  one;  but  he  believed  that,  if  his  health  should  be  spared, 
he  would,  by  zealous  attention  to  his  profession,  and  the  practice  of 
strict  economy,  meet  every  demand  for  interest,  and  in  due  time  cancel 
every  obligation  for  principal.  This  was  the  task  now  before  him. 

It  was  a  favorite  saying  of  his  that,  in  human  affairs,  nothing  is  so 
bad  but  that  there  is  some  way  out  of  it.  It  illustrated  the  habit  of 


1843.]  HABITS   IN   MONEY    MATTERS.  G51 

his  mind  never  to  give  way  to  despondency,  but,  accepting  the  worst, 
to  endeavor  to  find  some  cheer  or  consolation. 

He  had  left  Auburn  in  1839  in  easy  circumstances  ;  he  came  back 
in  1843  in  debt.  He  had  almost  consumed  his  property,  and  had  made 
no  new  investments. 

His  advocacy  of  internal  improvements  was  always  based  on  the 
ground  of  the  benefits  they  would  confer  on  the  community  at  large. 
His  own  interest  in  such  enterprises  was  that  of  the  citizen,  not  that 
of  stockholder  or  bondholder.  It  is  doubtful  if  he  ever  owned  a  hun 
dred  shares  of  railroad  stock  in  his  life.  When  he  had  saved  a  few 
hundred  dollars  out  of  his  professional  earnings,  he  would  generally 
invest  them  in  improving  house  or  land.  The  exceptions  to  this  habit 
were  when  he  joined  his  neighbors  in  subscribing  to  some  work  of 
local  improvement  ;  and  this  class  of  investments,  however  they  might 
benefit  the  town,  seldom  brought  any  pecuniary  return. 

Though  he  never  lived  extravagantly,  he  loved  to  live  hospitably, 
to  spend  and  give  freely.  When  out  of  office,  he  usually  lived  up  to 
his  income  ;  when  in  office,  he  made  it  a  rule  to  always  spend  more 
than  his  salary,  determined,  as  he  used  to  say,  that  "  the  public  should 
never  put  a  dollar  in  his  pocket." 

Habits  of  thrift  and  economy  in  regard  to  details  were  not  natural 
to  him  ;  they  could  only  be  acquired  by  an  effort.  He  used  to  remark 
that  it  was  not  until  middle  life  that  he  ever  took  any  pains  in  regard 
to  the  calculation  of  interest  on  accounts  due  to  himself,  although  he 
was  scrupulous  in  the  payment  of  it  to  his  creditors.  He  had  been 
accustomed  to  deem  it  a  matter  of  trivial  importance,  and,  instead  of 
claiming  it  from  his  debtors,  was  glad  enough  to  get  the  simple  prin 
cipal.  However,  in  the  effort  now  making  to  regain  pecuniary  inde 
pendence,  he  adopted  rather  more  systematic  habits  in  regard  to  ac 
counts  and  investments. 

He  had  no  taste  for  bargains,  or  chaffering  about  prices.  He  would 
not  pay  extravagant  prices  if  he  knew  them  to  be  so,  but  would  mere 
ly  decline  to  buy.  In  like  manner,  when  offering  anything  for  sale, 
he  did  not  have  an  "  asking  price  "  and  a  "  selling  one."  On  one 
occasion,  when  about  to  be  absent  from  Auburn  for  some  time,  he 
undertook  to  dispose  of  a  horse,  an  unusually  good  animal  for  family 
use.  A  neighbor  learned  in  horses  came  round  to  look  and  buy.  The 
horse  was  brought  out  of  the  stable,  and  Peter  put  him  through  his 
paces.  Thereupon  the  wculd-be  purchaser  began  to  point  out  defects, 
and  to  show,  after  the  manner  of  horse-dealers,  that  something  was 
wrong  about  the  poor  animal's  flesh,  wind,  speed,  bottom,  gait,  hoofs, 
hocks,  pasterns,  shoulders,  etc.,  with  a  view  to  a  reduction  of  price. 
Seward  answered  nothing,  but  quietly  told  Peter  to  take  the  horse 
back  to  the  stable,  which  was  done.  The  neighbor  looked  astonished, 


652  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

and  asked  what  that  was  for.  "If  he  has  half  the  faults  you  say  he 
has,"  replied  Seward,  "  he  is  not  worth  your  buying  nor  my  selling,  so 
let  that  be  an  end  of  the  business."  The  horse-dealer  pondered  a  few 
moments,  and  finally  said  he  guessed  he'd  take  the  horse  at  Seward's 
price,  but  he'd  never  seen  anybody  sell  a  horse  that  way  before. 

Seward  had  dropped  his  title  of  office,  and  reminded  his  friends, 
when  they  continued  to  use  it,  that  it  no  longer  belonged  to  him.  But 
the  old  habit  was  too  strong  upon  them.  He  found  himself  still  ad 
dressed  as  "  Governor  Seward  "  in  his  letters,  referred  to  as  "  Govern 
or  "  in  the  newspapers,  and  accosted  by  the  familiar  title  of  "  Govern 
or  "  by  his  friends  in  conversation.  In  the  State  of  New  York  at  least, 
he  was  always  called  so.  No  other  title  ever  seemed  to  come  so  readily 
or  appropriately  ;  and  for  thirty  years  after  he  went  out  of  the  Execu 
tive  chamber  he  was  "  Governor  Seward  "  still. 

From  Albany  now  came  news  of  especial  interest  for  him.  The  As 
sembly,  on  taking  up  the  Virginia  question,  showed  an  evident  desire 
to  avoid  the  discussion  of  the  search-law.  When  the  question  of  print 
ing  a  report  in  favor  of  acceding  to  Virginia's  demand  came  up,  there 
was  a  division  of  opinion  among  the  Democrats.  Finally  the  report 
of  the  Judiciary  Committee  was  published.  They  said  nothing  about 
the  Virginia  search-law,  but  recommended  the  repeal  of  the  "  trial-by- 
jury  law,"  because  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  had,  in  the  Prigg 
case,  decided  all  such  laws  to  be  unconstitutional. 

At  Auburn,  the  engrossing  topics  of  the  time,  apart  from  politics, 
were  the  Mackenzie  trial,  the  silk -manufacture  in  the  prison,  and  the 
Millerite  or  "  Second- Advent  "  meetings,  which  were  proceeding  with 
much  earnestness.  The  court  of  inquiry  on  Mackenzie,  after  a  long 
sitting,  and  voluminous  testimony,  came  at  last  to  a  decision  in  favor 
of  the  commander,  practically  accepting  his  version  of  the  events  on 
the  Somers.  The  opinion  was  approved  by  the  President  ;  but,  not 
withstanding,  a  court-martial  was  ordered.  Public  opinion  divided  in 
regard  to  this  governmental  action,  which  it  was  freely  charged  was 
taken  to  screen  Mackenzie  from  just  punishment,  and  was  the  fruit 
either  of  favoritism  shown  to  him,  or  of  strong  influence  at  work  in  his 
behalf. 

The  agent  of  the  Auburn  Prison,  Henry  Polhemus,  reported  this 
winter  about  the  silk-manufacture,  which  was  commenced  there  in 
1841,  on  the  suggestion  of  Governor  Seward.  As  it  was  experimental, 
only  a  limited  number  of  convicts  were  employed  at  it.  Up  to  Janu 
ary,  1843,  the  net  result  had  been  a  profit.  The  manufacture  had 
reached  such  success  that  thirty-six  yards  of  gros  de  Naples  silk  was 
exhibited,  heavy,  lustrous,  and  of  fine  texture,  which  had  been  made  at 
the  prison.  And,  as  a  further  illustration  of  the  ease  with  which  silk 
might  be  made  in  Central  New  York,  it  was  stated  that  one  lady  in 


1843.]  THE   CITY   HALL   PORTRAIT.  653 

Ontario  County  dressed  in  silk  which  had  passed,  in  all  its  changes, 
from  the  leaf  to  the  loom,  through  her  own  hands. 

At  the  "  Millerite  "  meetings  the  lecturers  demonstrated,  by  elabo 
rate  pictures  of  "  the  great  beasts  "  described  in  Daniel's  dream,  and 
by  careful  computation  of  the  periods  symbolized  by  the  horns,  that  the 
end  of  the  world  was  at  hand.  The  column  of  figures  thus  set  down, 
when  added  up,  always  amounted  to  1843,  which  was  deemed  by  the 
lecturer,  if  not  by  his  audience,  to  be  conclusive.  A  newspaper  pub 
lished  in  Albany,  called  the  Midnight  Cry,  and  a  pamphlet  entitled 
"The  Warning  Voice,"  called  upon  all  sinners  to  abandon  world 
ly  avocations,  and  betake  themselves,  during  the  brief  period  remain 
ing,  to  repentance  and  preparation  for  the  last  day.  The  13th  of 
March  was  fixed  upon  as  the  day  when  the  world  would  end.  But  "  a 
sign  in  the  heavens "  appeared.  This  was  a  comet,  of  extreme  brill 
iancy,  visible  by  night  and  even  by  day.  Thereupon  Miller  fixed  the 
23d  of  April  as  the  day  for  the  final  consummation.  Some  of  the  de 
luded  even  went  so  far  as  to  give  away  their  property,  and  others  were 
employed  in  preparing  white  "  ascension-robes,"  to  be  put  on  when  the 
end  should  approach.  As  not  unfrequently  happens  in  a  time  of  re 
ligious  excitement,  some  of  the  believers  lost  their  intellect,  and  were 
sent  to  the  lunatic  asylum  ;  and  others,  in  momentary  frenzy,  committed 
suicide.  Even  those  who  were  incredulous  about  the  judgment-day 
were  exercised  in  spirit  about  the  rapidly-approaching  comet,  the 
probabilities  of  its  striking  the  earth,  and  the  question,  "  What  then  ?  " 
Scientific  observers  made  calculations  of  its  movements  with  accuracy 
while  it  was  visible.  But  who  could  tell  whence  it  came,  or  whither  it 
was  going  ? 

Business  affairs  called  Seward  to  New  York  for  a  few  days,  at  the 
close  of  February.  One  of  the  subjects  demanding  his  attention  there 
was  the  question  of  art  referred  to  in  his  letters.  The  Common  Coun 
cil  desired  a  full-length  portrait  of  him,  to  hang  in  the  Governor's  Room 
at  the  City  Hall  with  those  of  his  predecessors.  But  no  artist  had 
been  designated.  His  friends  were  divided  in  opinion.  So,  when  Sew 
ard  came  down,  he  was  invited  to  visit  many  different  studios  to  look 
at  pictures  of  men,  women,  and  children,  innumerable.  Messrs.  Min- 
turn,  Draper,  Ruggles,  Grinnell,  Blatchford,  and  others,  finally  con 
cluded  to  gratify  all  the  conflicting  preferences  by  inviting  five  artists 
— Inman,  Harding,  Huntington,  Page,  and  Gray — each  to  paint  a  por 
trait  of  the  ex-Governor.  The  Common  Council  might  select  which 
ever  it  chose,  and  his  personal  friends  would  themselves  take  the  others. 
In  accordance  with  this  arrangement,  Harding  was  to  begin,  and  would 
be  at  Auburn  early  in  March. 

On  his  return  home,  Seward  brought  also  the  news  that  Governor 
Bouck  had  appointed  a  new  set  of  State-prison  Inspectors,  at  Auburn, 


654  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1843, 

to  replace  the  Whig  ones  ;  that  Mr.  Forward  had  resigned  the  Treasury 
Department,  and  John  C.  Spencer  was  to  succeed  him  ;  and  that  the 
National  Intelligencer  announced  a  Whig  National  Convention  to 
meet  at  Baltimore,  on  Wednesday,  May  3,  1844.  While  the  Whigs 
were  united  for  Clay,  the  Democrats  seemed  to  be  dividing  between 
several  candidates.  From  Virginia,  Michigan,  Maryland,  and  other 
States,  came  intelligence  of  movements  against  Van  Buren  and  in  favor 
of  Calhoun,  Johnson,  and  others.  Members  of  Congress  were  return 
ing  home,  the  Whigs  in  full  belief  of  coming  success  with  Henry  Clay. 


CHAPTER  XLVIH. 

1843. 

War  at  Albany.— "Old  Hunkers"  and  "Barnburners."— Harding.— Abolition  Nomination. 
— Greeley  and  Fourier. — Law  and  Gardening. — Proposed  Constitutional  Convention. — 
Sydney  Smith  on  Repudiation. — O'Connell  on  Slavery. 

AT  Albany  the  threatened  war  in  the  Democratic  camp  broke  out. 
The  new  faction  represented  by  the  Atlas,  and  opposing  the  State 
Printer,  was  composed  of  the  more  radical  and  progressive  members  of 
the  party.  They  stigmatized  their  opponents  as  "Old  Hunkers,"  in 
view  of  their  ultra-conservatism.  The  "Old  Hunkers"  retorted  by 
calling  their  opponents  "Barnburners,"  a  name  perhaps  borrowed 
from  that  of  the  revolutionary  destructives  in  Rhode  Island. 

Lieutenant-Governor  Dickinson  was  leading  the  "  Old  Hunkers," 
and  Colonel  Young,  the  Secretary  of  State,  was  at  the  head  of  the 
"  Barnburners."  As  the  floor  of  the  Legislature  was  not  open  to  them 
for  debate,  they  resorted  to  the  press  ;  Governor  Dickinson  assailing 
Young's  financial  theories,  and  Young  defending  his  "  strict  construc 
tion"  and  "rigid  economy."  Dickinson  accused  Young  of  favoring 
the  doctrine  of  repudiation.  Young  retorted  by  charging  him  with 
extravagance.  Dickinson  claimed  that  he  was  defending  the  public 
faith  ;  Young  that  he  was  guarding  the  public  Treasury.  Foster,  the 
Democratic  leader  in  the  Senate,  took  ground  with  Dickinson.  Michael 
Hoffman,  the  confessed  leader  in  the  Assembly,  sided  with  Young,  say 
ing  he  was  not  able  to  discover  anything  in  his  doctrines  which  could 
tend  to  impair  the  faith  or  credit  of  the  State.  Young,  in  a  communi 
cation  to  the  Legislature,  said  there  was  not  "the  shadow  of  a  moral 
obligation  "  on  the  people  to  redeem  the  four  millions  of  public  stocks 
loaned  to  incorporated  companies.  The  debate  waxed  hot  in  the  Senate 
and  Assembly.  There  were  quarrels  and  recriminations  between  Dem 
ocrats,  which  lasted  throughout  the  session,  and  bade  fair  to  last  con 
siderably  longer. 


1843.]  HARDING.  655 

Silas  Wright  was  strong  enough  with  his  party,  notwithstanding 
its  incipient  distractions,  to  be  reflected  United  States  Senator  without 
serious  opposition  ;  the  Whigs  dividing  their  votes  between  several 
candidates — Fillmore,  Collier,  Simmons,  Patterson,  Bradish,  and  Ver- 
planck. 

There  was  also  dispute  as  to  what  should  be  done  with  New  York's 
share  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands.  Virginia  had  rejected  her 
share,  because  she  deemed  the  measure  unconstitutional.  Some  of  the 
leading  Democrats  wanted  New  York  to  do  the  same  ;  others  concurred 
with  the  Whigs  in  desiring  to  use  it  for  the  schools  or  for  the  canals. 

Meanwhile,  Seward's  relation  to  all  these  matters  was  now  that  of  a 
distant  spectator — interested,  but  without  power  to  control.  He  spent 
his  days  in  his  law-office  or  in  the  courts,  sparing  an  hour  or  so  for  a 
sitting  to  Harding,  who  was  a  guest  at  his  house,  and  a  genial  and 
hearty  companion.  Harding's  studio  became  a  favorite  resort  for  the 
little  circle  at  Auburn  who  were  interested  in  art.  His  pictures  and 
his  conversation  won  the  esteem  of  the  villagers,  and  parties  were 
made  in  his  honor. 

Harding's  massive  figure  seemed  as  if  fitted  for  athletic  exercise. 
It  was  what  would  have  befitted  a  commanding  general.  He  was  six 
feet  three  inches  high,  with  large  face,  hands  too  large  for  ordinary 
gloves,  eyes  too  broadly  separated  for  ordinary  spectacles,  a  fine-looking 
man,  of  evident  vigor  and  energy,  but  the  last  person  a  casual  observer 
would  suspect  of  delicate  handling  of  palette  and  pencil.  Seward  had 
come  to  esteem  him  highly.  "  One  cannot  help  liking  him,"  he  said, 
"  even  when  he  is  declaring  his  prejudices  ;  he  is  so  honest  in  enter 
taining  them,  and  so  manly  in  defending  them." 

After  his  brief  visit  to  Albany  Seward  resumed  his  correspondence 
with  Weed  : 

AUBURN,  March  25,  1843. 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  17th,  but  my  little  law  business  has  so  engrossed 
me  that  I  have  been  unable  to  respond  till  now.  It  is  about  as  well,  for  there 
has  been  no  intercourse  between  our  town  and  the  great  world.  Three  mails 
from  Albany  are  now  due. 

I  regret  your  disappointment  in  losing  the  melancholy  pleasure  of  following 
poor  Hunter's  remains  to  their  resting-place.  One  can  have  so  few  such  friends, 
that  he  may  safely  do  the  utmost  of  the  last  offices  of  friendship,  when  one  is 
removed.  I,  too,  had  I  known  that  the  remains  were  passing  through  the  place 
where  I  lived,  would  have  paid,  to  those  who  bore  them,  the  tribute  of  my 
respect  and  sympathy. 

Harding  left  me  on  Tuesday.  He  has  what  all  my  neighbors  say  is  a  good 
picture.  I  thought  so.  He  will  have  shown  you  his  "  Conkling,"  which  is  ad 
mirable  ;  and  the  portrait  of  Judge  Miller  is  even  better.  He  was  here  just  long 
enough  to  receive  and  give  such  assurances  of  personal  interest  and  regard  as 
one  might  know  he  would  deserve  and  make. 


£56  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1843. 

AUBUBN,  April  $th,  Sunday. 

The  last  ten  days  have  been  to  me  a  season  of  confusion.  My  excursion  to 
Rochester;  Harding's  visit  and  Webb's,  and  their  leave-takings;  my  trudging 
through  snow-drifts  and  mud  to  Port  Byron,  to  try  a  cause  there ;  A.  B.  Dick 
inson's  hurried  visit  here  last  night — all  these  things  made  the  week  seem  more 
like  the  life  I  led  at  Albany  than  the  calm  and  steady  course  I  am  desiring  to 
lead  here. 

You  are  mistaken,  I  think,  in  supposing  that  Van  Buren  is  losing  the  party 
in  this  State,  at  least  so  far  as  your  inferences  are  drawn  from  observation  in 
the  country.  There  is  indeed  no  enthusiasm  for  him ;  but  there  is  certainly  no 
sign  of  infidelity.  Possibly  the  breach  between  the  new  factions  may  become  so 
wide,  that  he  will  be  left  on  one  or  the  other  side.  But  the  indications  of  that 
must  be  found  in  Albany,  not  here. 

Mr.  Greeley  wrote  me,  by  no  means  discouragingly,  of  Connecticut,  before 
the  election,  although  he  lamented  that  the  Whigs  would  not  make  the  tariff  an 
issue.  The  result  is  sufficiently  disastrous  for  every  purpose,  except  to  induce  an 
examination  of  the  cause.  He  laments  your  despondency,  and  wishes  opportu 
nity  to  convince  you  that  the  prospects  for  1844  are  cheering.  Your  pupils,  like 
some  of  mine,  soon  grow  wiser  than  their  teacher.  George  Dawson  still  pre 
serves  practicability ;  but  he  is  alone. 

Dickinson  wanted  me  to  write  the  address.  I  scarcely  know  how  to  do  it 
here,  and  I  cannot  afford  to  go  to  Albany  for  the  purpose.  If  I  must  do  it, 
notes  must  be  sent  me.  An  address,  this  year,  is  not  important,  otherwise  than 
to  render  just  praise  to  our  members  who  have  conducted  so  well  and  wisely. 

After  reading  Senator  Ruger's  exposure  of  the  "  dictation  "  to  the  Governor 
by  Ely,  Foster,  and  Scoville,  do  you  not  congratulate  yourself  that  your  opera 
tions  in  that  way  during  the  last  four  years  escaped  legislative  investigation  ? 

AUBUBN,  April  14, 1843. 

What  has  become  of  you  ?  You  have  been  lost,  I  suppose,  between  the 
excitement  of  public  events  and  the  increase  of  private  cares,  in  view  of  your 
European  excursion. 

The  result  of  the  election  in  Albany  shows  a  triumph ;  but  the  manner  of 
the  contest  proves  that  our  only  citadel  cannot  long  hold  out. 

I  have  formed  my  connection  in  business,  got  my  counsel- chamber  in  a  good 
condition,  and,  though  we  have  had  but  three  or  four  days  of  spring,  my  garden 
and  grounds  exhibit  abundant  evidence  of  reform  and  improvement.  By  de 
grees  these  humble  labors  and  cares  become  "  attractional,"  as  the  Fourierists 
say ;  and  the  political  excitement  of  the  last  four  years  is  leaving  me  rapidly 
enough. 

Mr.  N the  other  day,  conscious  that  this  is  the  season  of  Lent,  and  there 
fore  similar  to  that  in  which  the  devil  showed  our  Saviour  all  the  kingdoms  of  the 
earth  and  offered  them  to  him,  tendered  me  the  Abolition  nomination  for  Presi 
dent  by  letter,  which  I  respectfully  declined  upon  the  ground,  generally,  that  I 
have  gone  to  the  end  of  my  ambition  and  sense  of  duty,  not  to  speak  of  my 
obligations  to  that  portion  of  the  people  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  all  honors. 

Pray,  tell  me  what  day  you  fix  for  your  departure  from  this  "  Loco-foco  "- 
ridden  country.  I  must  see  you  out  of  the  bay,  though  you  need  not  fear  that 
I  shall  want  to  attend  you  any  farther. 


1843.]  THE   LOCUST   BORER.  657 

Mrs.  Seward  was  now  at  Rochester.  Letters  to  her  contained  fre 
quent  reference  to  the  garden  : 

AUBTTRN,  April  22, 1848. 

I  am  tempted  to  visit  you  to-night,  but  so  many  cares  have  fastened  upon 
me  that  I  fear  I  shall  be  unable  to  execute  my  half-formed  purpose.  Things 
in  the  house  are  much  as  they  were,  except  that  the  birds  are  delivered  from 
their  long  imprisonment  in  the  basement,  and  are  unbounded  in  their  joyousness. 

You  will  scarcely  recognize  the  place  when  you  see  it  with  so  many  of  the 
trees  cut  down.  I  am  making  wild  havoc  in  the  court-yard.  But  it  has  an 
end.  The  slower  and  more  toilsome  work  of  renewal  proceeds  with  diligence. 

I  took  Augustus  with  me  and  two  laborers  into  the  woods,  and  brought 
home  fifteen  fine,  thrifty  elms,  which  have  supplied  a  part  of  the  chasm  the 
worms  had  made  by  destroying  the  locusts.  I  have  engaged  also  fifty  ever 
greens  and  a  few  mountain-ash  trees.  I  am  laboriously  fertilizing  the  grass 
plats  and  cultivating  the  fruit-trees.  We  have  also  set  out  choice  gooseberries 
and  raspberries  in  large  quantities.  The  hot-beds  already  exhibit  promise  of 
precious  fruit.  While  these  congenial  labors  are  carried  on  so  zealously,  I  have 
necessarily  neglected  my  law-business,  but  it  grows  withal.  On  the  25th  I  am 
to  be  at  Albany,  and  thence  shall  go  to  New  York  to  attend  the  Supreme  Court. 

AUBUBN,  April  25,  1843. 

The  crocus  has  flourished  its  bright-yellow  flowers,  and  is  drooping  beneath 
the  gaudy  rivalry  of  the  daffodils,  which  burst  upon  us  in  full  splendor  with 
the  rising  sun  this  morning.  The  little  border-flower,  with  the  pretty  name 
that  I  cannot  remember,  disclosed  its  petals  at  the  same  time.  The  lilac-buds 
are  bursting,  and  the  gooseberries  almost  in  leaf.  Spring  advances  so  fast  that 
I  can  scarcely  keep  even  with  her  in  my  gardening  operations.  You  will  find 
unsightly  stumps  when  you  return,  but  there  will  be  much  to  compensate  for  all 
the  ravages  of  the  locust-worm  and  my  saw.  So  I  shall  not  tell  Mrs.  Bowen 
that  our  little  retreat  is  despoiled.  The  fruit-trees  which  I  set  out  four  or  five 
years  ago  have  been  totally  neglected.  More  than  one-third  are  lost.  I  am 
supplying  their  place  with  choice  trees,  and  am  cultivating  what  remain. 

AUBUBN,  April  27,  1843. 

I  was  expecting  my  parents,  but  uncertain  when  they  would  come.  After 
breakfast  this  morning  I  received  a  card,  "  Samuel  S.  Seward,  at  the  Ameri 
can."  There,  this  cold,  northwesterly,  blowing,  and  rainy  morning,  I  found  them. 
My  dear  mother  is  comfortably  bestowed  in  our  little  nursery-parlor.  My 
father  seems  quite  vigorous  and  cheerful. 

The  locust  had  been  a  favorite  tree  in  Western  New  York.  Its 
rapid  growth,  beautiful  foliage  and  flowers,  commended  it  for  orna 
mental  purposes  ;  and  its  hard,  valuable  timber  seemed  to  farmers  a 
probable  source  of  profit.  Many  acres  in  Cayuga  County  were  planted 
•with  it.  But  there  now  appeared  a  destructive  insect,  black  and  horny, 
which  bored  into  the  heart  of  the  trees,  and  all  the  locusts  began  to 
droop  and  die.  Various  expedients  to  check  the  pest  were  tried  and 
found  futile.  Dead  trees,  when  cut  down,  were  found  riddled  and 
honey-combed.  Seward  tried  to  save  some  of  the  stately  old  locusts 
42 


(J58  LIFE  AND  LETTERS. 

that  surrounded  the  house  by  cutting  the  tops  and  branches.  One 
day  he  saw  from  his  window  that  an  unexpected  ally  had  arrived. 
This  was  a  red-headed  woodpecker,  hitherto  rarely  seen  at  Auburn. 
Fond  of  the  study  of  natural  laws  and  the  habits  of  animal  life,  he  spent 
an  hour  in  watching  the  bird,  who  was  thrusting  his  long  bill  into  the 
trees,  and  ferreting  out  the  "  borers  "  by  the  score.  At  dinner  he 
announced  that  the  war  in  defense  of  the  locusts  was  over.  Nature 
had  interposed  a  check,  and  henceforth  the  "  borers,"  instead  of  the 
locusts,  would  be  exterminated.  The  prediction  was  verified,  for,  be 
fore  the  season  was  over,  woodpeckers  were  almost  as  plentiful  as  rob 
ins.  The  trees  which  had  been  spared  grew  and  throve  undisturbed, 
and  the  "  borer  "  became  a  thing  of  the  past.  The  woodpeckers  grad 
ually  diminished  in  number  as  their  food  gave  out,  and  the  locust 
probably  might  have  been  successfully  replanted.  But  its  popularity 
had  ceased,  and  only  a  few  stragglers  remained  to  recall  the  memory 
of  the  conflict  of  natural  forces. 

Seward's  ordinary  hour  for  rising  at  Auburn  was  six  o'clock,  and  he 
spent  the  interval  before  breakfast  in  walking  in  the  garden.  When 
he  came  in  to  the  table  he  would  announce  that  the  hyacinths  were  in 
bloom,  or  that  the  bluebirds  had  come,  or  whatever  other  change  the 
morning  had  brought.  He  wrote  to  Weed  : 

AUBUBN,  May  13, 1848. 

I  lead  a  busy  life.  I  have  been  in  the  woods  to-day  dragging  up  huge  trees 
and  transplanting  them  around  the  house.  The  worms  destroyed  a  hundred 
trees,  and  the  sun  and  floods  many  more,  during  my  four  years'  dissipation  at 
Albany.  To-night  I  sum  up  one  hundred  and  seventy  which  I  have  replaced.  I 
am  making  myself  a  bed  to  repose  in,  and  mean  to  have  a  long  sleep.  My  father 
and  mother  are  with  us  for  the  summer ;  they  are  very  infirm,  hut  cheerful. 

AUBUBN,  Sunday,  May  14, 1848. 

I  went  with  my  parents  to  church  this  morning,  and,  when  I  left  them  to 
come  to  the  office,  my  mother  reminded  me  that  I  was  required  to  do  all  my 
work  in  six  days.  Even  she,  however,  would  allow  me  the  indulgence  of  writ 
ing  to  you  on  the  seventh  ;  but  you  keep  up  such  a  tramping  up  and  down  the 
river  that  one  has  no  good  chance  to  arrest  you  at  any  place.  I  wish  your 
garden  was  bigger,  but  not  your  debts.  If  either  had  half  the  magnitude  of 
mine,  you  would  he  more  domestic.  Do  not  forget  to  tell  me,  imprimis,  what 
luck  you  had  in  getting  contributions  for  your  unlucky  editorial  friend.  The 
judicial  abuses  and  the  bigotry  of  the  profession  are  quite  enough  to  make  one 
a  "  Loco-f  oco."  We  want  a  social  reform  ;  and  I  am  sorry  that  Greeley  can 
not  contrive  a  better  one  than  Fourier's  plan  by  joint-stock  companies.  Lawyers 
are  always  necessary  for  such  associations. 

u  Nextly,"  what  does  Blatchf ord  tell  you  about  Webster's  resignation  ?  Have 
you  seen  Bowen  in  any  of  your  visits  at  New  York  ?  I  am  quite  desirous  to 
know  what  he  is  doing  with  the  railroad.  The  times  are  unexpectedly  becom 
ing  propitious. 


1848.]  THE   "TYLER  GRIPPE."  659 

AUBURN,  May  19,  1848. 

I  do  not  know  which  to  envy  most,  Schoolcraft  or  yourself,  in  your  Euro 
pean  trip ;  and  I  rejoice  that,  like  Blatchford  on  his  late  Southern  excur 
sion,  Schoolcraft  will  have  an  opportunity  to  see  how,  by  reading  my  lessons 
abroad  contrariwise,  I  contracted  some  of  those  heresies  which  have  marked  me 
out  as  an  object  for  attack.  But  you  say  nothing  of  Harding.  How  is  that? 
I  do  justice  to  your  sententious  style ;  but,  after  all,  you  never  explain.  A  dash 
or  a  stroke  tells  the  presently  material  thing,  but  circumstances  and  details  are 
never  hatched  under  your  incubation.  You  won't  want  my  letters  ;  but  I  will 
bring  you  Mrs.  Seward's  book  thereof ;  also  Carter's ;  also  all  my  guide-books, 
which  are  many,  and  my  traveling-map.  I  will  »how  how  you  must  study 
French ;  but  I  fear  you  have  so  long  played  the  part  of  magister,  that  you  will 
prove  a  dull  scholar. 

When  shall  I  go  down  with  Morgan  to  see  you  ?  If  you  write  to  Morgan, 
you  must  address  him  by  title,  "  M.  0."  Every  postmaster  does  not  know  that 
Morgan  is  yet,  and  some  of  them  wish  he  never  had  been,  a  member  of  Con 
gress  ;  hence,  for  the  want  of  the  magic  words,  he  is  liable  to  suffer  loss. 

AUBUBH,  May  28, 1843. 

Your  two  letters  were  put  in  my  hand  last  night  on  my  return  from  Ovid. 
I  went  to  try  an  action  for  breach  of  promise.  Sibley  was  the  defendant's  coun 
sel  ;  but  he  determined  to  put  off  the  trial.  I  found  Maynard  there,  supreme 
in  the  confidence  of  the  bar  and  the  people,  as  he  deserved.  I  was  employed 
in  every  cause  of  importance  after  my  arrival.  Popular  feeling  was  with  ray 
clients,  and  there  was  kindness  toward  me;  so  I  succeeded  in  all  my  causes, 
and  came  home  weary,  but  cheered  with  good  auspices.  My  feelings  have 
chiefly  been  excited  against  the  ingratitude  of  our  own  friends,  who  have 
thought  it  their  duty  to  assail  and  injure  you,  while  suffering  so  much  for  nc 
cause  but  eminent  service.  Well,  well,  it  is  out  of  such  persecution  that  strength 
and  power  are  to  be  acquired. 

I  shall  go  down  with  Morgan,  or  anticipate  him.  I  will  prepare  a  letter  tc 
O'Oonnell,  which  you  will  use  or  not  at  your  discretion,  Harding  is  with  us, 
and  will  finish  his  picture  in  two  days. 

Already  the  supporters  of  Van  Buren  and  Calhoun  were  taking  an 
attitude  of  rivalry.  The  Van  Buren  men  proposed  to  hold  a  conven 
tion  in  December,  1843  ;  the  Calhoun  men  wanted  one  called  in  May, 
1844. 

It  had  been  reported  from  Washington,  some  weeks  before,  that  a 
species  of  influenza  had  become  epidemic.  Shortly  after  it  appeared 
in  New  York,  and  later  it  spread  throughout  the  country.  It  was 
not  fatal,  but  very  persistent,  troublesome,  and  sometimes  alarming. 
Few  escaped  it  ;  nearly  everybody  was  coughing  or  snuffling.  It  dif 
fered  from  the  ordinary  influenza  in  degree  rather  than  in  character. 
Borrowing  a  name  from  France,  it  was  called  the  "  grippe  ;  "  and  as  it 
was  the  custom  to  associate  the  name  of  the  President  with  things  that 
•were  unpopular,  it  very  soon  acquired  the  title  of  the  "  Tyler  grippe.** 
It  has  never  since  recurred  as  an  epidemic  to  the  same  extent  among 


660  HFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1848 

the  human  race,  but  it,  or  something  like  it,  has  occasionally  afflicted 
all  the  horses  or  all  the  dogs. 

Endeavoring  to  dispel  some  unfounded  apprehensions  of  a  friend  in 
regard  to  his  health,  Seward  said  : 

Do  not  be  unduly  alarmed  about  what  the  doctor  thinks  may  be  possible. 
It  is  characteristic  of  the  profession,  and  especially  so  of  him,  to  magnify  all 
such  symptoms.  They  give  hard  names  and  bestow  long  descriptions  upon 
them,  and,  if  we  suffer  our  fears  to  take  complexion  from  their  prognostics,  we 
should  never  be  well  nor  cheerful.  With  the  best  intentions  in  the  world,  he 
vill  keep  you  subjected  to  medical  treatment  all  the  rest  of  your  life. 

As  his  father  was  at  one  period  a  physician  of  large  practice,  Sew 
ard  came  very  early  to  have,  like  the  children  of  most  doctors,  an  under 
standing  of  the  vis  medicatrix  naturae,  and  a  modified  faith  in  the  ma- 
teria  medica.  Some  knowledge  of  drugs,  and  of  the  effects  often  pro 
duced  by  their  ignorant  and  mistaken  use,  aided  to  confirm  his  opinion 
that  care,  nursing,  and  encouragement,  were  more  indispensable  in 
sickness  than  prescriptions.  "  Sleep  and  starvation,"  he  used  to  say, 
he  had  found  "  the  best  of  all  remedies  in  ordinary  maladies."  When 
attacked  by  a  disease,  he  would  refuse  to  eat  or  drink,  and,  retiring 
to  his  room,  would  sleep  as  many  hours  as  he  found  practicable.  The 
result  seemed  to  vindicate  his  judgment,  for  in  most  instances  the  dis 
order  would  succumb  to  such  treatment.  However,  so  far  from  having 
any  bigoted  attachment  to  his  theory,  he  always  made  it  a  point  to  call 
in  a  medical  adviser  promptly  whenever  any  of  the  household  were  ill. 
In  the  judgment  of  his  old  friend  and  family  physician  at  Albany,  Dr. 
Williams,  he  had  much  confidence. 

A  letter  from  William  Jay,  May  7th,  announced  his  removal  from 
office  as  first  judge  of  Westchester  County,  which  he  had  held  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  having  been  appointed  by  Tompkins,  Clinton, 
Throop,  and  Marcy.  He  had  been  removed  for  his  avowal  of  anti- 
slavery  opinions.  He  said  the  reason  assigned  was,  "  my  reappointment 
would  be  calculated  to  prejudice  the  Democratic  party  in  the  eyes  of 
our  Southern  brethren." 

The  Virginia  search-law  was  now  in  operation  in  regard  to  all 
New  York  vessels.  A  Norfolk  paper  announced,  with  some  disgust, 
that,  "  although  Virginia  had  passed  an  efficient  law,  Yankee  ingenuity 
has  discovered  a  way  to  evade  it.  New  York  vessels  now  clear  from 
Jersey  City,  go  to  Virginia,  discharge  their  cargoes,  and,  returning, 
clear  again  for  Jersey  City." 

An  address  was  published  by  John  Quincy  Adams  and  other  mem 
bers  of  the  House,  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of  Texas.  Opinions 
adverse  to  slavery  extension  began  to  gain  favor  in  the  minds  of  many 
at  the  North  who  had  hitherto  kept  aloof  from  discussion  of  the  sla 
very  question.  If  they  were  bound  to  tolerate  the  existence  of  slavery 


1848.]  O'CONNELL   AND   SLAVERY.  661 

in  the  States,  where  it  was  already,  no  principle  required  them  to  sanc 
tion  its  extension  into  new  Territories,  the  common  property  of  all  the 
States. 

The  Bunker  Hill  monument  was  to  be  completed  and  dedicated  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  battle,  the  17th  of  June.  Mr.  Webster  was  to 
deliver  the  oration.  Great  preparations  were  in  progress  at  Boston  for 
an  imposing  celebration. 

The  new  common-school  law,  so  long  advocated  by  Seward,  was 
now  published,  and  went  into  effect.  It  proved  in  operation  so  wise 
and  beneficent  that  opposition  to  the  system  began  to  die  away  almost 
immediately;  and  no  portion  of  the  community  have  since  been  willing 
to  avow  the  wish  to  see  it  abrogated.  A  State  Convention  of  Deputy- 
Superintendents  of  Common  Schools  was  in  session  at  Albany  in  May, 
in  which  S.  S.  Randall,  the  State  Superintendent,,  took  the  leading  part, 
and  read  a  letter  from  Seward. 

The  "  Barnburners  "  now  made  an  important  move.  After  due  con 
ference  had  been  held  among  their  leaders,  their  organ,  the  Albany 
Atlas^  advocated  a  convention  to  revise  the  constitution  of  the  State 
of  New  York.  The  "  Barnburners  "  took  the  bold  ground  that  radical 
changes  were  needed,  and  needed  at  once  ;  and  that  the  whole  people 
were  as  competent  to  say  whether  they  wanted  changes  this  year  as 
their  representatives  could  be  year  after  next.  It  was  revolutionary; 
but  it  was  peaceful  revolution,  and  nothing  would  be  done  except  in 
accordance  with  the  fundamental  republican  principle  that  the  majority 
should  rule.  The  proposition  gradually  gained  adherents  among  the 
Whigs  and  even  among  the  "  Old  Hunkers."  The  latter's  chief  objec 
tion  to  it  was  the  source  whence  it  originated. 

From  Ireland  came  news  that  proposed  constitutional  changes  were 
not  proceeding  so  peaceably.  The  movement  for  the  repeal  of  the 
union  with  England,  and  for  the  restoration  of  an  Irish  Parliament,  had 
aroused  an  excitable  people  to  enthusiastic  demonstrations.  O'Con- 
nell,  its  leader,  addressed  meetings,  where  thousands  were  gathered. 
Though  he  avowed  his  loyalty  to  the  crown,  his  denunciations  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel's  ministry  gave  ground  for  charging  him  with  treason. 
Troops  were  sent  to  disperse  the  gatherings,  and  to  check  apprehended 
riots.  O'Connell  and  his  son  were  removed  from  office  as  magistrates. 
Between  seventy  and  eighty  thousand  people  were  computed  to  have 
assembled  at  the  Curragh  of  Kildare. 

The  repeal  movement  was  watched  with  interest  and  sympathy  in 
America.  Many  meetings  were  held  in  the  cities.  At  the  Washington 
Hotel,  in  New  York,  early  in  June,  a  crowded  meeting  assembled. 
Seward,  who  was  in  the  city  to  take  leave  of  Mr.  Weed  on  his  depart 
ure  for  Europe,  was  urgently  solicited  to  attend,  and  when  he  entered 
the  room  was  loudly  called  to  the  chair. 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [184&. 

It  did  not  contribute  to  lessen  the  popular  feeling  against  England 
when  news  came  from  the  Pacific  that  the  British  flag  was  floating  at 
Oahu,  which  was  understood  to  signify  the  provisional  cession  of  the 
Sandwich  Islands  to  the  British  crown. 

Mr.  Weed  sailed  on  the  7th  of  June  for  Europe,  in  the  packet-ship 
George  Washington.  Isaac  Newton  had  placed  a  steamboat  at  the 
disposal  of  his  friends  to  accompany  him  to  Sandy  Hook.  Among  the 
other  passengers  were  Bishop  Hughes,  Bishop  Purcell,  Father  De  Smet, 
John  L.  Schoolcraft,  of  Albany,  and  George  Leitch,  of  Auburn. 

The  Evening  Journal  of  that  day  contained  Weed's  farewell  to  his 
readers.  As  Seward  was  reading  it  at  the  breakfast-table  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning,  his  eye  fell  upon  a  tersely-expressed  paragraph  in  the 
same  paper,  which  he  read  aloud,  remarking  that  it  was  just  and  de 
served.  This  was  Sydney  Smith's  "  humble  petition  to  the  Houses  of 
Congress,"  drawn  out  by  Pennsylvania's  refusal  to  pay  the  interest  on 
her  bonds,  some  of  which  he  was  unfortunate  enough  to  hold. 

.  Probably  none  of  the  censures  of  repudiation  touched  the  American 
heart  so  closely  as  these  words  of  Sydney  Smith.  To  rebukes  from  po 
litical  opponents,  denunciations  by  foreign  newspapers  and  statesmen, 
many  had  grown  indifferent;  but  these  plain,  simple  words  of  a  rural 
clergyman,  an  honest  man,  who  had  put  his  little  savings  into  the  care 
of  a  great  republic,  with  undoubting  faith  that  it  would  keep  its  prom 
ises,  showed  the  American  people  that  to  repudiate  such  a  debt  was 
not  only  a  disgrace,  but  a  crime. 

Soon  after  came  another  startling  rebuke.  O'Connell,  in  a  letter  to 
tee  Irishmen  of  America,  said  : 

Americans  attempt  to  palliate  their  iniquity  by  the  excuse  of  personal  inter 
est  ;  but  the  Irish,  who  have  not  even  that  excuse,  and  yet  justify  slavery,  are 
utterly  indefensible.  Once  again,  and  for  the  last  time,  we  call  upon  you  to  come 
out  of  the  councils  of  the  slaveholders,  and  to  free  yourselves  from  participating 
in  their  guilt.  Irishmen !  I  call  upon  you  to  join  in  crushing  slavery,  and  in 
giving  liberty  to  every  man,  of  every  caste,  creed,  or  color. 

This  was  signed  by  O'Connell,  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the 
Dublin  Repeal  Association,  and  was  in  reply  to  a  Cincinnati  associa 
tion,  who  had  written  justifying  "  the  Irish  support  of  the  pro-slavery 
party,"  alluded  to  by  Lord  Morpeth. 


1848.]  WEED   IN  EUROPE.  663 

CHAPTER   XLIX. 

1843. 

Weed  in  Europe.— Letters  from  America.— Bunker  Hill  Monument.— Death  of  Legar6. — 
Van  Buren,  Cass,  and  Calhoun.— Change  of  Professional  Employment.— Patent  Case*. 
—The  End  of  the  World. 

RETURNED  to  Auburn,  Seward  wrote  to  Weed  : 

AUBUBN,  Friday,  June  9,  1843. 

Here  I  am,  nearly  four  hundred  miles  distant  from  the  place  where  I  parted 
from  you ;  and  you  have  probably  added  an  equal  space  to  our  distance  in  so 
brief  a  time.  Mrs.  Weed  and  Harriet  repressed  their  feelings  quite  well,  and 
left  me  for  home  under  kind  care.  I  followed  yesterday  morning. 

Benedict  came  in  from  the  parting  scene  deeply  affected,  and  bestowed  him 
self  at  once  upon  his  neglected  correspondents.  I  stopped  only  an  hour  in  Al 
bany,  and  failed  to  see  King.  I  am  glad  I  went  to  STew  York.  I  had  not  con 
ceived  such  general  yet  delicate  kindness.  I  came  home  loving  mankind  in 
general  better  than  ever. 

Your  farewell  in  the  Journal  subdued  many  stubborn  prejudices,  and  revived 
much  the  affection  of  friends.  It  was  admired  by  all,  and  most  by  the  most 
intelligent. 

Mrs.  Seward  and  my  father  and  mother  make  me  tell  the  story  all  orer  again 
every  time  I  enter  the  house,  about  the  imperturbable  seamanship,  the  clinging 
steamers  on  either  side,  the  collation,  and  the  parting.  When  Judge  Miller  comes 
home,  and  Harding,  it  must  be  done  again  for  them.  Mr.  Oroswell  was  on  the 
steamboat  when  I  came  up.  He  spoke  of  you  with  respect  and  kindness. 

The  True  Sun  noticed  your  departure  in  words  of  simple  truth ;  I  cannot 
send  it.  The  article  said  that  you  had  gone  for  health  and  pleasure;  that  you 
were  attended  to  the  wharf  by  many  and  distinguished  friends ;  that  the  public 
mind  was  greatly  divided  about  you,  many  cherishing  devoted  affection  and  re 
spect  for  you,  and  others,  especially  since  the  effort  to  nominate  Scott  in  1839, 
regarding  you  as  an  evil  and  dangerous  man.  But  your  absence  will  remove 
these  prejudices,  and  if  the  public  interests  do  not  require  you  to  offend  existing 
combinations  on  your  return,  you  will  enjoy  a  popularity  that  would  be  danger 
ous  to  any  other  than  a  moderate  man. 

But  I  must  not  bore  you  with  politics.     Our  State  affairs  will  soon  sink  ia 
importance,  and  even  our  own  national  questions  lose  their  exciting  interest 
and  an  old  abbey  or  desolated  castle,  or  long-ago  battle-field,  will  excite  senti 
ments  more  overpowering  than  the  succession  in  our  republican  dynasty. 

Be  sure  to  look  on  the  sea,  to  study  it  carefully  when  it  is  lashed  into  storms, 
making  it  resemble  a  wintry  snow-scene ;  when  it  is  so  calm  that  you  can  realizi 
the  beauty  of  the  superstition  that  Venus  was  born  of  it ;  in  the  morning  when 
the  rising  sun  kindles  its  waters  with  effulgence ;  at  evening  when  he  leaves  you 
to  its  depressing  gloom.  The  sea  and  the  sun,  the  sublimest  creations  of  God, 
you  can  never  be  satisfied  with  the  contemplation  of  either,  after  you  have  been 
accustomed  to  see  both  together. 

You  left  some  valuable  letters.  I  committed  them  to  Blatchford,  who  said 
they  should  be  sent  by  the  steamer.  Thus  we  have  discovered  that  sailing-vea- 


LIFE  A:NT]D   LETTERS.  [1843 

sels  are  better  than  steamships — for  passengers  who  wish  to  leave  their  letters 
or  baggage  behind  them. 

The  corporation,  the  military,  etc.,  are  making  arrangements  for  the  recep 
tion  of  the  President  and  his  suite.  Assuredly  there  is  a  boldness  in  this  deter 
mination  to  enjoy  the  homage  of  the  people  when  they  have  so  much  reluctance 
in  rendering  it.  The  Bostonians  are  very  ambitious,  and  the  personal  friends 
of  Mr.  Webster  anticipate  an  effort  on  his  part  which  will  regain  for  him  the 
affections  of  New  England.  They  manifest  no  reluctance  to  the  aid  of  the  Presi 
dent's  visit  in  that  respect. 

England  is  glorious  in  June,  is  it  not  ?  You  see,  I  am  imaging  this  letter 
arrived.  But  you  will  be  in  danger  of  forgetting  the  loveliness  of  June  every 
where  else.  Even  here,  these  dark  forests  which  overhang  the  canal,  the  free 
and  broad  lawns  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,  are  beautiful.  Take  care  that  you  for 
get  not  their  loveliness,  if  you  value  our  affection.  Then  for  the  moral  scenery. 
Who  so  poor  that  he  may  not  own  land,  trees,  flowers  here?  or,  if  he  own  them 
not,  is  not  every  man  a  commoner  of  them  ?  But  Where  you  are  men  are  worth 
less  than  acres,  and  the  trees  of  the  rich  deny  their  shade  to  the  children  of  the 
poor. 

AUBURN,  June  12,  1843. 

Since  I  wrote  you  on  Friday,  there  is  nothing  new.  Benedict  is  engaged  al 
ready  in  administering  your  political  as  well  as  fiscal  estate.  He  appeals  to 
Morgan  and  Hawley  to  rouse  themselves  for  the  great  work  he  has  assumed. 

Whittlesey  passed  through  Auburn  last  night  on  his  way  to  Kochester,  leav 
ing  a  kind  and  generous  letter  for  me,  chiefly  saying  that,  while  the  storm  my 
repeal  demonstration  made  was  not  less  than  he  had  foreseen,  yet  on  the  whole, 
after  reading  the  speech  and  hearing  comments,  he  had  become  almost  satisfied 
that  the  proceeding  was  judicious,  and  would  result  well.  I  would  not  weary 
you  with  politics,  since  I  know  how  glad  you  will  have  become  to  forget  them 
long  before  this  will  reach  you.  Patterson  accompanied  me  from  Albany  thus 
far  on  his  route  homeward ;  J.  B.  ISTott  as  far ;  and  we  had  Colonel  Barnard 
from  Syracuse.  Harding  is  yet  at  Seneca  Falls,  where  he  had  spent  a  week 
painting  Sackett.  He  received  your  farewell  epistle.  I  write  to  him  to-day. 

AUBUBN,  June  18, 1848. 

By  this  time  you  have  wearied  the  steward,  and  tried  the  patience  of 
the  captain,  with  repeating  the  silly  interrogations  which  he  hears  from  every 
landsman  on  every  voyage.  You  have  become  wearied  of  nine-tenths  of  the 
passengers,  and  more  out  of  patience  with  yourself  than  with  them.  Even  the 
sea  has  showed  all  its  phases  and  phenomena  which  it  reveals  to  fair-weather 
passengers ;  and  you  would  rejoice  to  be  assured  that  your  printing-office  had  not 
stopped  its  operations,  your  family  were  yet  in  health,  and  your  bosom  friends 
were  steadfast.  But  it  will  be  a  week  yet  before  you  can  receive  any  tidings, 
and  then  a  world  new  to  you  and  whose  novelty  consists  in  the  antiquity  you 
have  venerated,  without  ever  seeing  it,  will,  for  a  time,  banish  all  solicitude  con 
cerning  all  you  left  behind. 

I  know  not  the  times  and  seasons  of  the  packets,  and,  if  I  did,  I  could  not 
conform.  So  you  must  take  my  letters  written  at  my  convenience,  not  theirs. 
If  they  ever  find  you,  and  if  they  assure  you  that  I  am  still  faithful,  they  will 
accomplish  all  that  I  expect,  though  they  may  not  convey  to  yon  the  early 
intelligence  you  would  be  glad  to  receive. 


1848.]  THE  BUNKER  HILL   MONUMENT.  665 

That  repeal  meeting  operated  as  every  effort  of  a  similar  kind  has  done. 
Greeley  went  manfully  in,  and  manifestly  with  much  advantage.  In  the  coun 
try,  the  Whigs  were  amazed,  rubbed  their  eyes,  asked  what  I  was  after  now, 
and  went  to  sleep  again.  Rufus  King  had,  as  I  hope  you  will  see,  a  gallant  de 
fense;  after  which  I  wrote  him  to  drop  all  notice  of  me  in  the  matter.  I 
think  that  in  New  York  there  is  a  general  expression  that  the  savings  of  four 
years  have  been  lost  by  my  indiscretion.  In  the  country  there  is  a  doubt 
whether  it  is  not  probable  that  my  sentiments  are  just,  and  action  wise.  Mean 
time,  the  Whig  Mayor  of  Utica  has  presided  at  a  meeting,  and  some  Whigs, 
united  with  many  more  influential  men  of  the  other  party,  have  called  a  meet 
ing  in  Albany.  The  subject  will  soon  rest,  unless  fresh  excitement  is  raised  by 
intelligence  from  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  17th  of  June  has  passed.  Judging  from  the  number  of  pilgrims  I  have 
met,  the  holy  shrine  of  Mecca  never  witnessed  more  ardent  worship.  The 
world  has  all  gone  to  Bunker  Hill ;  and,  since  Webster  spoke,  there  could  be  no 
disappointment.  How  enviable  is  his  power  1  How  absolute  it  would  be,  if 
combined  with  discretion  1 

Blatchford,  I  suppose,  has  spent  the  week  at  Marshfield.  Frank  Granger 
is  in  Ohio  on  his  annual  visit;  A.  P.  Granger  in  the  West.  There  are  no  signs 
of  political  life,  although  there  is  abundant  faith.  Greeley  is  confident;  but 
even  the  triumph  of  "  Association "  seems  as  improbable,  and  likely  to  be  as 
speedy.  John  Davis  has  been  wise ;  Briggs's  nomination  was  made  in  a  spirit 
that  seems  auspicious.  Vivus  W.  Smith,  who  has  returned  from  Ohio,  is  con 
fident  of  much  success  for  our  Congress  ticket  there. 

We  number  the  days  of  your  voyage,  and  measure  your  progress — a  subject 
upon  which  I  exhibit  astonishing  knowledge.  Indeed,  I  am  quite  an  oracle 
among  your  friends  since  I  discourse  profoundly  of  the  northern  passage,  the 
Gulf  Stream,  the  banks,  and  the  rates  per  hour  of  navigation. 

If  this  finds  you  in  London,  or  indeed  in  Great  Britain,  and  you  shall  have 
marked  out  the  programme  of  your  travels,  do  not  omit  to  give  it  me.  It  will 
enable  me  to  keep  Mrs.  Weed's  and  Harriet's  eyes  on  the  route,  following  your 
progress  before  your  letters  arrive. 

You  will  see  by  the  papers  that  there  is  an  epidemic  influenza.  It  has 
thrown  me  upon  my  back  three  times,  but  I  am  now  wearing  it  out.  Scarcely 
any  one  escapes. 

It  seems  quite  certain  that  the  President  is  to  visit  Niagara  as  well  as  the 
Springs.  Since  the  day  of  railroads  has  reached  its  meridian,  our  little  town  of 
Auburn  is  too  obscure  to  detain  such  distinguished  tourists.  In  passing  through 
France,  I  used  to  inquire  of  the  conductor,  when  we  approached  or  were  passing 
a  place  which  seemed  to  contain  five  or  six  thousand  people,  what  town  that 
was.  ("  Quelle  mile  est-ce  Id  f  ")  u  Ge  n'est  pas  une  mile,  settlement  un  village," 
he  would  reply.  ("It  is  not  a  town,  only  a  village.")  Ineffable  was  the  con 
tempt  he  felt  for  villages.  John  Tyler  will  find  villages  as  unendurable,  since 
they  will  furnish  him  no  parasites.  I  promise  you,  by-the-way,  no  more  French 
anecdotes  until  you  have  commenced  your  studies  on  the  Continent. 

The  President  and  cabinet  went  to  Bunker  Hill  to  attend  the  cele 
bration.  People  flocked  toward  Boston  from  all  parts  of  New  England, 
and  even  from  the  West  and  South.  Revolutionary  soldiers,  military 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1848, 

companies,  and  "  Boston  boys,"  were  especially  welcome.  In  different 
cities,  all  over  the  country,  salutes  of  twenty-six  guns  were  fired  at 
noon,  one  for  each  State,  calling  up  before  the  "  mind's  eye  "  of  those 
who  heard  them  the  vast  concourse  at  Charlestown,  gathered  around 
the  towering  shaft,  listening  to  Webster's  matchless  oratory.  These 
glowing  feelings  received  a  check  by  the  intelligence  of  the  death  at 
Boston  of  Hugh  S.  Legare",  the  Attorney-General.  The  President  and 
the  remaining  members  of  the  cabinet  gave  up  their  tour,  and  returned 
with  the  body  to  Washington. 

June  was  cold  and  rainy,  and  the  influenza  showed  no  sign  of  abate 
ment.  On  the  contrary,  it  seemed  to  be  spreading.  In  the  cities  whole 
families  were  suffering  with  it  at  once.  Occasionally,  shops  would  be 
shut  because  there  was  nobody  to  attend  them.  The  country  news 
papers  were  all  talking  of  it,  for  it  had  spread  even  into  rural  localities. 
Ships  came  into  port  having  the  captain  and  half  the  crew  laid  up 
with  it. 

AUBURN,  June  24,  1843. 

It  is  Saturday  night  once  more.  I  have  indulged  myself  in  the  luxury  of 
even  a  regalia,  and  thrown  aside  special  pleas  and  meaner  labors  to  give  you  a 
narration  of  the  week.  How  much  more  cheerfully  should  I  do  this  if  my  letter 
could  leap  into  your  hand  just  as  you  reach  the  wharf  at  Liverpool,  instead  of 
being  weeks,  perhaps  months,  lying  by  in  some  banker's  counting-room,  waiting 
your  arrival  at  a  stopping-place ! 

I  have  a  mournful  story  to  begin  with.  I  rejoiced  this  morning  in  the  gather 
ing  clouds,  for  the  earth  was  parched,  and  my  young  trees  and  shrubbery  were 
drooping.  A  hurricane  preceded  the  rain.  When  I  went  home  to  dine,  two 
noble  shade-trees  of  my  neighbor's  had  been  upturned,  and  lay  in  all  their  glori 
ous  foliage  stretched  upon  the  ground.  I  had  lost  only  what  the  worms  had 
spared  of  a  sickly  acacia.  Another  storm  came  on,  and  still  another.  When  I 
went  home  in  the  evening,  there  was  mourning  over  Jenny,  our  canary,  who  was 
drowned  in  her  nest,  having  protected  her  eggs  until  the  last.  The  male  canary, 
and  Bob  the  mocking-bird,  had  been  exposed  in  the  rain-storms,  and  were 
drooping. 

Now,  a  canary-bird  of  either  sex  is  easily  supplied,  but  that  bird  was  one  of 
many  beautiful  remembrances  of  our  pleasures  and  enjoyments  at  Albany ;  and 
now  that  the  responsibilities,  cares,  and  griefs  of  that  residence  have  passed 
away,  and  thick  fancies  of  other  accidents  and  troubles  crowd  upon  me,  my  so 
journ  at  Albany  seems  like  all  former  periods  of  life,  bright  and  happy.  But 
this  is  enough  for  an  obituary  of  a  canary-bird,  to  be  sent  to  a  gentleman  who, 
for  his  sight-seeing  and  wonder-hearing  in  foreign  lands,  forgets  the  glories  of 
his  native  mountains,  the  music  of  the  forests,  and  all  save  the  love  and  affection 
of  wife,  children,  and  friends. 

I  went  last  Friday  to  Canandaigua,  and  there  argued  a  cause  in  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court,  before  Judge  Thompson  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Granger 
returned  from  Ohio  while  I  was  in  Oanandaigua.  I  called  at  his  house,  but  missed 
him.  Sibley  is  building  a  fine  house,  and  preparing  for  the  marriage  of  hi« 
daughter. 


1843.]  ENGLISH   ART   AND   WEALTH.  667 

I  have  spent  three  days  in  preparing  special  pleas  for  Greeley,  in  two  libel 
oases  brought  by  Cooper.  I  tempt  the  Supreme  Court  somewhat  ;  but,  if  I  do 
not  overrate  my  work,  I  shall,  by  means  of  it,  acquire  an  opportunity  to  get  an 
adjudication,  by  the  Court  of  Errors,  upon  the  law  of  libel,  as  it  affects  the  free 
dom  of  the  press. 

You  will  have  seen  accounts  of  the  death  of  the  late  Attorney-General  and  Sec 
retary  of  State  ad  interim,  Mr.  Legare.  He  had  so  conducted  as  not  to  become 
particularly  obnoxious  for  the  measures  and  policy  of  the  Administration.  It  is 
evident  that  his  loss  will  not  be  felt  in  the  cabinet,  though  such  were  his  talents 
and  acquirements  that  the  country  holds  his  memory  in  high  respect.  The 
President  and  survivors  of  the  cabinet  returned  immediately  to  Washington. 
The  Democrats  did  all  that  was  needful  to  make  their  progress  splendid  and 
agreeable.  The  Whigs  kept  aloof. 

Mr.  Webster's  speech  at  Bunker  Hill  is  called  and  regarded  as  a  great  produc 
tion  ;  yet  it  is  inferior  to  the  mighty  efforts  he  has  heretofore  made.  It  will, 
nevertheless,  revive  his  personal  popularity  in  New  England.  How  strange  that 
such  a  man  should  not  know  that  generous  appeals  to  the  patriotism,  national 
pride,  and  sympathies  of  the  people,  like  this,  and  his  former  Bunker  Hill  speech, 
tell  upon  them  with  a  thousand-fold  greater  effect  than  discussions  of  financial 
schemes  and  commercial  treaties  !  These  embarrass  and  enfeeble  him.  Those 
renew  his  strength,  and  rekindle  the  affection  and  gratitude  of  the  country. 

John  M.  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  has  published  a  letter  declining  to  be  a  can 
didate  for  the  vice-presidency.  It  is  wisely  done  ;  but,  after  all,  there  are  likely 
to  be  as  many  for  him  as  for  anybody. 

The  repeal  question  has  gone  as  all  its  predecessors  of  the  same  kind  did. 
The  city  press  of  the  Whigs  came  out  earnestly  against  it.  The  Democratic 
press  are  strongly  in  favor  ;  and  now  our  indiscreet  friends  are  defending  them 
selves  against  accusations  of  distrust  of  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-government, 
and  anti-national  sympathies  with  the  English.  This  was  to  be  so  in  any  event. 
O'Oonnell  has  made  a  noble  speech  against  the  pro-slavery  proclivities  and  as 
sociations  of  his  countrymen  here.  It  does  him  infinite  honor;  but  existing 
prejudices  and  connections  are  too  strong  to  be  broken  by  even  his  mighty  spell. 


Seven  and  eighteen  are  twenty-five.  To-day,  perhaps,  you  are  looking  with 
disappointment  at  the  narrow  flood  of  the  Mersey,  and  contrasting  its  muddy 
beach  at  low  tide  with  the  glorious  bay,  flush  and  full,  pouring  its  waters  against 
the  islands  of  New  York  ;  and  turning  from  the  contrast,  so  agreeable  to  Ameri 
can  pride,  you  are  admiring  the  villas  and  gardens,  groves  and  cottages,  which 
surround  Liverpool.  Well,  English  art  and  English  wealth  will  amaze  you; 
but  not  so  much  as  the  grandeur  of  Nature,  here,  astounds  the  children  of  the 
petty  island  that  rules  the  world.  But  the  greatest  disappointment  is  yet  to 
come.  You  are  a  politician,  and  have  swayed  the  councils  of  your  native  State, 
and  put  forth  an  influence  that  has  been  felt  in  the  national  Government.  When 
you  come  to  see  the  abode  of  royalty,  the  halls  of  Parliament,  the  commercial 
marine,  and  the  navy  and  the  army  of  Great  Britain,  the  monuments  of  national 
triumph,  and  the  trophies  of  conquest,  you  will  for  a  time,  though  most  unjustly, 
feel  as  if  the  powers  of  government  you  have  seen  in  exercise  here,  the  interests 
affected  by  them,  and  the  destinies  which  they  were  fulfilling,  were  mean  and 


668  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [184& 

unworthy  of  a  high  ambition.  After  this  mistake  has  been  corrected  by  just  re 
flections  upon  the  character  and  destinies  of  the  American  people,  you  will  come 
home  more  than  ever  in  love  with  your  native  land,  more  than  ever  proud 
that  you  are  an  American  citizen,  and  deemed  not  unworthy  a  voice  in  the  coun 
sels  of  your  country. 

AUBUBN,  July  1, 1848. 

A  wearisome  week  draws  to  its  close ;  and  one  more  exciting  will  follow  it. 
You  are  happily  free  from  the  cares  that  will  grow  up  around  one  where  his 
family  and  his  treasure  are.  May  you  enjoy  it  1 

Blatchf  ord  has  taken  a  six-years'  lease  of  the  country-seat  of  the  late  Mr. 
Prime,  at  Hell  Gate — a  magnificent  dwelling.  He  writes  a  glowing  account  of 
his  visit  to  Marshfield.  His  affections,  and  those  of  his  intimate  associates,  cling 
as  close  as  ever  to  Mr.  Webster.  Blatchford  says  that  the  New  England  speech 
will  bring  back  to  him  two-thirds  of  his  alienated  friends  in  that  region.  In- 
man  writes  me  that  he  is  coming  up,  in  the  next  fortnight,  to  take  his  chance 
for  that  picture.  I  spent  last  evening  pleasantly  with  General  Granger  and 
Raynor,  at  Syracuse. 

The  Maine  Democrats  have  appointed  State  delegates  to  their  National  Con 
vention,  and  nominated  "  the  Sage  of  Lindenwald."  My  business  grows  lux 
uriantly,  and  my  garden  likewise. 

In  the  humid  atmosphere  of  England  you  can  scarcely  conceive  the  intensity 
of  the  sun  that  ushers  in  the  month. 

AUBUBK,  July  9, 1848. 

President  Tyler  has  returned  to  Washington,  and  appointed  Mr.  Upshur 
Secretary  of  State ;  Mr.  Henshaw,  of  Boston,  to  the  Navy ;  and  John  Nelson, 
of  Maryland,  Attorney-General.  The  two  latter  were  always  Yan  Buren  men ; 
the  former  you  know.  Rumors  are  rife  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has 
had  a  falling  out  with  the  President.  But  I  know  no  grounds  for  believing  it 
authentic.  It  is  whispered,  also,  that  the  Postmaster-General  is  in  collision  with 
the  financial  premier.  All  these  things  are  probable,  and  must  happen  some 
day ;  yet  I  doubt  their  reality  now. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Whigs  pursue  steadily  their  course.  Delegates  have 
been  appointed  in  Illinois,  favorable  and  instructed  to  vote  for  the  Kentuckian. 

The  great  subject  of  the  week  has  been  the  new  incident  in  regard  to  the 
question  of  Irish  repeal.  The  action  of  our  city  friends,  and  the  arts  of  our  op 
ponents,  were  operating  effectually  to  turn  that  excitement  to  the  account  of 
Yan  Buren.  But  O'Connell's  great  speech  on  slavery  has  exasperated  the  South, 
and  the  Democrats  have  for  once  lost  their  temper.  Denunciations  of  O'Con- 
nell  necessarily  chill  their  ardor  for  the  repeal ;  and  the  Whigs  being  right  and 
sound  on  the  question  of  slavery,  and  therefore  unmoved  by  sympathy  with  the 
South,  have,  by  peculiar  good-fortune,  retained  their  position.  The  effects  of 
this  cannot  but  be  beneficial  to  Ireland  and  to  America.  You  will  see  that  in 
Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  the  Democrats  have  denounced  O'Oonnell;  while 
the  Repeal  Association  in  Charleston  has  dissolved  itself,  and  appropriated  its 
funds  to  domestic  charities. 

The  Supreme  Court  at  Utica  convened  on  Monday.     I  was  there,  but  did  not 
reach  my  causes.     I  return  this  week.     On  the  4th  of  July  I  went  with  the  . 
Chief-Justice  to  Trenton  Falls,  and  we  had  a  very  nice  time,  talked  everything, 
and  enjoyed  the  communion  of  free  and  generous  spirit. 


1843.]  CALHOUN   AND   T1IE  PRESIDENCY.  669 

There  is,  I  think,  a  great  pleasure  in  taking  care  of  one's  shrubbery  and  trees 
in  this  delightful  month  of  July.  My  own  flourish,  and  will  surprise  you  when 
you  visit  us  next  spring,  which  I  sincerely  hope  will  be  the  period  of  your  return 
to  America.  Do  not  become  impatient.  A  premature  return  will  always  be  re 
gretted. 

UTIOA,  Jitfy  14,  1848. 

As  you  see,  I  am  here  again.  To-day  I  made  my  debut  in  the  Supreme  Court. 
My  cause  has  no  special  interest  or  importance,  and  I  endeavored  to  avoid  pre 
tension.  So  it  seemed  to  pass  off  well  enough.  The  clique  who  congregated 
here  at  the  July  term,  so  much  to  your  annoyance  and  mine,  are  here  now ;  but 
the  scene  is  altogether  different,  and  it  shall  not  be  my  fault  if  jealousies  are  ever 
permitted  to  do  so  much  mischief  hereafter.  The  Attorney- General  is  here, 
kind,  friendly,  and  communicative,  as  ever.  Dr.  Nott  came  up  yesterday  and 
spent  a  day  with  me.  We  conversed  much,  but  you  can  imagine  all. 

John  Quincy  Adams  is  at  Saratoga.  I  am  almost  tempted  to  steal  away  from 
this  dull  place  to  commune  with  the  sage.  But  it  would  not  be  lawyer-like,  and 
I  suppose  it  would  cost  some  money,  so  I  return  to  the  wheel  and  sigh  not. 
Dr.  Nott  had  a  conversation  with  J.  0.  S ,  in  which  he  gave  full  confirma 
tion  of  all  our  speculations.  He  does  not  expect  to  be  the  candidate  at  the  next 
election ;  but  he  does  trust  in  his  present  policy  to  defeat  Yan  Buren  and  pro 
mote  the  election  of  Oalhoun,  a  Southern  man,  whose  counsels  will  be  swayed 
by  the  same  bold  course  now  pursued  by  the  Secretary.  Indeed,  the  Secretary 
will  be  premier.  The  South,  having  had  another  President,  will  be  satisfied ; 
and,  in  the  regular  course  of  things,  S—  will  be  the  Democratic  candidate  five 
years  hence.  How  singular  this  delusion  is! 

Our  good  Mends,  having  done  up  the  presidency  for  a  certainty,  are  looking 
for  a  second.  The  debate  waxes  earnest. 

K  P.  T is  in  Wisconsin.    Fillmore  has  been  in  Detroit.    Both  excite 

some  interest  in  the  West.  There  seems  to  be  repose  in  Albany.  The  good  peo 
ple  are,  however,  well  employed  in  breaking  up  the  inclined  planes  between 
their  city  and  Soheneotady.  One  is  already  replaced  by  a  plane  feasible  for 
locomotives,  and  the  other  will  be. 

The  Barnburner  Central  Committee  have  formally  assented  to  postpone  the 
National  Convention ;  and  the  Argus  is  soothing  the  Charleston  Mercury,  so  as 
to  secure  the  cooperation  of  the  South  in  the  support  of  Van  Buren  after  he  shall 
be  nominated.  How  I  ramble  through  the  news  of  a  week  I  And  yet  it  is  not 
quite  certain  that  the  details  will  not  be  tedious.  Certainly,  if  other  correspond 
ents  are  as  prolix,  you  will  not  willingly  read  all  the  letters  you  receive.  And 
then,  how  old  this  news  will  be !  Before  this  finds  her  Majesty's  post-office,  you 
will  probably  have  shaken  the  dust  from  your  feet,  and  bidden  adieu  to  London. 
Well,  if  you  have  not  practised  some  French  or  Dutch,  you  will  on  the  Continent 
be  glad  to  find  something  you  can  read. 

AUBUBN,  July  22,  1848. 

The  Caledonian  has  arrived.  Your  letters  are  distributed,  and  your  friend* 
are  full  of  enthusiasm.  Your  letter  from  the  sea,  Cork,  and  Dublin,  reached  me 
first.  jSText  day  came  a  letter  from  King,  rejoicing  with  exceeding  great  joy,  and 
announcing  the  forthcoming  of  your  letters  in  the  Journal,  and  to-day  Andrews 
displays  your  letter  to  him  in  the  Rochester  Democrat. 

These  letters  are  all  like  yourself,  and  will  elevate  you  much  among  the 


070  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

statesmen  as  well  as  editors  of  the  country.  Go  on  with  them  in  entire  confi 
dence.  They  will  do  mnch  good  to  our  country,  and  to  the  emigrant  from 
other  lands.  Even  the  Argus  is  softened,  and  invites  attention  to  yonr  "inter 
esting  letter  "  in  the  Journal. 

Do  not  trouble  yourself  to  write  to  me.  Bestow  all  your  time  on  the  Jour- 
nal,  and  other  correspondents.  Your  letters  for  the  public  eye  will  be  interest 
ing  to  me.  Let  me  be  neglected,  if  anybody  must. 

By-the-way,  Taylor  Hall  has  signalized  his  originality  by  making  a  dead  set 
to  convert  the  Journal  of  Commerce  to  love  you  and  me.  There  is  enterprise 
for  you ! 

The  election  in  Louisiana  is  a  total  rout  of  the  "Whigs.  But  the  Whig  papers 
assure  us  that  it  is  all  right ;  that  our  time  is  not  to  come  until  1844.  They 
even  read  homilies  to  all  who  they  think  are  impatient.  Well,  I  shall  be  glad 
to  see  the  Whigs'  victories  when  they  come.  Indiana  comes  next ;  and  I  sup 
pose  that  Mr.  Mendenhall  will  reply  audibly  through  the  ballot-boxes,  then,  to 
that  most  effective  speech  addressed  to  him  last  year. 

The  Governor  has  completed  his  Eastern  pilgrimage,  but  I  think  has  softened 
none  of  the  asperities  of  the  two  contending  factions.  The  Democratic  Con 
vention  comes  off  in  September.  It  will  appoint  delegates  to  the  National  Con 
vention,  and  they  will  all  be  Van  Buren  men.  Governor  Oass  is  said  to  have 
made  a  very  effective  speech  at  the  Miami  celebration  about  the  war,  patriotism, 
and  hostility  to  the  English.  He  has,  moreover,  become  a  repealer,  and  an 
advocate  for  the  immediate  occupation  of  Oregon. 

I  am  working  under  a  large  mass  of  professional  business,  which  increases 
daily. 

James  G.  Wilson  was  at  this  time  the  owner  of  the  patent-right  of 
a  planing-machine.  Happening  to  be  in  the  United  States  court-room 
at  Albany,  he  heard  Seward  arguing  a  cause  which  he  brought  to  a 
successful  result.  Wilson,  who  had  not  before  met  him,  was  much 
pleased  with  his  argument  and  his  manner  of  conducting  the  case.  As 
soon  as  he  came  out,  Wilson  introduced  himself,  and  offered  him  a 
retainer  in  a  patent  cause.  Seward  explained  that  he  was  not  familiar 
with  that  class  of  cases,  and  that  the  sciences  of  mechanics  and  mathe 
matics  had  never  been  among  his  favorite  studies,  so  that  he  doubted 
his  ability. 

"  I'll  take  the  risk  of  that,"  said  Wilson  ;  "  if  you'll  only  argue  my 
case  as  well  as  the  one  I  have  just  heard,  I  shall  be  satisfied."  Seward 
still  hesitating  to  accept  the  retainer,  Wilson  laughed,  and  said,  "  You'd 
better  take  two  hundred  dollars.  You  will  earn  all  that,  and  more  too, 
for  there  is  plenty  of  work  to  be  done."  The  business  relation,  thus 
accidentally  opened,  continued  through  several  years. 

The  planing-machine  was  so  popular  and  profitable  an  invention 
that  there  were  many  infringements  on  Wilson's  rights,  and  contestants 
of  his  claims.  It  led  ultimately  to  a  change  in  the  character  of  Sew- 
ard's  practice.  Before,  he  had  been  engaged  almost  wholly  in  the 
State  courts  of  law  and  chancery.  The  tact  and  success  with  which  he 


1943.1  JOHN   Q.   ADAMS   AT  AUBURN.  671 

managed  Wilson's  suits  brought  to  him  inventors,  or  holders  of  patent- 
rights,  of  steam-engines,  valves,  car-wheels,  etc.,  all  of  which  were  tried 
in  the  United  States  courts,  not  only  at  Albany,  Canandaigua,  and 
Utica,  but  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Washington,  and 
even  Cincinnati,  St.  Louis,  and  other  Western  cities.  Henceforth,  his 
practice,  instead  of  confining  him  to  his  office  at  Auburn,  took  him 
away  from  it,  involving  long  journeys  and  frequent  absences  from  home. 
Knowledge  of  the  law  of  patents,  and  familiarity  with  the  principles  of 
machinery,  soon  came  with  study  and  experience.  He  found,  rather  to 
his  own  surprise,  that  mechanical  science,  which  he  had  doubted  his 
ability  to  deal  with,  was  a  study  for  which  his  keen  perception  and 
logical  habit  of  mind  gave  him  a  peculiar  aptitude. 

Not  the  least  important  consideration  was,  that  it  was  a  far  more 
profitable  branch  of  the  profession  than  those  he  had  hitherto  been  en 
gaged  in.  With  industry  and  perseverance,  it  offered  a  ready  escape 
from  the  "  sea  of  debts." 

Among  the  army  and  navy  news  from  Washington  was  a  long  list 
of  promotions,  mentioning,  among  others,  Cadet  W.  S.  Rosecrans,  to  be 
second-lieutenant ;  Cadats  J.  J.  Reynolds,  Peck,  and  Hardy,  assigned 
to  the  artillery  ;  Cadets  Augur,  U.  S.  Grant,  Steele,  and  Dent,  to  the 
infantry  ;  Rufus  Ingalls  to  the  riflemen  ;  Cadet  Wm.  B.  Franklin,  the 
head  of  the  class,  was  assigned  to  the  Topographical  Engineers. 

Meanwhile  the  time  appointed  for  the  end  of  the  world  had  come 
and  gone,  but  the  world  continued  to  roll  on. 


CHAPTER  L. 

1843. 

John  Quinoy  Adams  at  Auburn.— Prediction  about  Slavery.— Inman  and  Harding.— A 
Friendly  Contest. — Father  Mathew. — Chancellor  Sent. — Opinions  vs.  Commentaries.- 
Weed's  Letters.—"  Hunkers  "  and  "  Barnburners  "  in  Convention. 

JOHN  QTJINCY  ADAMS,  who  had  been  traveling  to  Albany,  Saratoga, 
Montreal,  and  Niagara,  was  returning  eastward.  Seward  wrote  to  his 
friends  in  regard  to  suitable  public  demonstrations  of  welcome.  No 
hint  was  needed,  however,  for  the  western  part  of  the  State  was  full  ot 
his  admirers,  some  dating  back  to  the  time  when  he  was  a  presidential 
candidate  ;  others  more  recently  enlisted  under  his  banner  as  defender 
of  the  right  of  petition.  At  Buffalo  he  was  received  with  a  public 
demonstration,  and  an  address  by  Mr.  Fillmore  ;  at  Rochester  with 
another  demonstration,  and  another  at  Canandaigua,  and  an  address  by 
Mr.  Granger.  On  Friday,  July  28th,  Seward  and  Judge  Miller  went  to 


672  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1848 

Canandaigua  to  meet  him.  Arriving  at  Auburn  in  the  evening,  he  was 
met  by  a  torch-light  procession,  which  escorted  him  to  Se  ward's  resi 
dence. 

Ascending  the  steps,  Seward  introduced  him  to  the  people,  and  Mr. 
Adams  addressed  a  few  words  to  them  before  entering  the  house.  Much 
fatigued,  he  declined  eating,  drank  a  glass  of  wine,  and  retired  to  his 
room  as  soon  as  it  was  prepared.  At  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he 
rose,  and  at  six  went  over  to  visit  the  State-prison,  returning  to  break 
fast  at  eight.  The  conversation  turned  naturally  upon  the  condition  of 
public  affairs,  and  the  political  outlook.  The  question  of  slavery  hav 
ing  been  broached,  the  customary  opinion  of  the  times  was  expressed 
by  one  of  the  guests,  that  the  institution  was  a  colonial  inheritance  from 
Great  Britain,  incongruous  with  our  republican  system,  which  must 
eventually  disappear.  To  this  Mr.  Adams  seemed  to  assent.  One  of 
the  gentlemen  said :  "  But  do  you  not  think,  Mr.  Adams,  that  it  will  be 
peacefully  and  legally  abolished — perhaps  twenty,  perhaps  fifty  years 
hence  ? "  Mr.  Adams  had  sat  with  head  bent  forward,  apparently  in 
reverie.  The  inquiry  roused  him  in  a  moment.  With  a  keen  glance  at 
the  speaker,  and  unusual  animation  of  voice  and  manner,  he  said  :  "  I 
used  to  think  so,  but  I  do  not  now.  I  am  satisfied  that  it  will  not  go 
down  until  it  goes  down  in  blood"  A  pause  ensued,  and  then  some 
body  remembered  that  it  was  time  to  proceed  to  the  church,  where  Mr. 
Adams  was  to  have  a  formal  public  reception  at  nine  o'clock.  The 
citizens  of  Auburn  and  their  families  had  already  filled  the  edifice  to 
overflowing. 

When  the  distinguished  guest  arrived,  Seward  addressed  him  ID 
their  behalf,  saying  : 

A  change  has  come  over  the  spirit  of  your  journey  since  your  steps  have 
turned  toward  your  ancestral  sea-side  home.  Kumors  of  your  advance  escape 
before  you,  and  a  happy  and  grateful  community  rise  up  in  their  clustering 
cities,  towns,  and  villages,  impede  your  way  with  demonstrations  of  respect  and 
kindness,  and  convert  your  unpretending  journey  into  a  triumphal  progress. 
The  homage  paid  you,  dear  sir,  is  sincere,  for  it  has  its  sources  in  the  just  senti 
ments  and  irrepressible  affections  of  a  free  people,  their  love  of  truth,  their 
admiration  of  wisdom,  their  reverence  for  virtue,  and  their  gratitude  for  benefi 
cence. 

We  seem  in  this  interview  with  you  to  come  into  the  presence  of  our  de 
parted  chiefs.  The  majestic  shade  of  Washington  looks  down  upon  us ;  we  hear 
the  bold  and  manly  eloquence  of  the  elder  Adams ;  and  we  listen  to  the  voices 
of  the  philosophic  and  sagacious  Jefferson,  the  refined  and  modest  Madison,  and 
the  generous  and  faithful  Monroe. 

The  praises  we  bestow  are  already  echoed  back  to  us  by  voices  which  come, 
rich  and  full,  across  the  Atlantic,  hailing  you  as  the  indefatigable  champion  of 
humanity — not  that  humanity  which  embraces  a  single  race  or  clime,  but  that 
humanity  which  regards  the  whole  family  of  man.  Such  salutations  as  these 


Of--  THE 
UNIVE 

£i' 


1843.]  HENRY   INMAN.  673 

cannot  be  mistaken.  They  come  not  from  your  contemporaries,  for  they  are  gone. 
You  are  not  of  this  generation,  but  of  the  past,  spared  to  hear  the  voice  of  pos 
terity.  The  greetings  you  receive  come  up  from  the  dark  and  uncertain  future. 
They  are  the  whisperings  of  posthumous  fame." 

Mr.  Adams  replied,  expressing  his  thanks  for  the  courtesy  shown 
him,  his  good  wishes  for  the  future  of  the  village  and  its  citizens,  but 
without  touching  upon  any  of  the  public  questions  of  the  day.  A  short 
time  was  then  spent  in  introductions,  shaking  hands,  and  conversation. 
The  hour  fixed  for  his  departure  drew  near,  and  at  eleven  he  left  the 
railroad-station  in  a  special  train  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  gathered 
crowd.  "  Governor,"  said  a  friend  to  Seward,  a  short  time  afterward, 
when  some  allusion  was  made  to  the  startling  remark  in  regard  to 
slavery,  "  Mr.  Adams  is  a  very  great  man,  but  he  is  growing  old.  Don't 
you  think  he  is  rather  despondent,  discouraged,  perhaps,  by  what  he 
sees  at  Washington ? "  "I think,"  answered  Seward,  " that  he  is  wiser 
than  any  of  us  on  that  subject  ;  but  I  shall  not  give  up  my  hope  of  a 
peaceful  solution  so  long  as  any  such  solution  is  possible.  At  any  rate, 
it  is  our  duty  to  labor  for  such  a  one." 

Mr.  Adams,  after  leaving  Auburn,  was  received  with  ovations  along 
the  whole  route.  The  Whigs  hoisted  flags  in  honor  of  his  coming,  and 
had  special  ceremonies  of  reception  at  Herkimer,  Little  Falls,  and 
Schenectady.  He  reached  Boston  three  or  four  days  later.  A  charac 
teristic  expression  of  a  steamboat  captain,  with  whom  he  traveled,  illus 
trated  the  popular  feeling.  He  said,  "  Oh,  if  you  could  only  take  the 
engine  out  of  the  old  Adams,  and  put  it  into  a  new  hull  !  " 

Harding,  who  had  now  completed  his  painting,  took  his  leave.  A 
few  days  later,  Henry  Inman  arrived  to  enter  upon  his  work.  Both 
were  high  in  public  esteem,  occupying  the  first  rank  among  American 
artists  ;  yet  they  were  in  strong  contrast.  The  new-comer,  Mr.  Inman, 
showed  in  every  look  and  action  the  fruits  of  a  life  of  artistic  culture, 
ease,  and  taste.  Graceful  and  engaging  in  his  manners,  fluent  and  im 
aginative  in  his  conversation,  he  had  almost  a  boyish  fondness  for  fun, 
and  a  keen  eye  for  the  beauties  of  Nature.  He  had  not  been  an  hour 
in  the  house  before  it  seemed  as  if  he  were  an  old  acquaintance.  He 
told  one  of  the  boys  that  he  would  go  out  with  him  into  the  Morello 
cherry-trees,  whose  fruit  was  just  hanging  red  and  ripe,  and  promised 
the  other  that  he  would  go  with  him  to  the  Owasco  Lake  for  boating 
and  perch-fishing  ;  both  of  which  promises  he  fulfilled  before  the  week 
was  out. 

"  Music,  Mrs.  Seward,"  said  he,  as  he  was  sketching  the  outlines  of 
Seward's  face  in  crayon — "  music,  I  think,  must  be  the  vernacular  in 
heaven.  They  may  have  some  other  language  there  for  grave  intel 
lectual  and  religious  topics  ;  but,  for  the  small-talk,  I  think  they  prob 
ably  use  music. — Now,  Mr.  Seward,  wait  one  moment  before  you  an- 
43 


674  LJFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

swer.     I  want  to  catch  that  expression  I  see  on  your  face,  before  you 
move  a  muscle." 

In  accordance  with  promise,  Seward  continued  to  write  once  a 
week  to  Mr.  Weed,  during  the  latter's  European  tour,  noting  the  salient 
points  of  passing  public  events,  with  occasional  allusion  to  the  scenes 
in  the  Old  World  through  which  his  friends  were  passing.  Weed's  first 
letters  to  the  Evening  Journal  described  his  passage  over.  The  George 
Washington  had  made  a  tolerably  quick  run,  having  been  only  twenty  - 
one  days  at  sea.  His  next  letter  was  from  Dublin,  describing  his  visit 
to  and  dinner  with  Daniel  O'Connell,  and  his  attending  a  great  repeal 
meeting,  addressed  by  the  "  Liberator  "  at  Donnybrook  Green. 

ATJBTJBN,  July  31,  1843. 

Although  the  Journal  gives  us  two  or  three  letters,  and  glorious  ones  they 
are  too,  every  week,  yet  they  do  little  to  advise  us  of  your  progress.  It  is  like 
firing  at  vacancy,  to  write  to  a  man  in  universal  Europe.  But  you  must  be 
indulged.  The  business  of  writing  up  for  you  the  record  of  the  week  has  gone 
over  to  Sunday,  instead  of  being  done  up  on  Saturday,  according  to  the  com 
mandment. 

The  newspapers,  if  you  see  them,  will  advise  you  that  some  of  our  clergy 
have  brought  about  a  schism  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  that  affords  aliment  to 
the  many  classes  of  religious  people  who  wait,  not  patiently,  for  a  cause  of  cen 
sure  against  her.  Puseyism  has  discovered  itself  in  the  Eastern  Diocese  of  this 
State.  TVo  clergymen  here  protested,  and  the  popular  side  is  waging  war  with 
the  ecclesiastics.  Louisiana  has  gone  ;  and  Greeley  writes  me  to  look  for  defeat 
in  North  Carolina,  probably  in  Tennessee,  and  perhaps  in  Indiana.  Warning  we 
gave  a  year  ago,  but  it  fell  unheeded. 

The  week  has  been  signalized  by  demonstrations  to  John  Quincy  Adams, 
which  will  gladden  your  heart.  He  set  off  a  month  ago  on  an  excursion  to 
Lebanon  Springs,  then  made  his  way  to  Saratoga,  and  to  Montreal,  and  returned 
by  the  way  of  Niagara.  When  he  reached  the  old  "  infected  district,"  the  spirit 
revived  and  hailed  him  with  enthusiasm.  He  has  had  a  triumphal  progress. 
But  you  will  see  all  this  in  the  newspapers.  I  had  him  at  my  house,  but  not 
alone.  It  was  a  pageant. 

Saturday,  August  5th. 

This  sheet  has  lain  by  unfinished  until  now ;  but  I  believe  no  packet  has  been 
lost.  I  have  now  the  pleasure  of  acknowledging  your  second  letter,  which 
shows  you  domiciliated  in  the  capital,  and  abated  in  -glory  by  necessary  econ 
omy.  This  is  perhaps  wise,  though  I  would  delight  if  you  were  able  to  enlighten 
me  about  the  high  political  circles  in  Great  Britain. 

King  writes  me  that  your  letters  from  Dublin  have  excited  much  ire  among 
some  of  your  subscribers ;  all  this  is  natural.  But  you  will  not  regard  it.  The 
same  kind  of  people  have  cursed  John  Quincy  Adams  bitterly  for  being  an 
antimason,  and  have  "pitied  him"  for  his  "madness"  on  the  subject  of  sla 
very.  Now,  they  bring  laurels  in  such  profusion  as  almost  to  exclude  the  offer 
ings  of  those  who  shared  his  trials  and  abided  his  fortunes. 

By  this  time  you  will  have  got  out  of  the  vicinity  of  O'Connell,  and  your 
letters  will  be  acceptable  to  your  fastidious  friends.  Do  not  indulge  the  least 


1843.]  WEED'S   TRAVELS.  675 

misgiving  about  your  letters  in  the  Journal.    They  are  all  that  your  best  friends 
could  d.'sire;  and  they  are  eagerly  copied  by  various  very  respectable  papers. 

AUBURN,  August  \\th. 

Well,  uncle,  so  you  write  Mrs.  Weed  that  you  are  coming  home  in  Septem 
ber.  If  so,  I  trow  your  face  must  be  already  turned  toward  the  setting  sun. 
But  I  won't  believe  a  word  of  it.  Stay  until  spring,  I  enjoin  and  entreat  you. 
Do  not  be  flattered,  nor  vain.  We  have  learned  to  do  without  you.  We  man 
age  newspapers,  politics,  and  other  matters,  very  well  without  your  help.  When 
I  told  Mrs.  Seward  that  you  proposed  so  speedy  a  return,  she  expressed  her  great 
surprise  and  regret.  Do  not  hasten.  You  are  doing  in  Europe  for  the  paper 
what  you  could  not  do  at  home,  and  are  wearing  out  jealousies  by  absence,  which 
your  presence  would  increase. 

My  journal  of  the  past  week  is  barren.  There  has  been  a  circuit  court  here, 
and  I  have  been  the  chief  pugilist  in  the  melee.  Weary  of  it  am  1.  But  my 
courage  is  not  abated. 

Inman  has  been  a  week  with  me,  taking  his  sketch  for  his  prize-picture.  He 
is  admitted  on  all  hands  to  have  a  strong  likeness ;  but  it  is  generally  said  that  it 
is  not  a  pleasing  one.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  conceded  that  Harding  has  a 
most  grateful  picture,  while  its  fidelity  is  questioned.  But  such  a  picture  as  I 
have  of  Mrs.  Seward  it  would  surprise  your  imagination  to  conceive. 

George  Weed  says  he  is  most  heartily  glad  that  you  have  got  out  of  Ireland  ; 
that  your  friends  in  Albany  are  nearly  overborne  on  account  of  your  letters  from 
Dublin.  Greeley  droops  in  the  fear  of  an  unwelcome  result  of  the  next  cam 
paign.  The  Journal,  I  hope,  gratifies  you  by  its  increasing  zeal  and  confidence. 

Where  will  this  letter  find  you  ?  I  guess  at  Geneva.  You  see  the  Rhine,  of 
course,  the  beautiful  and  glorious  Rhine.  I  stole  away  yesterday  afternoon  with 
wife  and  bairns,  and  auntie,  to  the  shores  of  the  Owasco.  We  sailed,  and  fished, 
and  bathed,  and  I  dreamed  of  being  with  you  in  that  long,  exciting,  and  delight 
ful  excursion  through  the  Rheingau  to  Basle,  and  held  converse  with  you  in  the 
valley  of  Chamouni.  Do  not  come  home  until  you  have  seen  Switzerland  and 
Italy. 

AUBTJEN,  August  20,  1843. 

The  Hibernia  is  here,  and  though  two  mails  have  dispersed  the  news  she 
brought,  I  have  no  letter  from  you.  So  I  must  address  myself  to  you,  as  defend 
ants  are  summoned  to  the  Court  of  Chancery,  "  wheresoever  you  may  then  be." 

You  can  scarcely  imagine  the  occupation  I  leave  to  write  a  letter  to  you. 
Behold,  my  pen  yet  contains  a  portion  of  the  ink  with  which  it  was  filled  to 
write  the  vindication  of  the  Rev.  Washington  Van  Zandt,  against  the  verdict  of 
a  jury  and  the  censures  of  the  Evening  Journal !  "  To  such  base  uses  do  we 
come  at  last,  Horatio."  Before  this  letter  shall  have  set  out  on  the  long  trans 
atlantic  voyage  I  shall  be  at  Lyons,  maintaining  that  tenants  induced  by  their 
landlord  to  settle  lands,  under  expectation  of  purchase,  are  entitled  to  notice  to 
quit.  I  look  with  surprise  and  dismay  upon  the  mass  of  professional  business  I 
have  drawn  down  upon  myself  in  the  fe\v  months  of  my  retirement.  Then, 
again.  I  look  across  to  Saratoga,  where  I  see  the  ex-President,  ex-Postmaster- 
General,  and  ex-Lieutenant-Governor,  exhibiting  themselves  to  the  ambitious  and 
the  gay,  and  I  wonder  why  I  alone  of  all  the  decayed  dignitaries  should  be 
doomed  to  the  tread-mill. 


676  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

The  "Barnburners,"  really  in  earnest  for  Colonel  Young,  have  held  a  meeting 
in  New  York  to  adopt  measures  for  calling  a  State  Convention  to  amend  the  con 
stitution.  R.  H.  Morris  presided,  and,  strange  to  say,  Albert  H.  Tracy,  John  C. 
Spencer,  and  Gerrit  Smith,  were  among  the  invited  guests.  What  a  conjunction! 
We  have  had  an  Episcopal  Diocesan  Convention  here.  I  saw  Andrews,  Bough- 
ton,  and  several  others. 

Your  letters  furnish  the  staple  of  nearly  every  newspaper  in  the  State. 
Pray,  think  of  me  for  a  dedication  when  you  publish  your  first  work.  How 
little  you  dreamed  of  becoming  an  author!  Hammond  will  have  to  rewrite 
your  character,  and  Disraeli's  "Curiosities  of  Literature"  will  be  enriched  by 
a  note. 

AUBURN,  Sunday,  August  27, 1843. 

After  almost  a  week's  hard  work  at  Lyons,  at  the  Circuit  Court,  I  came  home 
in  the  night,  spent  several  pleasant  hours  with  Seth  C.  Hawley,  whom  I  found 
here ;  then  found  my  office  affairs  here  in  great  confusion ;  and  to-morrow  I  am 
to  leave  them  so,  to  make  my  first  appearance  on  Tuesday  in  the  Court  of  Errors 
at  Albany. 

At  Lyons  I  saw  William  H.  Adams,  and  John  M.  Holley,  and  Judge  Spencer. 
They  are  somewhat  despondent  about  political  affairs  this  fall,  but  confident  of 
triumph  next  year.  Webb  is  read  out  of  the  Whig  party  by  the  American  Citizen, 
at  Albany,  for  counseling  inaction.  Greeley  has  been  reproved  by  the  same 
high  authority.  I  shall  see  King  on  Tuesday,  and  endeavor  to  save  the  Journal 
from  excommunication. 

It  is  pretty  difficult  to  make  up  an  issue  with  yon.  Your  last  letter  con 
tained  your  criticism  of  Webster's  Bunker  Hill  speech,  which  has  been  forgotten 
here  long  ago.  So  I  suppose  my  references  to  your  letters  will  seem  like  far- 
brought  reminiscences. 

The  abolitionists  assemble  this  week  at  Buffalo,  in  a  Millerite  tent,  to  nomi 
nate  a  President  and  Vice-President.  I  have  now  for  the  third  time  declined 
the  former  honor.  They  will  have  a  meeting  which  will  recall  many  recollec 
tions  of  the  antimasonic  movement. 

The  Whigs  seemed  never  to  tire  of  demonstrations  and  tributes  to 
Henry  Clay.  Their  long-continued  enthusiasm  for  "Harry  of  the 
West "  rivaled  that  of  the  Democrats  in  preceding  years  for  the  "  Old 
Hero  "  of  New  Orleans.  Clay  associations,  Clay  clubs,  and  Clay  meet 
ings,  were  incidents  in  almost  every  village.  The  new  tariff,  largely 
due  to  his  efforts,  had  proved  to  be  a  substantial  advantage  to  manu 
factures.  Factory  stocks  in  Massachusetts  rose  rapidly  in  value,  and  it 
was  stated  that  at  Lowell  the  manufacture  of  muslin-de-laine  would  be 
commenced  on  a  large  scale,  with  a  prospect  of  successful  competition 
with  the  French  fabric. 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Clay  himself,  in  reference  to  agriculture  and  the 
tariff,  helped  to  stimulate  the  popular  feeling.  The  "  Life  and  Speeches 
of  Henry  Clay  "  was  published,  and  had  a  rapid  sale.  The  Madisonian, 
the  presidential  organ  at  Washington,  called  for  organization  of  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Tyler,  urging  them  to  lend  their  efforts  in  opposition  to 


1843.]  INMAN   AND   HARDING.  677 

Mr.  Clay.  At  the  South,  movements  in  behalf  of  Calhoun's  nomination 
were  in  active  progress  ;  while,  at  the  North,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  when 
he  presented  himself  at  Saratoga,  Albany,  or  elsewhere,  was  received 
with  evident  marks  of  Democratic  favor. 

A  noticeable  commercial  fact  was  the  great  reduction  in  the  amount 
of  wines  and  spirits  imported,  which  was  attributed  to  the  effects  of 
the  temperance  reformation.  Portraits  of  Father  Mathew  were  printed 
for  popular  circulation,  and  many  anecdotes  told  of  his  unpretending 
manners  and  his  persuasive  eloquence.  He  was  now  fifty-four  years 
old,  with  hair  a  little  gray,  of  slight  build,  and  usually  wore  in  public 
a  long  surtout,  with  high,  old-fashioned  boots  over  his  pantaloons.  His 
administration  of  the  pledge  to  a  large  number  at  once  was  an  impres 
sive  spectacle.  He  would  make  them  all  kneel  down,  hold  up  their 
hands,  and  solemnly  repeat  it  after  him,  with  an  invocation  for  God's 
help  to  keep  it.  Then  he  would  give  each  a  medal  and  his  blessing. 

The  Episcopal  Convention  of  the  new  Diocese  of  Western  New  York 
held  its  session  in  Auburn  during  August.  For  a  week  the  village  was 
full  of  clergymen,  who  were  the  guests  of  the  different  members  of  the 
congregation  of  St.  Peter's.  Among  the  three  who  staid  at  Seward's 
house  was  the  Rev.  Dr.  Whitehouse,  then  of  Rochester,  and  after 
ward  Bishop  of  Illinois.  It  happened  to  be  the  anniversary  week  also 
of  the  Presbyterian  Theological  Seminary,  and,  it  was  remarked  at 
table,  "  nearly  every  other  man  you  meet  in  the  streets  here  has  spec 
tacles,  or  a  white  cravat."  "  I  see,  Governor,  that  you  are  being  paint 
ed  in  a  white  cravat,"  said  one,  referring  to  the  portrait  upon  which 
Inman  was  engaged.  "  Are  you  adopting  the  theological  custom  ?  " 
"  No,"  said  he,  "  that  is  the  artist's  taste."  Inman  added  :  "  I  never 
paint  a  man  in  a  black  cravat  if  I  can  help  it.  On  canvas,  especially 
with  a  dark  background,  it  looks  as  if  his  head  was  cut  off." 

Inman  remained  two  or  three  weeks  in  Auburn,  and  finished  there 
the  study  from  which  the  full-length  picture  for  the  City  Hall  was  to 
be  painted.  He  succeeded  so  well  in  catching  Seward's  expression  while 
engaged  in  conversation  that  his  portrait  became  the  favorite  one  in  the 
family,  and  it  still  hangs  in  its  original  place  in  the  parlor.  Some  time 
later  the  committee  met  in  New  York,  who  were  to  decide  between  the 
two  portraits,  that  of  Harding  and  that  of  Inman.  Both  were  so  excel 
lent  that  the  committee,  after  careful  examination  and  comparison  of 
opinions,  declared  themselves  unable  to  say  that  either  was  better  than 
the  other.  When  this  was  announced  to  the  painters,  Inman,  with  his 
usual  cheerful  vivacity,  laughed,  and  said  to  Harding,  "  Let's  toss  up 
for  it."  Harding  assented,  and  Inman,  drawing  a  half-dollar  from  his 
pocket,  threw  it  up  in  the  air  with  "  Heads  or  tails  ? "  Heads  came 
up  and  Inman  won.  His  picture  was  formally  turned  over  to  the  Com 
mon  Council  and  hung  in  the  Governor's  Room.  The  "  pipe-layers," 


678  LIFE   ANI)   LETTERS.  [1843. 

who  had  originated  the  competition,  had  already  determined  that  which 
ever  picture  was  not  taken  by  the  city  they  would  purchase  and  pre 
sent  to  Mr.  Seward's  children.  They  did  so,  and  Harding's  was  in 
trusted  to  the  care  of  Seth  C.  Hawley,  who  in  due  time  delivered  it. 
When  the  family  moved  to  Washington,  Rev.  Dr.  Campbell,  on  behalf 
of  the  Trustees  of  the  State  Library,  asked  that  it  might  be  left  at 
Albany  until  their  return.  For  many  years  it  has  occupied  the  central 
space  in  the  row  of  portraits  at  the  library. 

While  the  Supreme  Court  was  holding  the  July  term  at  Utica,  it 
was  casually  mentioned  that  Chancellor  Kent,  who  was  still  hale  and 
vigorous,  would  arrive  at  the  age  of  fourscore  on  the  31st  of  the 
month  ;  and  it  was  determined  to  hold  a  meeting  of  the  bar  in  his 
honor.  Attorney-General  Barker  presided.  Complimentary  resolu 
tions  were  adopted,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  invite  him  to  a  pub 
lic  dinner  ;  the  committee  comprising  lawyers  from  each  county.  Gov 
ernor  Seward  and  Judge  Richardson  were  appointed  for  Cayuga,  Daniel 
Cady  for  Albany,  Henry  Wells  for  Yates,  and  judges  and  leading  ad 
vocates  from  other  counties.  The  Chancellor,  while  declining  the  in 
vitation,  sent  a  charming  letter  in  reply,  in  which  he  remarked: 

You  have,  gentlemen,  met  me  in  the  midst  of  my  own  descendants,  down  to 
the  third  generation.  "  Et  nati  natorum  et  qui  nascenturab  illis."  I  am  living 
literally  among  my  posterity,  as  well  in  professional  as  in  domestic  life.  My 
contemporaries  have  nearly  all  departed,  and,  although  during  my  official  career 
I  was  familiar  with  the  bar  and  with  the  courts  in  every  part  of  this  great  State, 
I  have  no  personal  acquaintance  with  most  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  done  me 
the  honor  to  unite  in  this  invitation.  When  I  first  entered  public  life  as  a  mem 
ber  of  Assembly,  in  1V90,  there  were  but  sixteen  counties  in  this  State,  and  now 
this  invitation  comes  from  members  of  the  bar  who  are  distributed  throughout 
fifty-eight  of  them. 

Seward,  who  had  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  the  venerated  Chancel 
lor  almost  from  boyhood,  regarded  him  with  affectionate  esteem,  and 
took  pleasure  in  relating  incidents  that  showed  his  activity,  mental  and 
physical,  and  his  quick,  youthful  manner.  On  the  bench  he  could  be 
grave  and  stern  ;  off  it  he  was  often  merry  and  -careless  as  a  boy. 

On  one  occasion  Seward  had  a  perplexing  legal  question,  arising 
out  of  the  settlement  of  an  estate.  Taking  the  papers  with  him  when 
he  next  went  to  New  York,  he  consulted  Chancellor  Kent,  asking  his 
opinion  about  it.  The  Chancellor  listened,  sat  a  few  moments  in 
thought,  and  then  gave  his  opinion  in  the  matter.  "  But,  Chancellor," 
said  Seward,  "your'  Commentaries,'  which  I  have  carefully  looked  into, 
take  the  other  ground.  They  say  that  the  contrary  view  is  the  correct 
one."  "  Do  they  ?  "  said  the  Chancellor  ;  "  let's  get  down  the  book 
and  see."  The  book  was  taken  down,  the  passage  read,  and  the  Chan 
cellor  emphatically  gave  his  decision.  "  The  book  is  right.  I  may 


1843.]  THE   "VHIG"   PARTY.  679 

guess  wrong  now,  but  when  I  wrote  the  book  I  knew.  Always  go  by 
the  book  in  preference  to  me." 

The  newspapers  were  now  discussing  the  possibility  of  cheap  post 
age  reform.  "Penny  postage,"  having  been  tried  in  England,  had 
proved  not  only  a  benefit  to  the  people,  but  a  pecuniary  advantage  to 
the  Government.  Seward  joined  in  urging  its  adoption. 

On  the  1st  of  September  it  was  announced  that  a  Jersey  City 
schooner  had  been  stopped  by  the  inspector  at  Norfolk,  under  the  law 
against  New  York  shipping,  which  apparently  was  now  to  be  extended 
also  to  vessels  from  New  Jersey,  on  the  supposition  that  they  were 
really  New  York  vessels,  attempting  to  evade  search.  It  was  regretted 
that  the  Legislature  had  refused  to  adopt  Willis  Hall's  resolution,  in 
structing  the  Attorney-General  to  bring  the  question  by  a  test-case  be 
fore  the  United  States  Supreme  Court. 

Conventions  were  meeting  in  September  to  appoint  delegates  to  the 
Whig  National  Convention,  to  meet  at  Baltimore  in  May.  Upon  many 
of  the  Whig  handbills  the  heading  was  "  Democratic  Whig  meetings," 
etc.  This  was  an  attempt  to  regain  some  of  the  prestige  which  it  was 
felt  the  opposing  party  acquired  merely  by  its  name,  especially  among 
foreign  voters.  Every  new-comer  from  Continental  Europe  was  familiar 
with  the  word  "  democracy,"  and  knew  that  it  expressed  his  views  ; 
while,  as  Seward  used  to  say,  "  though  our  principles  are  the  more 
democratic  of  the  two,  the  name  4  Vhig,'  on  a  German  or  French  hand 
bill,  is  more  apt  to  discourage  than  to  captivate."  Only  indifferent 
success  attended  the  complex  title,  for  the  essence  of  party  enthusiasm 
is  simplicity  and  singleness  of  purpose.  One  of  the  illustrations  of  the 
Clay  feeling  was  an  incident  in  the  lecture  of  a  phrenologist,  at  Utica, 
who  was  holding  up  and  commenting  upon  plaster-casts  of  the  heads  of 
distinguished  men.  When  he  held  up  that  of  Henry  Clay,  the  audience 
rose  and  gave  nine  cheers. 

The  Democratic  feud  was  increasing  in  bitterness.  The  State  Con 
vention  met  at  Syracuse,  and,  the  "  old  Regency "  having  a  strong 
majority,  chose  Governor  Marcy  to  preside.  The  "  Old  Hunkers " 
counted  seventy-nine  votes,  and  the  "  Barnburners "  polled  forty  for 
Colonel  Young.  The  next  day  it  was  reported  that  though  the  "  Old 
Hunkers  "  had  the  control  they  were  desirous  of  conciliating  the  "  Barn 
burners."  Delegates  were  chosen  to  the  National  Convention  at  Balti 
more,  in  May,  and  resolutions  adopted  recommending  Van  Buren  for 
the  presidential  nomination,  and  indorsing  Governor  Bouck,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Dickinson,  and  other  State  officers,  but  heading  the  list  of 
delegates  with  the  name  of  Samuel  Young,  the  "  Barnburner  "  leader, 
while  taking  care  to  secure  a  majority  of  the  thirty-four  for  the 
"Old  Hunkers." 

The  Democrats  in  the  Cayuga  County  Convention,  on  the  other  hand, 


680  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1843, 

the  "  Barnburners  "  being  in  the  ascendant,  refused  to  indorse  either 
the  Governor  or  Lieutenant-Governor.  In  Columbia  County  the  Lieu- 
tenant-Goveraor  was  formally  read  out  of  the  party.  And  so  the  con 
test  raged  through  nearly  all  the  county  conventions,  the  "  Old  Hunk 
ers,"  in  a  majority  of  instances,  maintaining  their  supremacy. 


CHAPTER  LL 

1843. 

Van  Buren,  Bouck,  and  Webster.— State  Fair.— A  Dramatic  Scene.— Checks  and  Balances- 
— "  Puseyism."— Morse's  Telegraph.— A  Candidate  for  no  Office.— Fillmore  and  the 
Vice-Presidency. — Weed  for  Governor. 

CONTINUING  his  letters  to  Weed,  Seward  wrote  : 

AUBURN,  Saturday  Night,  September  2, 1843. 

I  happened  unfortunately  to  arrive  in  Albany  just  in  time  for  a  caucus,  con 
cerning  the  State  Convention ;  and,  more  unfortunate  still,  I  advised  against  it. 
Although  my  opinions  accorded  with  theirs,  every  Whig  Senator  there  who  was 
impatient  of  your  dictation  and  mine  did  not  like  this. 

AUBURN,  September  9, 1843. 

I  have  just  received  your  epistle  penned  at  Abbotsford.  You  had  forgot 
ten  that  a  sight  of  Abbotsford  was  denied  to  me.  Melrose  gladdened  my  eyes 
neither  at  glaring  noon  nor  "  by  fair  moonlight."  You  are  happy  in  the  free 
dom  of  will,  though  checked  by  that  laggard  leg. 

Before  this  time  the  determination  concerning  your  return  is  fixed.  I  hope 
you  have  decided  to  winter  abroad.  Besides  your  own  comfort  and  enjoyment, 
I  like  the  rough  trial  to  which  I  am  exposed  in  your  absence.  I  harden  well 
and  fast.  I  grow  more  and  more  a  lawyer,  and  doubt  now  your  power  of  fas 
cination  to  withdraw  me  from  the  money-seeking  occupation  in  which  I  am  en 
gaged.  There  is  here  and  there  a  sharp  angle,  but  I  have  turned  them  all  safely 
thus  far. 

The  Democrats  have  had  their  State  Convention,  and  it  disclosed  a  broad  and 
irreparable  seam  in  the  party.  The  strength  of  the  respective  factions  wa§ 
shown  in  the  election  of  a  president.  Governor  Marcy  had  seventy-nine  votes, 
Colonel  Young  forty.  The  few  delegates  from  New  York  favorable  to  Calhoun 
protested.  They  were  easily  disposed  of. 

The  intelligence  from  Vermont  is  propitious,  and  may  be  regarded  as  furnish 
ing  proof  that  the  Whig  party  will,  partially  at  least,  recover  ground  at  the  presi 
dential  election. 

Your  letters  are  quite  the  rage  among  all  parties.  Everybody  reads  them ; 
and  your  opponents,  especially,  delight  in  showing  me  their  magnanimity  tow 
ard  you.  You  have  been  reviewed  in  the  New  World,  I  hear.  But  I  have  not 
«een  the  article.  It  is  either  retaliatory,  or  it  is  twaddle.  You  know  that  there 
if  a  circle  of  exclusive  literary  men.  A  politician— a  man  of  the  world  like  you 


1843.]  A   DRAMATIC   SCENE.  681 

— has  no  right  to  invade  their  domain.  You  are  an  intruder.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  see  that  every  remark  that  you  make  takes  effect.  You  are  quoted  in 
every  part  of  the  Union,  and  your  letters  very  liberally  republished. 

I  hear,  and  learn  from  the  papers,  that  Bowen  has  resigned  his  office  as  Vice- 
President  of  the  Erie  Railroad  Company.  But  I  hear  nothing  from  him,  and 
doubt  whether  the  information  is  authentic.  It  is,  at  least,  quite  time  that 
Bowen  should  leave  that  great  enterprise  to  try  its  fortunes  with  the  corruption 
that  it  was  rescued  from  by  our  and  his  efforts. 

AUBURN,  September  17,  1843. 

I  have  just  returned  from  Avon  Springs,  where  I  have  been  trying  a  hotly- 
litigated  cause  for  William  and  John  Beach. 

I  met  Fillmore  at  Rochester,  and  had  a  pleasant  interview  with  him,  which 
was  fortunate.  I  freely  told  him  I  was  of  opinion  that  he  ought  to  be,  and 
would  be,  nominated  for  Vice-President.  He  replied  that  he  did  not  want  it, 
but  did  not  disclaim.  He  said  he  had  cast  the  horoscope,  and  thought  the  place 
would  fall  to  me,  to  which  he  should  most  cheerfully  assent.  I  absolutely  dis 
claimed,  assigning  reasons. 

The  Calhoun  men  in  New  York  are  arraying  themselves  for  battle,  and  the 
whole  Democratic  party  in  other  States  exhibit  signs  of  division.  In  Maine  it  is 
probable  no  Governor  is  elected  by  the  people.  In  Massachusetts  the  State 
Convention  has  adopted  the  "  district  system,"  and  it  is  now  probable  that  not 
a  State  in  the  Union,  except  New  York,  will  adhere  to  the  general-ticket  plan. 
So  you  see  that  the  indications  of  the  contest  are  cheering  enough,  if  we  look 
only  to  the  condition  of  our  opponents. 

I  cannot  omit  again  talking  about  your  letters.  They  are  in  every  country 
newspaper.  In  truth,  you  have  already  written  yourself  out  of  all  remembrance 
of  the  thousand  offenses  with  which  you  had  wounded  politicians  of  all  parties. 
I  write  to-night  to  require  King  to  examine  proofs  more  closely.  He  suffered 
your  beautiful  account  of  kirk-going  in  Glasgow  to  be  spoiled  by  converting 
the  "Tron  Church"  (the  Throne  Church— that  is,  the  Episcopal  Throne  Church) 
into  an  "  Iron  "  Church.  What  an  outrage  ! 

Mr.  Miller  saw  Daniel  Webster  in  his  law-office  in  Boston,  talking  about 
his  farm  with  composure.  He  is  referred  to  now  as  a  man  of  immense  tal 
ent,  but  not  particularly,  etc.,  etc.  So  it  is  to  be  eclipsed !  I  agree  to  this 
at  the  very  moment  when  the  community  is  rife  with  reports  tending,  if  not 
designed,  to  make  me  appear  hostile  to  the  great  luminary  which  eclipses 
Webster  I  Enjoy  while  you  may  the  precious  relaxation  of  travel. 

AUBURN,  September  24,  1843. 

Your  flying  epistle  from  Havre,  Rouen,  and  Paris,  came  opportunely  last 
night  to  revive  me  from  the  exhaustion  of  a  week  of  great  labor  and  excite 
ment.  The  information  that  your  purpose  as  to  the  time  of  your  return  is 
unsettled  relieves  me  somewhat,  since  I  hope  that  the  seductions  of  Rome, 
the  winter  in  Rome,  may  prevail. 

The  Agricultural  State  Fair  came  off  at  Rochester  last  week.  I  had  de 
termined  not  to  go  there.  Our  Court  of  Common  Pleas  was  in  session.  On 
Tuesday  morning  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  my  respected  successor  were  here  on 
their  way  to  the  fair.  A  few  Whigs  (John  A.  King  among  them)  were  here, 
and  the  Whigs  became  anxious  that  they  should  be  represented.  I  visited  the 


682  LIFE   AND    LETTERS.  [1843. 

ex-President  and  the  incumbent  State  Executive,  and  attended  them  during 
their  stay  here.  They  returned  my  visits.  Not  a  u  Barnburner  "  approached 
the  Governor,  except  to  deride  and  insult  him ;  and  even  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
treated  with  marked  neglect  because  he  was  in  company  with  the  u  Hunker  " 
Executive.  They  went  on,  and  the  next  morning  brought  Mr.  Webster  to  the 
cattle-show,  there  to  make  a  speech,  to  undo  the  Baltimore  "  anti-tariff 
speech."  I  felt  that  it  was  due  to  him  to  sustain  and  cheer  him,  and  that 
there  would  be  kindness,  if  not  magnanimity,  in  my  doing  so.  I  followed 
him  to  Rochester  with  Morgan.  At  that  place  there  were  fifteen  or  twenty 
thousand  people,  men,  women,  and  children.  Van  Buren  and  Bouck  were  re 
ceived  there  much  as  here,  Webster  with  all  the  enthusiasm  that  such  intellect 
ual  power  ought  to  kindle.  He  was  at  first  disquieted,  moody,  and  morose. 
No  one  attended  him  but  Coleman  of  the  Astor.  He  authorized  himself  to  be 
announced  to  speak  in  the  field  at  three  o'clock.  Meantime  a  supper  was  ar 
ranged  for  the  same  night.  All  Western  New  York  turned  out  at  three  to 
hear  him.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  the  Governor  retired,  through  fear  of  the  effect 
of  contrast.  The  audience  sent  forth  their  shouts  for  "Webster!"  "Web 
ster  !  "  but  he  came  not.  The  messengers  went  for  him.  He  pleaded  sick 
ness,  and  the  people  called  out  for  me  to  speak  in  his  stead.  It  was  kind  in 
them,  and  they  received  what  I  said  in  kindness.  At  night  Webster  came  out 
at  the  supper,  among  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  us,  in  one  of  his  great  and  overpow 
ering  speeches.  His  heart  was  warm,  and  his  mind  aroused.  He  enraptured 
us  all.  I  answered,  and  cheered  him  with  a  hearty  welcome.  His  great  soul 
rose  under  this  excitement.  He  grasped  me  by  the  hand,  and,  turning  to  the 
company  with  his  full,  manly,  and  impressive  eloquence,  tendered  to  me  the 
friendship  and  support  in  all  after-life  of  all  the  great  New  England  confed 
eracy!  It  was  a  scene  such  as  the  stage  seldom  exhibits,  and  how  it  told 
upon  all  no  one  can  describe.  We  parted  friends.  He  returned  eastward  to 
enjoy  his  triumph,  and  I  hurried  back  to  the  court  to  defend  my  clients  in 
the  General  Sessions. 

Yesterday  (Saturday)  was  the  day  of  our  nominating  county  convention.  I 
attended  and  renewed  my  ancient  association  with  the  Whigs  of  Cayuga.  I 
was  reading  your  letter  in  the  evening,  when  A.  B.  Dickinson  and  John  May- 
nard  came  in  to  ask  me  to  go  to  New  York,  and  endeavor  to  resuscitate  the 
New  York  &  Erie  Railroad  Company.  After  a  long  discussion  I  convinced 
them  that  the  time  had  not  yet  come.  I  am  wearied  with  labor,  and  exhaust 
ed.  But  it  is  Sunday,  and  its  soothing  influences  are  upon  me.  There  is  a 
manifest  revival  of  Whig  sentiment  and  feeling,  and,'  though  it  is  all  directed 
blindly,  there  are  a  thousand  evidences  that  it  lays  hold  upon  the  Whig  policy 
and  principles  as  promulgated  at  Albany  during  the  past  four  years.  These 
are  consolations  for  you  and  me.  The  year  1848  is  already  anticipated  in  the 
very  hour  of  the  enthusiasm  which  has  until  now  looked  to  1844  as  the  last 
struggle,  and  the  contest  of  that  year  is  felt  to  be  only  preliminary  to  that  of 
the  next  trial. 

The  Repealers  have  had  their  national  convention,  and  made  Robert  Tyler 
their  president.  Their  efforts  will  tell  here,  and  may  do  good  across  the  At 
lantic.  But  they  are  about  as  blindly  directed  as  those  of  the  modern  Abolition 
party. 


1843.]  REFUSING   NOMINATIONS.  083 

AUBUBN,  September  30, 1843. 

June,  July,  August,  September — four  months  less  a  week  since  our  friends 
on  board  the  steamboat  made  me  their  organ  to  tender  you  wishes  for  a  pros 
perous  voyage  and  speedy  return. 

The  week's  gossip  throughout  the  State  and  country  L.-jS  been  the  Agricult 
ural  Fair  at  Rochester.  The  impression  has  gone  abroad,  as  I  anticipated, 
that  Van  Buren  and  Bouck  went  to  Rochester  in  search  of  popularity,  and 
were  eclipsed.  You  know  it  was  the  7th  of  June  that  I  presided  at  a  repeal 
meeting  in  New  York.  The  indefatigable  u  Old  Hunkers "  have  burrowed 
out  at  last  a  repeal  letter  written  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  on  the  20th  of  that  month. 
I  cannot  forbear  to  notice  that  no  paper  of  either  party  has  censured  him  for 
doing  what  they  found  an  unpardonable  offense  in  me. 

WEST  POINT,  October  8,  1843. 

At  last  we  are  here,  and  I  employ  the  last  hour  of  a  delightful  visit  to  pre 
serve  the  punctuality  you  have  so  good  a  right  to  exact.  We  have  been  here 
three  days,  and  enjoyed  our  boy's  society  much  of  the  time.  lie  is  quite  suc 
cessful  in  his  studies,  and  his  disposition  has  won  the  esteem  of  his  teachers 
and  fellows. 

We  spent  a  night  at  your  house  on  the  way  down,  and  found  your  family  all 
well,  and  expecting  your  return  by  the  next  steamer. 

The  political  elements  are  gathering.  The  Calhoun  men  threaten  to  plant 
themselves  on  the  district  system,  and  organize  the  convention  by  receiving 
only  delegates  elected  on  that  plan.  It  is  apparent  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  has  re 
peated  the  blunder  of  1824.  Whether  it  will  be  equally  disastrous  is  doubtful. 
But  the  doubt  arises  from  counterbalancing  blunders  of  our  own.  Instead  of 
having  laid  and  left  a  platform  broad  enough  to  invite  all  dissentients,  we  have 
narrowed  it  so  that  only  one  man  can  gain  a  foothold  upon  it ;  and  we  are 
watching  to  exclude  all  others.  Webb  has  nominated  Webster  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent.  .  .  .  My  name  has  been  rung  in  changes  for  that  nomination,  as  well  as 
for  Governor  of  New  York.  But  I  have  abruptly  ended  them  by  answering, 
through  the  Courier,  that  I  would  be  a  candidate  for  no  nomination,  State  or 
national.  .  .  . 

I  return  to-morrow  evening  to  Albany,  and  thence  to  Auburn,  not  even 
securing  the  indulgence  of  a  day  with  the  "pipe-layers."  Business  forbids. 
"We  are  packing  and  leave-taking,  so  adieu. 

His  letter  to  the  Courier  said  : 

I  am  not,  and  shall  not  be,  a  candidate  for  any  office,  State  or  national,  in 
the  canvass  of  1844.  Far  from  seeking  further  preferment,  I  have  had  enough 
already  to  call  forth  profound  gratitude.  That  gratitude  I  expect  to  manifest 
by  leaving  the  Whig  party  to  bring  forth  its  candidates  without  interference 
on  my  part,  and  by  yielding  to  them  my  zealous  and  faithful  support. 

Returns  now  began  to  come  in  from  the  October  elections  in  other 
States.  The  Whigs  had  carried  Ohio,  Georgia,  Maryland,  the  city  of 
Philadelphia,  and  had  a  prospect  of  success  in  the  States  of  Penn 
sylvania  and  Delaware.  In  New  Jersey  they  had  been  defeated.  The 
last  days  before  the  election  were,  as  usual,  largely  occupied  by  public 


684  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1843, 

meetings  and  speeches,  Seward  attending  some  of  those  in  Cayuga 
and  the  neighboring  counties.  His  avowed  antislavery  opinions  had 
always  been  considered  objectionable  by  many  of  his  own  party.  Some 
of  the  dissatisfied  Whigs  even  charged  him  with  lack  of  fidelity  to  Clay. 
Three  days  before  the  election,  he  wrote  to  John  C.  Clark  : 

AUBURN,  November  4,  1843. 

The  two  State  Central  Committees,  at  Albany,  in  August  last  issued  a  circu 
lar  recommending  the  appointment  of  delegates  by  district  conventions  during 
the  present  autumn,  and  recommended  further  that  the  delegates  so  to  be  ap 
pointed  should  be  instructed  to  vote  for  Henry  Clay  as  the  candidate  of  the 
Whig  party,  already  spontaneously  nominated  and  universally  acknowledged 
throughout  the  State.  These  recommendations  have  been  adopted  in  every 
electoral  district.  I  venture  to  state,  without  asking  previous  leave  of  the  com 
mittees,  that  those  recommendations  were  made  by  the  Central  Committee  on 
my  suggestion,  and  in  my  own  language. 

The  letter  was  published  and  created  some  amusement,  as  it  showed 
that  those  who  were  accusing  him  of  defection  had  all  been  following 
his  advice,  without  knowing  from  whom  it  emanated. 

November  7th  was  election-day,  and  the  evening  was  spent  by  Sew 
ard  at  the  newspaper  office  receiving  returns.  The  Whigs  had  carried 
the  county  and  district,  which  seemed  to  give  hope  that  the  State  had 
not  been  lost.  But  on  the  10th  decisive  returns  came  in.  The  State 
had  gone  Democratic.  There  was  a  falling  off  of  the  Whig  vote  in  the 
western  counties,  partly  occasioned  by  the  drawing  off  of  votes  for  the 
Abolition  ticket.  As  each  succeeding  day  brought  fuller  returns,  the 
news  grew  more  and  more  adverse.  The  Legislature,  it  was  ascer 
tained,  would  consist  of  a  Senate  of  twenty -six  Democrats  to  six 
Whigs  ;  the  Assembly,  of  ninety-two  Democrats  to  thirty-six  Whigs. 

The  next  step  after  every  election  is  to  determine,  each  party  for 
itself,  what  policy  to  pursue  in  view  of  the  result.  The  Whigs  abated 
no  jot  of  hope,  or  of  purpose  to  continue  the  support  of  Mr.  Clay, 
though  it  had  become  evident — at  least  so  far  as  New  York  was  con 
cerned — that  there  was  danger  of  a  loss  of  many  votes  on  account  of  the 
abolition  question.  The  supporters  of  the  distinctive  Abolition  organ 
ization  were  largely  drawn  from  the  Whig  ranks.  When  remonstrated 
with  that  their  votes  would  be  unavailing,  and  if  thrown  away  on  the 
third  candidate  would  help  to  defeat  the  Whigs,  and  so  elect  the  pro- 
slavery  candidates,  their  answer  was  that  they  were  voting  for  a  prin 
ciple,  and  could  give  no  support  to  either  of  the  two  great  parties. 
And  this,  in  substance,  was  the  point  of  difference  for  many  years  be 
tween  two  large  classes  of  enlightened  men  at  the  North,  both  opposed 
to  slavery,  both  desirous  to  restrict  or  abolish  it  ;  but  the  one  believing 
they  should  build  up  a  third  party,  the  other  that  they  could  act  more 
effectively  through  the  great  parties  already  organized,  and  holding 


1843.]  "CHECKS   AND   BALANCES."  685 

alternate  control  of  the  Government.  Men's  minds  are  not  all  cast  in 
the  same  mould,  and  there  always  will  be  some  who  find  that  the  prac 
tical  way  to  accomplish  results  is  through  cooperation  arid  waiver  of 
minor  differences  ;  while  others  prefer  to  satisfy  their  love  of  inde 
pendence  by  acting  alone,  or  with  the  small  body  who  can  agree  to 
think  alike  in  all  things. 

The  Democrats,  so  far  from  being  united  by  their  victory,  grew  more 
and  more  divided.  Hitherto  Democratic  sentiment,  North  and  South, 
had  seemed  to  be  divided  between  two  presidential  candidates,  Calhoun 
and  Van  Buren.  From  Pennsylvania  now  came  the  suggestion  of  a 
third  (Buchanan),  who,  it  was  thought,  might  reconcile  existing  differ 
ences. 

When  the  official  vote  of  New  York  was  counted,  it  showed  that  the 
Democrats  had  polled  177,000  votes  ;  the  Whigs,  156,000  ;  the  Aboli 
tionists,  15,672  ;  the  Native  Americans,  8,712  ;  so  that,  if  the  three 
parties  opposed  to  the  Democrats  had  cast  a  united  vote,  they  would 
have  carried  the  State.  The  problem  before  the  Whigs,  therefore,  was, 
how  to  combine  that  vote,  if,  as  was  claimed,  the  two  minor  factions 
were  made  up  of  discontented  Whigs.  Yet  even  the  177,000  Demo 
cratic  votes  were  not  an  assured  element.  Among  them  were  many 
who,  though  acting  hitherto  with  their  party,  were  restive  under  its 
pro-slavery  lead. 

Then,  upon  the  financial  question,  the  debt,  and  internal  improve 
ments,  the  Democratic  party,  though  they  voted  together  at  the  polls, 
were  divided  into  two  antagonistic  factions  when  it  came  to  legislation. 
The  problem  for  the  Democrats,  therefore,  was,  whether  they  could  con 
tinue  to  combine  these  opposing  elements,  or  whether  one  or  the  other 
of  them,  separating  from  the  Democratic  party,  might  not  combine 
with  the  Whigs. 

There  were  rumors  from  Washington  of  a  new  and  grave  issue 
which  might  unsettle  all  political  calculations.  The  question  of  the 
annexation  of  Texas  would  probably  come  up  at  the  next  session. 

It  has  been  claimed  that  the  especial  merit  of  the  American  Gov 
ernment  is,  that  it  is  "  a  government  of  checks  and  balances."  If  so, 
it  seemed  at  this  period  in  complete  and  successful  operation.  The 
President  was  held  in  check  by  a  Whig  Senate,  and  that  in  turn  by  a 
Democratic  House.  The  New  York  State  government  was  balancing 
between  "  Old  Hunkers  "  and  "  Barnburners,"  who  in  turn  were  held 
in  check  by  apprehensions  of  the  Whigs,  who  were  themselves  check 
mated  by  the  Abolitionists  and  Native  Americans. 

This  year  witnessed  the  beginning  of  an  important  era.  The  Madi- 
sonian  announced,  in  the  summer,  that  Prof.  Morse  was  about  to 
begin  laying  the  wires  of  his  electric  telegraph  along  the  line  of  the 
Baltimore  &  Washington  Railroad.  The  wires  were  to  run  in  leaden 


686  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1843. 

pipes  a  quarter  of  an  inch  in  diameter.  But  this  announcement,  though 
of  vastly  greater  importance,  did  not  attract  half  the  attention  that 
was  bestowed  upon  Queen  Victoria's  and  Prince  Albert's  visit  to  France 
in  their  yacht.  Of  this  event  the  papers  were  full  of  descriptions. 

Another  topic  of  discussion,  especially  in  the  cities,  was  Dr.  Pusey 
and  the  "Oxford  Tracts."  "Puseyism"  became  the  term  to  designate 
everything  that  looked  toward  changes  of  ceremonial  observance  in  the 
Episcopal  Church ;  and  all  manner  of  descriptions  were  given  of  the 
contemplated  improvements  in  the  ritual,  one  of  which  was  gravely  said 
to  be  the  sacrifice  of  a  lamb  every  Friday  evening. 

Among  other  subjects  of  popular  interest  was  the  seizure  of  slavers 
on  the  African  coast  by  British  vessels.  The  descriptions  of  the  hor 
rible  condition  of  the  poor  creatures  on  board,  the  arrangement  of  the 
hold,  etc.,  helped  to  remind  the  public  that  the  nefarious  traffic  was  still 
going  on. 

Early  in  November  came  intelligence  of  the  arrest  of  Daniel  O'Con- 
nell  by  the  British  Government.  It  was  no  surprise,  but  had  been  an 
ticipated,  though  it  served  to  add  fresh  stimulus  to  the  repeal  move 
ment.  It  was  proposed,  as  an  effective  demonstration,  that  the  Repeal 
Associations  should  hold  simultaneous  meetings  all  over  the  world  on 
the  first  Wednesday  in  January,  1844. 

At  a  meeting  held  in  Auburn  at  the  town-hall,  on  the  25th  of  No 
vember,  Seward  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  submitted  a  letter,  which  he 
had  prepared  at  the  request  of  the  Association,  to  O'Connell  ;  which 
was  read,  signed  by  the  citizens  present,  and  sent  to  the  "  Liberator." 
It  commended  him  that,  under  his  guidance,  the  masses  "are  not 
merely  patient  and  pacific,  but  profoundly  submissive  to  the  laws,  how 
ever  unequal,  and  to  the  throne,  however  inaccessible  ; "  also  that  they 
had  "  rejected  all  military  preparations,"  and  that  while  "  you  are  vol 
untarily  in  the  power  of  the  law,  meeting  the  oppressors  of  your  coun 
try  in  her  civil  tribunals,  and  not  a  hostile  arm  has  been  raised  nor  a 
drop  of  blood  been  shed  either  in  turbulence  or  by  accident." 

Another  subject  of  importance  to  Ireland  and  the  United  States 
was  attracting  the  attention  of  scientific  inquirers  and  of  the  agricultural 
and  commercial  community.  This  was  a  disease  before  unknown,  which 
had  attacked  the  potato-crop.  It  was  first  noticed  as  a  black  spot. 
The  "pink-eyes,"  then  a  favorite  species,  had  especially  suffered,  many 
farmers  losing  their  entire  crop,  and  some  losing  in  addition  the  cattle 
and  swine  to  whom  they  had  been  fed. 

Mr.  Weed  had  already  embarked  on  the  Ashburton,  October  26th. 
The  ship  was  more  than  a  month  at  sea,  and  Seward,  who  was  in 
New  York  early  in  December,  attending  court,  was  in  time  to  greet 
him  on  his  debarkation.  Weed  had  gone  to  Europe,  leaving  the  party 
infected  with  so  many  jealousies  and  rivalries  that  it  was  an  unexpected 


1843.]  WEED   FOR   GOVERNOR.  687 

and  agreeable  surprise,  on  his  return,  to  find  that  he  had  grown  popu 
lar;  that  the  press,  not  only  of  his  own,  but  of  the  opposing  party,  was 
full  of  kindly  expressions  ;  that  he  had  been  impatiently  awaited,  to 
advise  about  the  legislative  policy  and  the  presidential  campaign  ;  and 
that  some  of  his  zealous  admirers  were  proposing  to  make  him  the 
Whig  candidate  for  Governor  at  the  next  year's  election.  In  sending 
him  a  letter  from  an  enthusiastic  friend,  on  this  subject,  Seward  added 
this  postscript  at  the  bottom  of  it  : 

I  have  written  to  Strong  that  you  would  not  accept,  and  that  you  desire 
the  matter  to  be  dropped.  But  it  is  not  to  be  easily  dropped.  Everybody  is  up 
for  it.  I  have  written  an  article  for  Oliphant  next  week,  which  1  think  you  will 
find  help  to  relieve  you,  as  it  will  probably  be  understood  to  come  from  me. 
Still,  you  will  have  to  hear  the  sound  of  the  cannon. 

Quite  a  number  of  the  Whig  newspapers  were  strongly  urging  him 
as  a  candidate.  When  some  of  his  friends  came  to  talk  with  Seward 
about  it,  he,  knowing  Weed's  repugnance  to  any  such  project,  did  not 
encourage  them. 

"  But  why  not  ?  what  reason  is  there  why  he  should  not  be  made 
Governor,  whether  he  wants  it  or  not  ?  " 

"  Plenty  of  reasons,"  answered  he. 

"  Well,  give  us  one,"  said  they. 

"  Well,"  replied  he,  "  one  reason  is,  as  you  know,  that,  if  Weed  was 
Governor,  he  would  pardon  all  the  rascals  out  of  State-prison,  and  then 
get  in  himself,  for  pipe-laying  !  " 

The  peremptory  refusal  of  the  "  Dictator,"  on  his  return  to  his  post 
of  duty  at  Albany,  after  his  half-year's  absence,  finally  put  the  ques 
tion  to  rest. 

Referring  to  his  article  in  the  Auburn  paper,  Seward  wrote  : 

I  have  noticed  that  whenever  a  county  convention  nominated  me  for  Gov 
ernor,  or  President,  or  Vice-President,  I  was  not  consulted  at  all  about  the  mat 
ter  ;  but  the  Evening  Journal,  the  next  day,  would  emphatically  decline  in  my 
behalf.  One  good  turn  deserves  another,  and,  as  you  were  not  here,  I  thought 
I  might  as  well  decline  for  you  in  the  Auburn  Journal. 


£88  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1843-'44. 

CHAPTER  LH. 
1843-1844. 

Postal  Reforms.— Simultaneous  Repeal  Meetings.— The  Law's  Delay.— Prescott's  "  Con 
quest  of  Mexico." — Mocking- Bird  Moralizings. — Legislative  Battles. — Clay  Meetings  on 
Washington's  Birthday. — Auburn  Speech. — Fillmore  and  Seward. — The  Texas  Issue. 

AT  the  opening  of  the  session  of  Congress,  the  Postmaster-General's 
report  was  followed  by  discussions  in  Congress  and  in  the  press  on  the 
propriety  of  prohibiting  express  companies  from  carrying  letters. 
They  were  now  engaging  in  this  enterprise,  and  the  letters  were  car 
ried  more  rapidly  than  by  mail.  This  led,  naturally,  to  the  question 
whether  the  post-offices,  backed  by  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States, 
could  not  afford  to  transmit  letters  as  cheaply  as  a  company  of  private 
individuals. 

Mr.  Rhett,  of  South  Carolina,  introduced  a  resolution  in  the  House 
to  repeal  the  tariff,  which  was  rejected,  one  hundred  and  seven  to 
seventy-seven.  Mr.  Adams  again  offered  antislavery  petitions.  When 
the  Speaker  decided  one  of  them  to  be  excluded  under  the  twenty-first 
rule,  "  Bring  it  back,"  said  Adams ;  "I  will  put  it  with  the  rest.  I 
have  a  houseful  that  I  am  preserving  for  some  future  day.  I  have  the 
petitions  of  a  hundred  thousand  of  the  people,  excluded  from  a  hearing 
by  this  House." 

As  the  time  for  holding  the  Democratic  Convention  approached, 
candidates  for  the  presidency  multiplied.  The  New  York  Standard 
hoisted  the  name  of  General  Cass.  Governor  Dorr,  who  was  now  in 
prison,  was  elected  delegate  to  the  Democratic  National  Convention, 
and  some  curiosity  was  expressed  to  know  whether  he  would  be  re 
leased,  in  order  that  he  might  attend. 

The  Whig  delegates  were  usually  instructed  to  vote  for  Clay.  Fre 
quently,  there  was  also  instruction  on  the  subject  of  the  vice-presi 
dency,  and  several  of  those  from  the  State  of  New  York  were  charged 
to  go  for  Clay  and  Fillmore. 

During  the  first  week  in  January,  Seward  was  on  the  road  to  Al 
bany  again.  He  was  to  attend  the  repeal  meeting  there,  which  he  had 
promised  to  address  ;  and,  subsequently,  his  cases  in  court  would  de 
tain  him  there  during  the  rest  of  the  month.  His  letters  home  de 
scribed  this  gathering  : 

ALBANY,  Saturday  Morning. 

I  was  fortunate  in  extending  my  first  day's  ride  to  Utica.  The  residue  of 
the  journey  was  a  light  task  the  next  day.  After  paying  my  respects  to  General 
Root,  whose  public  life  has  closed,  I  devoted  the  next  day  to  a  revision  of  my 
speech  for  Ireland.  The  day  was  cold  and  snowy,  yet  there  were  three  thou 
sand  persons  in  the  procession.  They  came  past  the  Eagle,  and  I  stood  in  the 
window  of  my  room  for  nearly  two  hours,  receiving  their  salutations.  The 


1844.]  SIMULTANEOUS   REPEAL   MEETINGS.  689 

assemblage  at  t'.ic  Capitol  was  the  greatest  I  ever  saw  in  this  city,  and  the  pro 
ceedings  were  spirited  und  becoming.  Mr.  Stevens,  although  not  an  early  con 
vert,  made  a  capital  speech.  We  adjourned  at  eleven.  The  crowd  formed  a 
procession,  and  escorted  me  to  the  Eagle,  where  they  left  me  with  kind  greet 
ings.  Some  gentlemen  had  a  supper  waiting,  which  was  given  in  honor  of 
Weed's  return  from  Europe. 

I  occupied  the  next  day  with  writing  out  the  speech,  and  spent  yesterday  in 
studying  my  cases  for  argument  in  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  meeting  was  one  of  the  series  of  simultaneous  repeal  meetings 
held  on  the  same  day  in  the  various  cities  throughout  the  Union.  A 
few  days  later  the  reports  of  their  proceedings  were  brought  by  the 
newspapers.  The  one  in  New  York  was  held  at  Tammany  Hall,  and 
addressed  by  Mr.  Greeley  and  others  ;  at  Syracuse,  General  Leaven- 
worth  and  B.  David  Noxon  participated  ;  at  Rochester,  John  Allen 
presided  ;  at  Buffalo,  George  M.  Clinton. 

ALBANY,  Saturday  Evening,  January  \Wi. 

If  I  had  been  able  to  calculate  on  the  chances  of  the  calendar,  I  might  have 
spent  two  or  three  days  with  you.  On  Monday  morning  next  the  court  will  be 
as  near  to  me  as  they  were  on  Monday  last,  and  no  nearer.  But  I  have  em 
ployed  my  time  profitably. 

My  habits  of  study  are  pretty  well  understood,  and  I  have  few  visitors.  The 
Senate  and  Assembly  are  engaged  in  warm  debates  concerning  the  wisdom  of 
my  administration  of  the  government — a  question  which  has  lost  power  to  excite 
me.  I  suppose,  a  generation  hence,  it  will  be  settled,  with  more  impartiality 
than  now. 

It  has  been  my  purpose  to  spend  to-morrow  in  Troy,  but,  as  the  day  ap 
proaches,  I  fear  the  loss  of  time  in  going  there  to-night.  My  invitation  is  from 
George  B.  Warren,  who  is  a  Whig  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  an  earnest 
friend.  A  young  gentleman  called  on  me  to-day,  who  is  a  student  at  Schenec- 
tady,  and  whose  bright  locks,  fair  face,  and  graceful  contour,  proved  him,  as  he 
was,  a  brother  of  Miss  Bowers. 

I  called  last  evening  on  Mrs.  Porter,  as  you  wished,  and  found  her  very  agree 
able  ;  but  when  I  attempted  to  perform  your  commands,  by  giving  her  the  vil 
lage  news,  I  failed,  being  totally  destitute  of  all  information  concerning  occur 
rences  at  Auburn. 

I  am  reading  Prescott's  "  Mexico,"  a  most  interesting  work.  I  hope  to  finish 
it  and  send  it  to  you  on  Monday.  It  will  be  a  much  better  book  for  you  to  read 
than  the  "  Mysteries  of  Paris,"  and,  though  it  is  history,  you  will  find  it  almost 
as  exciting. 

John  C.  Spencer  is  nominated  by  the  President  for  judge,  but  his  confirma 
tion  is  doubtful. 

The  Democratic  party  here  are  in  much  distress,  and  the  two  factions  are 
beginning  to  think  the  Whigs  worthy  of  some  attention.  Mr.  Croswell  has 
just  paid  me  a  visit,  and  expressed  no  little  surprise  (but  not  designedly)  that 
the  Whig  party  manifested  no  disposition  to  affiliate  with  the  Governor's  especial 
friends. 

44 


690  LIFE  AXD   LETTERS.  [1844. 

I  took  tea  last  evening  at  Dr.  Sprague's,  whose  simple  New  England  habits 
and  forms  of  entertainment  always  please  me. 

But  I  quit  my  letter  to  attack  my  chancery  case,  which  must  be  in  readiness 
on  Monday ;  and  I  am  endeavoring  to  keep  the  good  resolution  of  abstaining 
from  labor  on  Sunday. 

ALBANY,  Sunday  Night,  January  14ih. 

I  wrote  you  last  night,  indeed,  but  it  was  at  the  close  of  a  week  of  thought 
ful  anxiety  and  exhaustive  study.  This  has  been  a  day  of  rest  and  refreshment, 
and  I  am  moved  to  commune  with  you  a  while  before  its  fleeting  hours  bring  on 
the  renewal  of  cares  that  make  one  selfish  and  neglectful. 

I  have  read  the  rest  of  Prescott's  history.  I  am  impatient  until  you  have  the 
enjoyment  of  it.  It,  however,  loses  its  interest,  or  rather  diminishes  in  interest, 
toward  the  close.  Your  hopes  for  the  escape  of  the  Mexicans,  or  at  least  for  a 
modification  of  their  subjection,  for  some  alleviation  of  the  miseries  of  conquest, 
give  way,  and  the  cruelty  they  suffer  becomes  painfully  distressing.  The  sub 
jugation,  slavery,  and  almost  extermination,  of  a  race  who  have  done  no  wrong, 
but  have  possessed  themselves  of  the  gold-dust  in  their  streams  and  the  gaudy 
feathers  of  their  birds,  and  have  ever  freely  divided  them  with  their  covetous 
enemies,  are  not  to  be  contemplated  without  excitement,  and  a  swelling  desire 
for  their  revenge.  That  revenge  they  had  not. 

I  am  troubled  with  a  new  political  movement  that  promises  long  animosi 
ties  and  contentions.  Last  year,  as  you  know,  it  was  determined  well  and 
wisely  that  even  if  I  could  I  must  not  and  should  not  be  a  candidate  for  public 
office.  With  Mr.  Fillmore  for  Vice-President,  and  Willis  Hall  for  Governor,  the 
Whig  party  could  have  no  occasion  to  call  for  me,  while  in  peacefulness  and 
quiet  I  could  contribute  to  its  restoration  through  their  election.  I  explained 
these  views  to  both  of  them,  and  they  were,  as  well  they  might  be,  content. 
Hall  is  prostrated  with  illness,  and  Fillmore  only  is  left.  The  Whig  party  wants 
some  one  in  Hall's  place,  and  indications,  as  I  am  told,  are  plain  enough,  that,  if 
there  be  not  some  one,  I  must  step  in  the  breach,  to  be  ruined  equally  by  suc 
cess  or  defeat — the  latter  most  probably.  Fillmore  is  wanted,  therefore,  to 
come  down  to  Hall's  place.  This  he  will  not  willingly  do,  and  I  feel  that  he 
ought  not  to  be  compelled.  Yet  what  I  see  convinces  me  that  he  must,  and 
that  at  least  efforts  will  be  made  to  bring  him  there,  unless  I  consent  to  be  a 
candidate — a  thing  for  a  thousand  reasons  impossible.  Hence  he  is  to  upbraid 
me  with  the  whole,  and  with  insincerity  to  boot,  though  I  am  faithful  and  just. 

Monday  Evening. 

I  have  just  laid  aside  complete  the  brief  upon  which  I  have  been  all  day 
engaged.  The  court  has  hardly  approached  me,  but  I  have  a  hope  of  a  hearing 
in  our  cause  to-morrow. 

Have  you  noticed  the  polemics  going  on  between  Dr.  Potts  and  Dr.  Wain- 
wright  ?  It  is  published  in  the  Commercial,  but  extracted  into  the  Express  and 
Tribune.  It  will  amuse  and  perhaps  instruct  you. 

I  asked  A to  come  into  my  room  to  smoke.  He  proposed  we  should 

have  our  after-dinner  smoke  in  his  room.  I  said,  "  No !  Don't  let  us  smoke  in 

the  presence  of  the  women."  "  Dear  me,"  said  Mrs.  A ,  "  I  wonder  where 

you  find  the  women  f1"1  Mrs.  A- obviously  thinks  that  ladies  are  not  women. 

JFor  my  part,  I  like  the  old  English  names  of  "  folks," 


1844.]  MOCKING-BIRD   MORALIZING.  691 

and  especially  now,  as  all  common  dames  are  "  ladies,"  those  who  have  refine 
ment  may  well  be  content  to  bear  the  appellation  of  women. 

I  wasted  a  part  of  yesterday  in  reading  the  now  first-published  correspond 
ence  between  Burns  and  Clurinda.  She  was  a  bold,  vain  woman ;  Burns  little 
better  than  a  villain.  But  she  had  no  right  to  complain  of  him,  if  women  have 
any  obligation  to  protect  their  own  virtue.  She  had  some  talent,  but  hardly 
enough  to  make  her  letters  worthy  of  going  down  to  posterity  with  Burns's 
poetry. 

The  Democratic  party,  notwithstanding  their  triumphant  success  in  this 
State  last  fall,  manifest  much  alarm.  Mr.  Van  Buren  evidently  drags,  and  I 
should  not  be  surprised  if  in  May  he  is  cast  off.  How  unwise  it  was  of  a  great 
man  to  seek  restoration !  Few  statesmen,  however,  have  the  virtue  of  modera 
tion,  and  few  have  it  in  so  great  a  degree  as  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

ALBANY,  January  2lst. 

If  it  were  in  my  nature  to  despond  under  small  vexations,  I  should  have  a 
sad  day.  Here  I  have  been,  day  after  day,  repairing  to  the  court-room  at  ten 
in  the  morning,  and  leaving  it  not  until  eight  at  night,  and  this  attendance  pro 
tracted  through  three  weeks,  and  not  a  cause  of  mine  has  been  reached.  Then 
I  was  engaged  to  go  to  Troy  to-day,  and  the  thermometer  is  below  zero.  But 
I  will  let  these  things  pass.  I  have  followed  what  seemed  and  was  the  way  of 
duty  thus  far,  and  abided  its  consequences.  So  I  will  do  now.  One  year  has 
brought  me  into  the  court ;  another,  if  equally  auspicious,  will  give  me  suffi 
cient  occupation  among  its  actors. 

I  sent  you  the  first  volume  of  Prescott  by  Henry  Underwood ;  I  now  send 
the  two  others  by  Judge  Conkling.  I  think  I  am  not  mistaken  in  supposing 
that  you  will  be  deeply  interested  in  this  delightful  book. 

ALBANY,  January  25, 1844. 

I  go  to-night  to  Mrs.  Peckham's ;  and,  since  I  find  no  leisure  in  the  hours 
which  intervene  between  dinner  and  midnight,  I  may  as  well  write  now. 

Fame  told  me  of  your  party,  before  your  letter  advised  me  of  that  event,  so 
troublesome  to  the  matron  who  gave  and  so  joyous  to  the  young  people  who 
received  it.  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  it  was  pleasant,  especially  to  Frances ;  as 
for  Willie,  he  deserves  a  party  every  day  ;  and  Clarence,  I  hope,  will  continue  to 
enjoy  them  as  much  in  after-life. 

There  is  a  mocking-bird  in  the  bar-room  which  greets  us  all  with  a  roundelay 
adapted  to  our  taste  and  disposition  every  morning.  His  notes  sadden  me,  for 
they  recall  recollections  of  Bob,  and  remorse  for  my  vile  habit  of  smoking, 
which  shortened  his  days,  I  fear.  I  study  this  bird  intently,  nevertheless.  His 
notes  are  like,  and  yet  not  altogether  like,  Bob's.  I  should  know  him,  of 
course,  to  belong  to  the  class  and  species,  yet  I  can  easily  discriminate  between 
his  strains  and  those  that  so  long  were  music  to  me.  His  attitudes  and  motions 
are  similar,  yet  I  can  remember  peculiarities  of  Bob's  which  this  warbler  has 
not.  Instinct,  then,  like  reason  in  man,  works  out  like  and  yet  not  exactly 
similar  results  in  the  animal  creation ;  and  a  refined  ear,  perhaps  more  refined 
than  any  human  ear,  would  discern  inequalities  as  great  in  the  mocking-bird  as 
between  a  Catalina  and  a  New  England  ballad-singer ;  and  the  dull,  untaught 
listener  would  find  the  whole  concert  of  a  thousand  of  those  musicians  of  the 
sunny  clime  a  jargon  of  dissonant  sounds.  Well,  who  shall  say  that,  in  the 


692  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

judgment  of  superior  intelligence,  the  eloquence  of  a  Webster  and  the  music  of 
a  Handel  are  not  more  widely  different  from  the  rude  speech  of  the  barbarian 
than  the  notes  of  the  leader  of  the  forest-orchestra  from  his  imitators  ?  Let  the 
mocking-bird  go  on  with  his  song ;  it  is  an  interlude  for  the  taverners,  dearly 
purchased  at  the  expense  of  the  slavery  of  the  musician,  his  neglect,  and  pre 
mature  death. 

Mrs.  Bouck  has  sent  me  an  invitation  for  to-morrow  evening.     I  shall  go. 

We  are  now  within  apparent  reach  of  some  of  my  causes ;  but  we  have  been 
in  sight  of  them  so  long  that  my  hopes  of  reaching  them  are  by  no  means  san 
guine. 

It  is  a  waste  of  time  and  happiness,  but  so  is  the  world  made  up,  and  we 
must  endure  it.  I  would  take  a  turnpike-gate  rather  than  thus  linger  at  the 
bar ;  but  turnpike-gates  are  neither  to  be  sought  nor  declined,  and,  like  the 
presidency,  they  seldom  offer  when  you  most  want  them. 

Partisanship  is  apt  to  run  to  extremes,  and  all  the  measures  of 
Se ward's  administration  were  now  denounced  in  the  Legislature.  The 
"  Colonial  History,"  which  one  might  suppose  harmless  and  inoffensive 
enough,  was  freely  censured  as  being  composed  of  "  useless  documents 
of  frivolous  character."  A  committee,  in  their  report,  remarked  that 
the  Erie  enlargement  and  the  geological  survey  "  are  wild  and  visionary 
projects  of  past  legislation,"  originating  "  in  a  very  peculiar  state  of 
the  times,"  afterward  described  as  "  mania." 

Early  in  February  Seward  returned  to  Auburn.  The  news  followed 
him  there  of  the  continuation  of  the  warm  debates  at  Albany  over  the 
public  works  and  Constitutional  Convention.  But  a  more  exciting  topic 
was  a  discussion  which  had  now  arisen,  in  which  it  was  charged  that, 
but  for  Seward  and  Weed,  Clay  might  have  been  nominated  in  1839  in 
stead  of  Harrison,  and  so  would  have  been  President  instead  of  Tyler. 
The  Tribune  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Whig 
National  Convention  at  Harrisburg,  in  1839,  which  was  copied  in 
other  journals.  Some  papers,  however,  continued  to  charge  "  Whig 
duplicity  toward  Clay."  Meanwhile,  everything  seemed  going  in  the 
Whig  ranks,  not  only  favorably,  but  unanimously,  for  Clay's  nomi 
nation  in  the  coming  canvass.  All  delegates  that  had  been  instructed 
at  all  were  instructed  to  vote  for  Clay,  and  all  that  were  not,  it  was 
understood,  would  vote  for  him  without  instructions. 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Webster  was  published,  requesting  his  friends 
not  to  present  his  name  at  the  Whig  Convention,  and  saying  that  his 
opinions  on  public  affairs  were  unchanged  and  well  known  ;  that  he 
thought  the  election  of  next  fall  would  involve  the  same  principles  as 
that  of  1840,  and  that  he  should  support  the  same  cause.  Whig  local 
conventions  were  called  to  meet  in  the  various  counties  throughout 
the  State  simultaneously  on  the  22d  of  February,  to  appoint  delegates 
to  Baltimore. 

Mr.  Weed,  in  his  Journal,  again  formally  stated  that  "  Governor 


1844.]  GREELEY,    CLAY,   AND   UARK1SON.  693 

Seward  will,  under  no  circumstances,  be  a  candidate  for  Governor," 
and  also  that  "  Mr.  Weed  will  not  tolerate  for  a  moment  the  use  of 
his  name  for  a  station  to  which  he  does  not  aspire,  and  for  which  he 
knows  himself  to  be  totally  unfit." 

Seward's  letters  to  Weed  described  his  occupations  : 

AUBURN,  February  3d — Sunday. 

On  my  arrival  I  fell  upon  a  mass  of  invitations  to  Clay  clubs  and  mass-meet 
ings  to  be  held  on  the  22d,  which  it  has  taken  a  whole  day  to  decline  in  a  be 
coming  manner.  The  rest  of  my  time  has  been  engrossed  with  professional 
business,  which  flows  in  upon  me  now  very  steadily.  To-morrow  I  attend  a 
Court  of  Chancery  here,  and  the  next  day  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  Bata- 
via.  Next  week  we  have  the  Circuit  Court  here.  I  lose  much  in  the  loss  of 
your  conversation,  but  I  find  house,  family,  books,  and  trees,  more  than  ever 
dear  to  me. 

I  perceive  that  the  Daily  and  the  Citizen  are  down  upon  you.  I  could  teach 
them  a  game  worth  two  of  this.  Let  them  go  in  and  make  you  Governor,  and 
your  ruin  would  be  complete  and  speedy. 

It  is  difficult  to  know  what  to  do  in  these  times.  The  Clay  men  are  mad  if 
you  work,  and  mad  if  you  don't;  shoutiog  the  "Mill-boy  of  the  Slashes"  is 
very  effectual  with  a  large  array  of  voters.  But  then  there  are  parrots  of  more 
practised  and  wider  throats ;  while  to  talk  of  principles,  which  might  be  useful 
to  the  lukewarm,  is  to  compass  the  king's  death. 

AUBURN,  February  18,  1844. 

The  22d  of  February  is  here.  I  have  invitations  from  Dan  to  Beersheba, 
and  all  the  intervening  towns.  The  exclusive  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  have  spent  a 
year  here  in  endeavoring  to  make  the  people  believe  that  I  was  opposed  to  him, 
and  are  quite  desirous  that  I  should  go  abroad.  I  may  as  well  put  an  end  to 
that  matter,  now  as  ever.  Warren  Hastings,  who  had  overborne  all  his  ene 
mies  and  attained  to  high  renown  in  India,  got  himself  impeached  on  his  return 
to  England.  He  could  not  learn  the  ways  of  politics  at  home.  This  is  some 
thing  like  my  case.  But  I  am  trying  to  learn. 

The  public  mind  is  receiving  most  kindly  your  article  on  the  "forty-million 
debt,"  and  it  is  a  good  sign  that  politicians,  on  both  sides,  are  conceding  that 
the  charge  was  fraudulent. 

Greeley — who  moulds  hundreds  of  thousands  of  minds — Greeley  wrote  me 
querulously,  because  I  and  you  (i.  e.,  you  and  I)  suffered  ourselves  to  be  not 
only  silent  about  the  abuse  of  him,  but  to  keep  friendship  with  its  author. 

Greeley  wrote  also  that  it  was  reported  all  about  New  York  that  I  sent  my 
brother  to  Harrison,  iu  1839,  to  promise  him  the  delegation  at  Harrisburg  from 
this  State,  if  he  would  promise  me  the  patronage  of  the  Federal  Government  in 
this  State,  and  that  they  refer  to  a  son  of  General  Harrison,  at  Cincinnati,  for 
authority.  Greeley  desires  me  to  come  out  and  charge  this  to  be  a  falsehood, 
and  call  on  them  to  prove  it.  I  answered  that  I  must  be  excused  from  taking 
any  notice  of  it,  but,  for  Mr.  Greeley's  own  satisfaction,  assured  him  that  I  had 
no  communication  with  General  Harrison,  or  anybody  else,  about  his  nomi 
nation. 

The  Whigs  of  the  various  counties  held  their  conventions  on  the 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

22d.  Those  of  Cortland  and  Cayuga  Counties  met  at  the  Court-House 
at  Auburn,  where  Seward  addressed  them.  He  said  : 

Every  man's  memory  is  a  depository  into  which  no  other  man  can  look — a 
depository  of  pleasures  and  pains,  joys  and  sorrows,  precious  to  the  owner  be 
cause  they  are  all  his  own.  These  rise  unbidden  whenever  the  mind  is  excited, 
and  with  them  come  up  from  the  heart  fears,  hopes,  and  affections,  as  peculiar 
as  the  character  and  fortunes  of  the  individual  to  whom  they  belong.  After  an 
interval  of  almost  seven  years,  I  am  again  in  a  general  gathering  of  my  old  po 
litical  and  personal  friends.  A  thousand  well-remembered  voices  call  me  to 
resume  long-suspended  duties,  a  thousand  faces  beam  upon  me  with  all  that 
ancient  kindness  which  always  cheered  me. 

The  two  great  political  parties  occupy  equal  vantage-ground.  Neither  has 
announced  its  leaders,  and  yet  the  leader  of  each  is  known,  and  waits  only  the 
ceremony  of  announcement  to  enter  the  field.  It  is  as  certain  as  any  human 
event  that  Henry  Clay  will  be  the  Whig  candidate  for  the  presidency.  Through 
out  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Union  not  a  delegate  has  been  chosen  who 
will  not  give  his  voice  to  Henry  Clay  ;  nor  is  there  a  Whig,  North  or  South,  or 
East  or  West,  who  will  not,  by  his  vote,  affirm  with  heart  and  soul  this  unani 
mous  choice. 

Henry  Clay  is  a  statesman  in  self-sought,  contented  retirement,  after  a  career 
in  which  almost  every  stage  has  been  distinguished  by  acts  identified  with  the 
defense,  or  with  the  advancement,  of  this  country.  His  wisdom  sustained  and 
animated  his  countrymen  in  war,  and  his  moderation  and  equanimity  were  em 
ployed  to  secure  the  blessings  of  an  honorable  and  lasting  peace.  His  influence 
in  the  public  councils  mainly  restored  the  American  currency  when  it  had  been 
unwisely  abandoned ;  and  every  mechanic,  artisan,  farmer,  and  laborer  through 
out  the  land  hails  or  might  hail  him  with  reverence  as  the  restorer  of  the  pros 
perity  of  his  country.  .  .  . 

AUBUBN,  March  17, 1844. 

It  is  Sunday  night,  and  if  Benedict  or  King  is  not  with  you,  I  suppose  you 
are  feeding  your  mind  with  some  novelty  of  literature.  I  almost  envy  you  the 
misfortune  that  gives  you  so  much  repose.  Harassed  with  cares  and  studies 
which  are  irksome,  I  watch  with  eagerness  for  every  hour  that  I  can  take  for  pur 
suits  more  congenial.  I  am  grieved  for  King  and  the  bereaved  children  of  our 
excellent  friend  Mr.  Elliot.  How  vast  the  changes  a  year  makes  in  our  circle  of 
friends,  and  yet  how  little  we  notice  their  progress !  It  is  only  a  year  since  I 
left  Albany,  and  the  family  has  lost  both  its  estimable  and  honored  parents. 

The  President  has  at  last  found  a  successor  to  Judge  Thompson.  I  suppose 
the  Senate  will  confirm.  Was  ever  man  so  blest  with  occasions  to  make  friends 
and  strength  as  Tyler?  Was  ever  fortunate  man  more  prodigal?  Strong  called 

on  me  on  his  return  from  Albany.  He  was  alarmed  lest  Mr.  F might  lose 

the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  and  the  misfortune  be  charged  by  him  and  his 
friends  to  you  and  me.  I  told  him  I  really  did  not  know  what  more  I  could 
say  or  do.  I  had  signed  off  everything,  put  my  political  estate  into  liquidation 

for  the  satisfaction  of  all  my  creditors,  and  now  had  indorsed  Mr.  F as  fully 

as  anybody  could ;  that  he  would  be  nominated  if  it  was  best ;  and,  if  not,  it 
would  be  from  no  fault  of  mine. 

Would  it  not  be  well  to  move  the  people  to  petition  Congress  not  to  dis 
turb  the  tariff  ? 


1844.]  EXPLOSION    OF  THE   "PEACEMAKER."  695 

AUBURN,  Saturday,  March  24, 1844. 

From  early  morn  on  Monday  until  last  night  I  was  engaged  in  the  altercations 
of  a  trial  about  the  building  of  a  house.  The  contention  was  painful  enough, 
but  it  is  more  painful  still  to  note  how  much  sand  has  run  out  from  the  hour 
glass  now  that  the  hour  has  come.  I  hardly  know  what  has  happened  in  the 
world  around  me  during  the  time.  I  perceive  that  a  crisis  is  supposed  to  be 
reached  in  the  Texas  question.  I  cannot  believe  that  the  Michigan  Senators 
will  be  false  to  the  interests  of  humanity  and  the  sanctions  of  wisdom.  But 
after  this  abatement  I  am  inclined  to  believe  the  statement  of  Greeley's  corre 
spondent.  If  such  a  crisis  is  at  hand,  we  have  need  for  all  our  wisdom  and  all 
our  moderation.  If  the  evil  is  to  burst  upon  us  at  once,  I  think  we  have  three 
things  to  take  care  of:  1.  That  we  place  our  opposition  to  the  annexation 
solely  on  the  ground  of  opposition  to  slavery;  2.  That  we  give  not  occasion 
to  charge  us  with  pusillanimity  or  favor  toward  Great  Britain  and  Mexico  ;  andf 
3.  That,  being  loyal,  we  leave  the  responsibilities  of  dissension  upon  the  South. 

If  ever  man  has  reason  to  petition  for  salvation  from  his  friends,  Willis  Hall 
has  that  cause.  It  is  horrible  to  see  the  New  York  committee  bringing  him  be 
fore  the  people  with  that  crutch.  They  will  not  allow  him  the  repose  he  seeks 
and  needs,  for  only  so  few  weeks.  Ten  days  ago,  I  thought  the  excitement  would 
weaken  the  abolitionists.  I  have  no  cause  for  thinking  otherwise,  except  that 
I  see  they  are  using  very  energetically  all  the  artillery  Mr.  Clay's  past  indiscre 
tions  have  furnished  them.  We  shall  see  what  are  the  prospects  in  this  respect 
when  our  town  meetings  here  come  on.  If  the  third-party  men  give  a  full  vote* 
the  sixteen  thousand  will  all  appear  in  the  fall. 


CHAPTER  LIII. 

1844. 

Explosion  of  the  "  Peacemaker."— American  Destiny.— Calhoun  and  Annexation.— Native 
American  Movement. — Whig  National  Convention. — Clay  and  Frelinghuysen. — Greeley 
and  Cooper. — Legislative  Address. — Characteristics. 

A  VISIT  of  three  days  to  Albany,  during  the  first  week  in  March, 
brought  Seward  into  communication  with  Whig  members.  While 
there,  the  gratifying  intelligence  was  received  that  a  favorable  vote  on 
the  right  of  petition  had  at  last  been  obtained  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  Moved,  perhaps,  by  this  example,  the  Assembly  reconsid 
ered  its  previous  decision,  and  adopted  Stevens's  resolution  in  favor  of 
the  right.  Another  point  upon  which  Seward  encouraged  the  Whigs 
to  persevere  was,  to  insist  that  the  State  should  take  the  eighty-four 
thousand  dollars,  its  share  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ;  and  on 
this  they  made  vigorous  debate  in  the  Senate. 

Early  in  March  the  country  was  startled  by  the  news  of  a  fearful 
calamity  at  Washington.  The  President,  with  his  cabinet  and  invited 
guests,  had  gone  on  board  the  steamer  Princeton,  to  witness  a  trial  of 


696  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

a  huge  gun  named  the  "Peacemaker."  While  they  were  gathered 
near  to  observe  the  firing,  the  gun  exploded,  instantly  killing  Mr.  Up- 
shur,  the  Secretary  of  State  ;  Mr.  Gilmer,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ; 
Commander  Kennon,  David  Gardner,  and  Virgil  Maxcy.  Colonel  Ben- 
ton  had  been  stunned  ;  Captain  Stockton,  the  commander  of  the  vessel, 
burned  ;  Mr.  Phelps  and  others  knocked  down  and  bruised.  The  Presi 
dent  had  been  more  distant,  and  fortunately  escaped.  It  was  the  ab 
sorbing  theme  for  several  days.  The  journals  were  filled  with  mel 
ancholy  details  of  the  calamity,  and  of  the  public  demonstrations  of 
grief  which  followed  it.  The  President  sent  a  message  to  Congress. 
The  Houses  passed  suitable  resolutions.  The  White  House  and  de 
partments  were  draped  in  mourning,  flags  placed  at  half-mast,  and 
minute-guns  fired.  Funeral  services  were  held  at  the  Executive  Man 
sion.  The  five  coffins  were  laid  side  by  side  in  the  East  Room.  On  the 
day  of  the  funeral,  the  stores  were  closed,  the  avenue  hung  with 
black,  while  the  five  hearses,  each  surrounded  by  pall-bearers  and  fol 
lowed  by  family  and  relatives,  proceeded  to  the  congressional  burying- 
ground,  where  the  clergyman  read  the  committal  service,  repeating, 
after  a  pause,  five  successive  times,  "  Earth  to  earth." 

Next  came  the  news  that  the  obnoxious  twenty-first  rule  had,  after 
all,  been  retained  ;  the  South  having  demanded,  in  caucus,  that  what 
was  done  on  Tuesday  should  be  undone  on  Wednesday.  Absentees 
were  sent  for,  members  induced  to  stay  away,  others  to  change  their 
votes,  and  finally  the  whole  subject  was  laid  on  the  table  by  a  vote  of 
eighty-eight  to  eighty-seven. 

Mr.  Calhoun  was  called  to  the  cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State.  It 
was  rumored  that  the  President  had  concluded  a  treaty  for  the  annex 
ation  of  Texas.  This  led  to  earnest  discussion  among  the  people  and 
in  the  press.  Mr.  Webster  addressed  a  letter  to  the  citizens  of  Worces 
ter,  saying  that  his  judgment  was  decidedly  unfavorable  to  the  project. 
Five  members  of  the  cabinet  were  said  to  favor  it — all  but  one  being 
from  slaveholding  States. 

Resolutions  were  introduced  in  the  Senate  at  Albany,  by  Mr.  Rhodes, 
opposing  the  annexation.  In  the  Assembly,  a ,  resolution  protesting 
against  it  was  laid  on  the  table.  The  Democratic  press  divided  on  the 
question,  the  majority  of  them  advocating  annexation,  but  the  Evening 
Post,  and  a  few  others,  opposing  it. 

The  two  Democratic  factions  in  the  several  counties  were  beginning 
to  have  separate  organs — the  Argus  leading  at  Albany  for  the  "  Hunk 
ers,"  and  the  Atlas  for  the  "  Barnburners."  Both  sides  were  as  yet 
understood  to  be  supporters  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  the  presidential 
nomination.  Local  conventions  passed  resolutions  and  chose  delegates 
in  his  favor. 

Seventeen  adventurous  gentlemen  in  New  York  published  a  call, 


1844.]  AMERICA   AND   THE   WORLD'S   PROGRESS.  697 

inviting  the  friends  of  John  Tyler  to  meet  at  the  City  Hall,  to  advance 
his  reelection. 

The  foreign  mails  now  brought  the  close  of  the  Irish  state  trials. 
Daniel  O'Connell,  Barrett  Duffy,  John  O'Connell,  Steele,  Ray,  Gray, 
and  Tiernay,  had  been  found  guilty  of  "  unlawfully  and  seditiously 
conspiring  to  raise  and  create  discontent  and  disaffection  among  the 
queen's  subjects,"  etc.  O'Connell's  address  to  the  people  of  Ireland 
had  been  published,  warning  them,  and  discountenancing  all  outrages, 
such  as  the  burning  of  corn,  hay,  and  implements,  "  as  exceedingly 
wicked  and  egregiously  foolish  ; "  but  advising  them  to  persevere,  in 
quiet  and  tranquillity,  in  support  of  their  political  principles. 

There  had  been  a  great  dinner  to  O'Connell  at  Covent  Garden 
Theatre,  and  an  enthusiastic  reception  and  demonstration  of  sympathy 
by  Englishmen  at  Birmingham. 

Seward,  declining  an  invitation  to  Albany,  quoted  Lord  Bacon's 
saying  that  "  the  practice  of  the  law  drinketh  up  much  time  that  I 
would  willingly  devote  to  higher  purposes  ; "  but  took  occasion  to  sum 
up  his  views  in  regard  to  the  relations  between  Americans  and  the  rest 
of  mankind  : 

We  are  accustomed  in  early  life  to  suppose  that  the  opinions  we  approve  are 
nniversally  accepted.  Long  years  occurred  before  I  dreamed  that  mine  were  at 
all  peculiar.  But  I  found  that  the  bias  of  early  sentiments  had  brought  me  in 
conflict  with  opinions  so  deeply  cherished  and  so  widely  prevalent,  that  many 
of  my  countrymen  felt  obliged  to  question  at  once  my  orthodoxy  as  a  Protestant, 
my  patriotism  as  an  American,  and  my  sincerity  as  a  man.  Next  to  truth  and 
knowledge,  I  love  peace  and  harmony  with  my  fellow-men.  I  have,  therefore, 
reconsidered  my  early  impressions  with  candor,  during  a  repose  not  unfavorable 
to  the  performances  of  such  a  duty.  .  .  . 

The  rights  asserted  by  our  forefathers  were  not  peculiar  to  themselves,  they 
were  the  common  rights  of  mankind.  The  basis  of  the  Constitution  was  laid 
broader  by  far  than  the  superstructure  which  the  conflicting  interests  and 
prejudices  of  the  day  suffered  to  be  erected. 

Those  who  erected  that  superstructure  foresaw  and  provided  for  its  gradual 
enlargement,  and  looked  forward  to  the  time  when  the  same  foundations  would 
receive  and  uphold  institutions  of  republican  government  ample  for  the  whole 
human  race.  .  .  . 

The  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Federal  Government  did  not  practically 
extend  these  principles  throughout  the  new  system  of  government ;  but  they 
were  plainly  promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Their  complete 
development  and  reduction  to  practical  operation  constitute  the  progress  which 
all  liberal  statesmen  desire  to  promote,  and  the  end  of  that  progress  will  be  com 
plete  political  equality  among  ourselves,  and  the  extension  and  perfection  of  in 
stitutions  similar  to  our  own  throughout  the  world.  .  .  . 

He  is  an  indifferent  observer  who  does  not  perceive  the  upheavings  of  the 
principles  I  have  described,  in  every  part,  at  least,  of  the  civilized  world.  Here 
they  are  moving  continually  to  a  more  complete'  equality  of  suffrage,  to  univer- 


698  LIFE   AND  LETTERS.  [1844. 

sal  education,  and  to  the  abolition  of  slavery.  They  are  moving  in  England  to 
the  reduction  of  the  aristocracy ;  in  Scotland,  to  the  emancipation  of  the  Church ; 
in  Ireland,  to  domestic  legislation  responsible  to  the  people  ;  and  in  France  and 
Germany,  and  throughout  Western  Europe,  to  the  abridgment  of  executive 
power,  and  the  enfranchisement  of  the  masses. 

This  progress  is  very  unequal,  but  it  is  nevertheless  certain  and  irresistible. 
Everywhere  its  origin  is  traced  to  the  United  States.  .  .  . 

To  the  oppressed  masses  in  France,  in  Greece,  in  Poland,  in  Italy,  in  England, 
and  Ireland,  the  United  States  of  America  is  the  Palestine  from  which  comes  a 
revelation  effectual  to  political  salvation.  . 

So,  too,  when  a  revolution  occurs  in  Europe,  whether  tempestuous  and  con 
vulsive,  or  moral  and  pacific,  the  uprising  masses  turn  at  once  to  the  United 
States  of  America  for  succor  and  support ;  and  such  is  the  mysterious  fellowship 
produced  by  the  love  of  liberty,  that  the  sympathies  of  the  American  people 
have  always  been  found  irrepressible.  Ought  it  to  be  otherwise  ?  Who  would 
not  blush  for  his  country  if  it  were  not  so  ? 

In  the  Legislature,  the  long  debates  seemed  to  be  at  last  approach 
ing  a  conclusion.  A  select  committee  was  instructed  to  report  a  bill 
for  submitting  to  the  people  the  question  of  a  Constitutional  Conven 
tion.  Another  select  committee  reported  on  the  petition  of  the  tenants 
on  the  manor  of  Rensselaerwyck,  submitting  a  bill  allowing  the  tenant 
to  have  the  cash  value  of  his  rents,  covenants,  and  conditions,  ascer 
tained  by  three  appraisers,  and,  on  paying  the  amount,  to  have  the 
land.  A  bill  was  introduced  in  the  Assembly  to  regulate  excise  and 
the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  the  entering  wedge  of  a  long  contro 
versy  over  the  question  of  securing  temperate  habits  by  law. 

The  Whigs  were  encouraged  by  success  this  spring  in  the  Con 
necticut  election.  The  town  and  charter  elections  of  New  York  also 
resulted,  on  the  whole,  auspiciously.  The  Albany  charter  election 
showed  a  Whig  majority.  The  New  York  charter  election  had  gone 
adversely.  Mr.  Harper,  the  Native  American  candidate,  had  been 
elected  by  a  large  majority,  and  twelve  out  of  the  seventeen  aldermen 
were  pledged  to  appoint  none  but  native  Americans  to  office. 

Mr.  Clay  had  been  received  with  ovations  and  speeches  in  Georgia 
and  South  Carolina,  had  written  a  letter  to  Rhode  Island  congratulat 
ing  the  "  Law  and  Order  "  party  on  its  restoration.  His  birthday  was 
celebrated  in  New  York.  The  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  met 
on  the  13th  at  the  Eagle  Tavern,  and  passed  resolutions  favoring  the 
tariff,  and  opposing  the  annexation  of  Texas  on  the  ground  that  it 
would  endanger  the  Union,  and  extend  slavery  and  the  slave-trade.  A 
Clay  medal  was  struck,  bearing  his  profile. 

While  his  popularity  seemed  unfailing  among  the  Whigs,  it  was, 
nevertheless,  encountering  increasing  danger  from  the  abolitionists, 
whose  papers  declared  "  they  could  not  support  a  duelist  and  a  slave 
holder,"  and  all  the  enthusiasm  at  the  South  only  tended  to  strengthen 


1844.]  HENRY   CLAY  NOMINATED.  099 

this  prejudice  at  the  North.  The  Whigs  defended  their  candidate  by 
referring  to  his  once  having  advocated  emancipation  in  Kentucky,  but 
especially  by  the  argument  that,  of  the  two  great  parties,  one  or  the 
other  of  which  were  certain  to  have  the  control  of  the  Government, 
the  Whigs  were  far  the  more  consistent  opposers  of  slavery. 

The  first  delegate  from  Ohio,  Colonel  John  Johnson,  of  Miami,  was 
reported  to  have  already  started  on  horseback  for  Baltimore,  passing 
through  Columbus,  and  glorying  in  his  errand. 

Seward  wrote  to  Weed  : 

AUBURN,  April  5,  1844. 

Our  town-meetings,  here  and  in  Onondaga,  show  improvement,  but  I  fear 
that  it  is  not  enough.  Certainly,  it  is  not  the  tempest  of  1824  or  of  1834,  or 
that  of  1837.  We  are  at  the  flood,  our  opponents  at  the  ebb.  They  must  im 
prove  in  zeal  and  in  fortune.  Mighty  efforts  are  necessary  to  secure  the  State. 

From  all  parts  of  the  country  came  indications  that  the  Whig  en- ' 
thusiasm  would  make  such  efforts.  Clay  clubs  were  multiplying,  and 
seemed  animated  with  fresh  zeal.  Mr.  Clay  himself  was  said  to  have 
written  a  letter  from  Raleigh,  avowing  opposition  to  the  annexation  of 
Texas.  A  throng  of  enthusiastic  delegates  and  spectators  were  wend 
ing  their  way  by  steamboat,  stage-coach,  and  railway,  to  Baltimore,  to 
participate  in  the  great  convention. 

Meanwhile  the  news  from  Washington  foreshadowed  questions  with 
Mexico.  Claims  against  Mexico  were  talked  of  in  Congress.  There 
were  rumors  of  terms  of  Texas  annexation,  the  United  States  to  as 
sume  her  debts,  Texas  to  keep  her  lands,  her  army  and  navy  to  be  in 
corporated  with  those  of  the  United  States.  A  treaty  on  these  or 
similar  terms  was  reported  to  have  been  already  signed. 

Pennsylvania  had  become  very  properly  restive  and  uncomfortable 
at  the  position  in  which  she  found  herself.  The  eyes  of  the  world 
were  upon  her  as  a  repudiator  of  her  debts.  She  could  not  long  con 
tinue  to  refuse  payment,  endowed  as  she  was  with  ample  resources  of 
fertile  soil,  productive  mines,  industrious  and  increasing  population. 
Her  Legislature  this  year  were  already  discussing  measures  for  the  re 
sumption  of  the  payment  of  her  interest. 

On  the  1st  of  May  the  Whig  National  Convention  assembled  at 
Baltimore.  Never  was  such  a  gathering  more  unanimous.  Henry  Clay 
was  nominated  at  once  by  acclamation.  Then  came  the  question  of 
the  candidate  for  Vice-President,  the  New-Yorkers  presenting  the  name 
of  Millard  Fillmore,  and  the  Massachusetts  men  that  of  John  Davis  ; 
but  the  ballots  finally  resulting  in  the  choice  of  Theodore  Frelinghuy- 
sen,  of  New  Jersey.  The  resolutions  adopted  were  brief.  The  dele 
gates  separated,  and  returned  home  in  high  spirits,  full  of  hopes,  which 
the  enthusiastic  unanimity  of  the  party,  and  the  divided  counsels  of 
their  opponents,  seemed  to  justify.  As  the  news  of  the  nominations 


700  LIFE   AND   LETTERS  [1844. 

spread  throughout  the  country,  they  were  received  with  salutes,  meet 
ings  of  rejoicing;  and  flags  were  flung  to  the  breeze,  inscribed  with  the 
names  of  "  Clay  and  Frelinghuysen." 

For  a  year  preceding  the  convention  some  of  the  political  friends 
of  Seward  had  been  urging  him  to  permit  his  name  to  be  presented 
for  the  vice-presidential  nomination.  He  had  discountenanced  all  such 
efforts.  There  were  various  reasons  for  this.  Perhaps  the  most  potent 
was  his  disinclination  to  occupy  any  position  which  should  seal  his  lips 
on  the  slavery  question,  the  great  issue  of  the  future.  Another  was 
his  unwillingness  to  reenter  public  life  while  personal  affairs  demanded 
his  constant  care.  And  the  reason  which  he  accepted  as  finally  closing 
all  doubt  on  the  subject  was  the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Fillmore.  Certainly, 
it  was  not  wise  that  New  York  should  have  two  candidates  for  that 
honor,  and  fidelity  to  past  relations  required,  as  it  seemed  to  him,  that 
he  should  rather  aid  than  hinder  his  political  colleague.  To  this  it  was 
answered  that  he  could  obtain  the  nomination,  while  Fillmore  would 
fail  to  do  so.  But  this  he  declined  to  believe.  Writing  to  Mr.  Weed 
on  the  7th,  he  said  : 

So  the  convention  has  passed,  and  all  is  well.  Clay's  nomination  was  as 
felicitous  in  manner  as  propitious  in  circumstance.  What  a  glorious  oppor 
tunity  he  will  enjoy  to  stamp  a  new  and  lasting  impression  on  the  history  of 
his  country  and  on  the  age !  Will  he  do  it  ?  I  hope  so.  I  almost  wish  I  had 
never  known  great  men  personally.  I  am  continually  mistaking  the  public 
from  too  much  knowledge  of  the  private  character  of  statesmen.  I  delight  to 
contemplate  Clay  as  he  is  shadowed  forth,  not  by  his  personal  acquaintance, 
but  by  the  popular  enthusiasm  which  his  public  life  has  awakened.  It  is  so 
that  we  conceive  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Hamilton.  How  fortunate  that 
we  came  on  the  stage  too  late  to  know  the  infirmities  they  shared  in  com 
mon  with  ourselves ! 

You  thought  it  unfortunate  that  I  was  not  fully  agreed  in  your  notions  about 
the  vice-presidency,  and  in  the  respects  you  touch  upon  it  was  so  ;  but  I  have 
read  (not  in  Machiavel,  but  in  another  less  unprincipled  and  equally  wise)  that 
it  is  good  for  a  statesman  to  let  others  pass  by  him  without  envy,  if  they  wish, 
while  traveling  the  same  road. 

I  am  studying  Greeley's  Cooper  case  diligently,  to  argue  it  the  last  of  this 
month  in  New  York. 

Mr.  Greeley  had  been  prosecuted  for  libel  in  1842  by  Cooper,  the 
novelist,  and,  as  he  said,  "  employed  no  lawyers,  not  realizing  that  I 
needed  any."  No  witnesses  were  called  ;  he  admitted  the  publication, 
and  accepted  responsibility  for  it,  and  made  his  own  defense.  How  it 
resulted  was  characteristically  described  by  himself  in  his  subsequent 
"  Recollections  of  a  Busy  Life." 

The  tedious  debates  and  recriminations  in  the  Legislature  at  Al 
bany  over  canals  and  constitutional  amendments  drew  at  last  to  a  close, 


1844.]  A   RESUME   OF   THE   POLITICAL   SITUATION.  7Q1 

and  on  Wednesday,  the  8th  of  May,  the  Speaker's  hammer  fell,  as  he 
announced  the  adjournment  sine  die. 

The  alienation  and  disputes  of  the  majority  encouraged  the  Whig 
minority  to  believe  their  turn  was  coming  socn.  In  accordance  with 
annual  custom,  they  wanted  an  address  to  their  constituents,  and  Sew- 
ard  was  urged  to  prepare  it  for  them.  He  complied,  and  sent  them 
down  from  Auburn  a  resume  of  the  political  situation,  which  they 
adopted  and  published.  It  was  the  last  of  these  documents,  probably, 
that  he  prepared.  It  commenced  by  remarking  that  the  Whig  mem 
bers  had  been  in  such  small  force  that  for  the  most  part  their  services 
had  "  necessarily  been  advisory  and  preventive  rather  than  direct  or 
effective.  The  majority  have  been  so  divided  that  the  session  has 
been  consumed  rather  in  efforts  of  the  respective  factions  to  baffle  and 
defeat  each  other  than  in  maturing  measures  for  the  general  welfare," 

After  referring  to  the  condition  of  the  State  debt,  it  described  the 
condition  of  affairs  thus  : 

In  the  darkest  hour  the  State  has  ever  seen,  the  Whigs  performed  every  con 
tract  without  taxation.  Their  successors,  with  the  aid  of  a  tax  of  six  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  have  broken  contracts  on  which  they  have  already  subjected 
the  State  to  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  damages,  and  the  future  aggre 
gate  of  this  ruinous  expenditure  cannot  yet  be  conceived. 

We  would,  if  we  could,  state  the  policy  of  the  present  administration  in  re 
gard  to  finance  and  the  public  works ;  but  in  truth  no  policy  exists.  The  ma 
jority  unanimously  agree  that  the  contracts  must  be  broken  and  damages  must 
be  paid,  which  it  is  apparent  will  equal  the  whole  cost  of  bringing  the  enlarged 
Erie  Canal  into  use,  thirteen  hundred  thousand  dollars.  But  one  portion  strenu 
ously  insists  on  resuming  the  works  immediately,  the  abandonment  of  which 
has  cost  so  much,  while  the  other  insists  on  rendering  the  abandonment  com 
plete  and  perpetual  by  amending  the  constitution  for  that  purpose. 

An  expenditure  of  one  million  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars 
would  complete  one  line  of  enlarged  locks,  and  furnish  an  abundant  supply  of 
water  from  Albany  to  Buffalo,  whereby  the  capacity  of  the  canal  would  be  en 
larged  threefold  ;  yet  not  one  dollar  has  been  appropriated  for  the  purpose. 

Along  the  whole  line  of  the  canal,  bridges,  aqueducts,  culverts,  and  other 
structures,  have  remained  in  an  unfinished  and  decaying  condition  since  the  doom 
pronounced  upon  them  in  1842.  Large  amounts  of  valuable  materials  lie  scat 
tered  upon  the  banks  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  canals,  scarcely  known  or  cared 
for  as  public  property,  subject  by  the  irrevocable  decrees  of  the  act  of  1842  to 
be  lost  to  the  State  by  exposure  and  pillage.  .  .  . 

As  to  amendments  of  the  constitution  of  the  State,  the  address 
then  proceeded  to  take  decided  grounds  in  their  favor  : 

Changes  in  the  organic  law  ought  not  to  be  rashly  made ;  yet,  in  a  growing 
country,  and  a  progressive  state  of  society,  such  an  exigency  must  often  happen. 

The  judiciary  is  confessedly  incompetent  to  a  perfect  and  speedy  administra 
tion  of  justice  and  equity.  .  .  .  The  spirit  of  the  age  condemns  the  narrow  pol- 


702  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

icy  which,  by  a  property  qualification,  disfranchises  a  small  portion  of  the  peo 
ple  ;  the  power  of  the  people  to  choose  many  public  officers,  now  otherwise 
selected,  might  be  safely  and  wisely  extended. 

The  inspection  laws,  too  often  designed  and  always  mainly  used  to  reward 
politicians  for  partisan  services,  by  exactions  on  agriculture,  trade,  and  com 
merce,  remain  without  material  modification,  except  that  a  new  oflicer  has  been 
created  in  the  city  of  New  York  with  the  formidable  title  of  "  Inspector-Gen 
eral,"  whose  sole  powers  consist  in  distributing  the  spoils  among  the  subalterns. 

Then,  turning  to  national  subjects,  it  proceeded : 

Nothing  has  been  done  or  even  said  by  the  Executive  or  by  the  Legislature 
to  induce  the  States  of  Virginia  and  Georgia  to  rescind  their  unconstitutional 
laws,  by  which  New  York  vessels  are  subjected  to  visitations  and  pitiful  exac 
tions,  as  a  retaliation  for  the  laws  of  this  State  extending  the  trial  by  jury  to 
persons  claimed  as  slaves. 

The  session  of  Congress  seemed  to  open  propitiously  to  the  advancing  cause 
of  human  liberty.  The  stern  and  inflexible  Adams  seemed  at  one  time  about 
to  obtain  a  recognition  of  the  right  of  States  and  citizens  to  petition  the  na 
tional  Legislature  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

We  appealed  to  our  brethren  in  the  Legislature  to  join  us  in  protesting 
against  the  'flagrant  violation  of  the  Constitution,  by  which  that  inviolable  and 
inalienable  right  had  so  long  been  denied.  .  .  .  The  party  bonds  were  found  re 
laxed,  and  the  majority  generally  and  nobly  sustained  our  appeal ;  but  with  the 
night  that  followed  came  considerations  of  personal  objects  and  political  advan 
tages,  and  the  next  morning  the  action  of  the  previous  day  was  rescinded,  and 
New  York  was  made  to  speak  in  language  so  evasive  as  to  cover  her  free  citi 
zens  with  humiliation  and  shame.  .  .  .  We  would  not  be  discourteous  toward 
our  adversaries,  yet  truth  and  justice  bid  us  say  that  such  legislation  is  unwor 
thy  of  American  freemen. 

Not  merely  were  Seward's  views  on  political  subjects  comprehen 
sive,  but  the  same  characteristic  prevailed  in  all  his  dealings.  He  liked 
toleration  better  than  polemics,  and  in  business  matters  had  an  aver 
sion  to  petty  stipulations.  Once,  in  early  life,  he  gave  one-half  of  all 
his  little  property  to  a  friend,  to  save  him  from  bankruptcy.  His  habit 
was  to  labor  hard  and  long,  travel  hard  and  long,  give  liberally  and 
spend  freely.  The  Chautauqua  enterprise  attracted  him  by  its  breadth 
and  scope,  and  did  not  frighten  him  by  its  complications,  for  he  liked 
to  overcome  difficulties.  When  one  of  the  copartners  became  alarmed 
by  a  financial  panic,  he  offered  to  take  his  share.  When,  a  few  years 
later,  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  company's  creditors  were  to  be  unfairly 
dealt  with  by  a  plea  of  usury,  he  refused  to  join  in  making  it,  and  pro* 
tected  their  rights  by  placing  his  whole  interest  in  trust  for  their 
benefit. 

So  in  regard  to  political  preferment.  He  was  ambitious  of  achieve 
ment,  not  of  office.  He  sought  no  place,  and  was  reluctant  to  accept 
any,  if  he  saw  that  in  so  doing  he  was  crossing  the  ambition  of  friend 


1844.]  CHARACTERISTIC  TRAITS.  703 

Or  associate.  He  would  have  preferred  to  leave  the  field  to  Granger 
in  1838,  and  did  leave  it  to  Fillmore  in  1844.  Always  free  in  conver 
sation,  yet  what  he  said  of  friends  and  enemies  behind  their  backs 
might  have  been  repeated  to  their  faces.  He  put  generous  construc 
tion  on  their  conduct,  never  exulted  in  an  advantage,  could  not  strike 
an  opponent  when  down,  and,  when  a  victory  was  gained,  would  take 
no  part  in  the  triumph  over  the  vanquished.  "  The  war  is  over  with 
me,"  he  said,  "  when  the  enemy  lays  down  his  arms." 

He  had  no  great  respect  for  the  vox  populi,  for  he  knew  it  to  be  a 
voice  given  to  hasty  utterances  and  frequent  contradictions.  Yet  on 
the  ultimate  sound  judgment  of  the  people  he  always  relied.  His  own 
speeches  and  acts,  so  far  as  they  were  shaped  to  gain  popular  appro 
bation,  sought  to  appeal  to  the  calm  impartiality  of  future  years,  rather 
than  to  the  excited  passions  of  the  passing  hour.  When  revising  his 
speeches,  he  would  say  of  some  expression  which  he  was  warned  would 
subject  him  to  attack,  "  Well,  I  think  that  will  stand." 

Whenever  he  prepared  an  address  or  important  public  communica 
tion  at  home,  he  liked  to  read  it  aloud  to  Mrs.  Seward  ;  and  though 
her  suggested  corrections  were  not  frequent,  they  were  usually  in  refer 
ence  to  some  point  of  taste  or  principle  that  commended  itself  to  his 
judgment.  When  away  from  home,  he  would  in  like  manner  read  to 
some  intimate  friend.  In  this  case  it  was  perhaps  not  only  for  the 
sake  of  criticism,  but  for  the  suggestions  which  the  process  of  reading 
aloud  would  make  to  his  own  mind. 

He  was  not  sensitive  to  the  attacks  of  opposing  newspapers,  and, 
so  far  from  being  galled  by  them,  generally  made  them  the  subject  of 
pleasant  remark.  "  The  newspaper  will  have  the  last  word,"  he  used 
to  say  ;  "  and  it  is  not  seeking  for  truth,  but  for  triumph."  Unde 
served  abuse  he  always  believed  would,  in  the  long-run,  injure  its 
author  more  than  its  object.  Misapprehension  by  friends  he  would 
endeavor  to  correct  by  kindly  word  or  letter  ;  but  he  would  not  allow 
himself  to  be  drawn  into  a  controversy  with  either  friend  or  foe  on 
merely  personal  grounds.  He  lightly  esteemed  the  value  of  personali 
ties  as  a  weapon  of  either  offense  or  defense  in  political  warfare,  but 
addressed  himself  to  the  measure  or  principle  involved.  He  believed 
the  public  would  only  take  lasting  interest  in  questions  that  concerned 
their  own  welfare.  Whatever  temporary  mistakes  they  might  fall  into 
about  individuals,  their  calmer  judgment  would  sooner  or  later  modify. 
His  imperturbability  under  such  attacks  was  not  the  fruit  of  stolid 
indifference,  but  rather  of  that  equanimity  with  which  one  listens  to 
hasty  words  that  he  knows  will  afterward  be  regretted. 

Not  unfrequently  his  friends  thought  him  too  lenient  in  judgment 
when  he  excused  his  adversaries  by  explaining  the  probable  motives  or 
inducements  they  had  for  apparently  malicious  acts.  Magnanimity  is 


704  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1844. 

a  trait  difficult  of  appreciation  by  those  who  do  not  possess  it.  With 
the  mean  it  passes  for  meanness  ;  by  the  timid  it  is  ascribed  to  cow 
ardice  ;  by  the  cunning,  to  selfish  design.  It  was  often  ludicrous  to 
see  what  motives  were  ascribed  to  him  by  opponents,  and  how  ingen 
iously  they  would  undertake  to  prove  his  acts  to  be  the  successive  steps 
of  some  deep-laid  scheme,  when,  in  reality,  they  were  the  natural  fruit 
of  generous  impulse  or  straightforward  sense  of  duty. 

Trifles  are  often  the  best,  because  the  most  unpremeditated,  illus 
trations  of  character.  His  love  of  decision,  breadth,  and  vigorous 
energy,  in  all  things,  showed  itself  in  the  details  of  daily  life.  He  liked 
a  large  house,  and  plenty  of  people  in  it  ;  a  good  fire,  and  a  large  fam 
ily-circle  round  it  ;  a  full  table,  strong  coffee,  and  the  dishes  "  hot  and 
sweet  and  nice."  He  preferred  long  rides,  long  and  fatiguing  walks, 
bathing  in  cold  water  or  strong  surf,  working  steadily  for  hours,  and 
even  taking  recreation  with  determination  and  perseverance.  No  one 
ever  saw  him  listless,  or  complaining  of  ennui.  His  habits  of  life  were 
in  literal  compliance  with  the  injunction,  "  Whatsoever  thy  hand  findeth 
to  do,  do  it  with  thy  might." 


CHAPTER   LIV. 

1844. 

The  Law-Office.— Eecollections  of  a  Student.— A  Church  Quarrel.—"  Third  Parties."— 
Philadelphia  Riots. — Adams's  Report. — Democratic  National  Convention. — Polk  and 
Dallas. 

ON  resuming  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  1843,  Seward  had 
formed  a  partnership  with  William  Beach  and  George  Underwood,  each 
being  the  son  of  an  old  friend  and  neighbor.  The  new  firm  took  an  office 
in  the  second  story  of  Beach's  Block,  on  Genesee  Street,  in  Auburn. 
Messrs.  Beach  and  Underwood  were  attorneys,  Seward  usually  conduct 
ing  the  cases  in  court.  Young  men  soon  gathered  round  him,  from 
near  and  far,  to  become  students  in  his  office,  some  of  whom  are  since 
dead,  while  others  have  risen  to  prominence  at  the  bar  or  in  public 
place.  Among  them  were  William  W.  Shepard,  Theodore  M.  Pome' 
roy,  Charles  Fosdick,  Charles  A.  Parsons,  James  R.  Cox,  Calvin  Huson, 
Horace  T.  Cook,  Myron  O.  Wilder,  John  Sessions,  Cornelius  Cole, 
Messrs.  Hosford,  Davis,  Horton,  and  Ogden.  One  of  these,  Mr.  Cox, 
recalls  some  incidents  of  that  period. 

"  Two  rooms  constituted  the  office.  In  the  front  one,  only  acces 
sible  by  a  narrow  entry  from  the  back-room,  *  the  Governor,'  as  we 
always  called  him,  and  as  he  was  ever  familiarly  known  at  home,  sat 
in  his  writing-chair,  busily  at  work,  and  usually  accompanied  by  one 


1844.]  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A   LAW-STUDENT.  705 

of  his  partners.  In  the  back-room  were  we  '  students,'  with  our  papers 
and  books.  His  business  had  grown  so  rapidly,  and  become  so  large, 
that  there  was  always  abundant  occupation  for  all,  in  copying  pa 
pers,  etc. 

"  Of  course,  we  studied  his  conduct,  and  most  of  us  profited  by  it. 
Did  an  ignorant  farmer  come  in  to  have  a  deed  or  a  contract  drawn, 
the  Governor  would  betake  himself  to  it,  and  finish  it,  with  all  the 
interest  and  care  which  we  would  expect  to-see  laid  out  in  more  im 
portant  business.  And  occasionally  he  would  drop  some  remark,  sug 
gesting  that  no  legitimate  business  which  belongs  to  the  profession  is 
ever  to  be  refused  or  trifled  with.  '  People  come  to  a  lawyer,'  he  would 
say,  '  because  they  have  reason  to  believe  that  he  understands  affairs 
better  than  they  do.  And  they  pay  him  for  "  writing,"  as  they  call 
it,  more  than  they  pay  others,  because  they  have  a  better  right  to  rely 
upon  professional  knowledge  than  upon  the  ability  of  an  ordinary  pen 
man.'  'And,'  he  would  say,  'you  will  remember,  young  gentlemen, 
that  while,  as  lawyers,  you  have  the  right  to  charge  more  for  such 
services  than  an  ordinary  scrivener,  yet,  as  responsibility  is  assumed 
by  you  in  drawing  papers,  which  is  not  incurred  by  the  mere  scrivener, 
the  privilege  is  balanced  by  the  responsibility.  The  scrivener  makes 
a  mistake,  and  is  not  answerable  for  it  in  damages.  He  is  not  a  pro 
fessional  man.  But  you  are  lawyers  ;  and  if  you  make  a  blunder  in 
drawing  important  papers,  where  an  ordinary  knowledge  of  your  pro 
fession,  and  ordinary  care,  would  have  avoided  it,  ignorance  or  neglect 
is  answerable  in  damages  to  the  party  injured.'  And  then  he  would 
refer  us  to  some  adjudicated  case  upon  that  doctrine,  and  bid  us  look 
it  up  and  read  it. 

"  Constantly  interrupted  during  the  day  by  the  visits  of  inconsider 
ate  friends  and  village  politicians,  his  most  efficient  labor  was  generally 
done  at  night.  He  would  come  into  the  office  after  supper,  sit  down 
in  his  writing-chair,  and  rapidly  throw  off  the  leaves,  which  would  drop 
on  the  floor  around  him  like  the  leaves  of  the  forest.  They  were  all 
paged,  however,  and  we  would  gather  them  up  and  proceed  to  copy 
them.  Knowing  the  subject-matter,  we  succeeded  in  deciphering  them 
pretty  well. 

"  We  students,  although  ordinarily  diligent,  could  never  copy  as 
fast  as  the  Governor  would  draw  papers  ;  and  about  ten  o'clock  one 
after  the  other  would  retire,  intending  to  'fetch  up'  in  the  morning. 
But  how  often,  when  we  came  into  the  office  in  the  morning,  would  we 
find  a  batch  of  manuscript — the  last  pages  of  the  chancery  bill  we  were 
working  on — hastily  gathered  into  a  pile  on  the  chair,  and  the  floor 
covered  with  manuscript  of  another  bill  in  equity,  as  long  as  the  first, 
but  with  different  parties  and  subject-matter ! 

"  His  endurance  was  as  astonishing  as  his  industry.  We  never 
45 


706  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

knew  him  to  be  fatigued,  or  to  claim  allowance  for  exhaustion.  Yet, 
while  thus  laboring  in  the  duties  of  his  profession,  he  was  all  the  while 
studying,  with  profoundest  interest,  the  political  condition  of  the  coun 
try.  The  antislavery  agitation  was  rapidly  assuming  proportions  which 
the  utmost  efforts  of  the  pacifiers  were  unable  to  withstand.  In  the 
summer  of  1844  we  students  took  great  interest  in  the  presidential 
campaign,  and  among  us  was  represented  each  of  the  political  parties, 
the  Democratic,  the  Whig,  and  the  antislavery,  or  'abolition.'  The 
Governor  was  a  Whig,  and  strongly  opposed  to  slavery,  although  ear 
nestly  advocating  the  election  of  Mr.  Clay.  But,  differing  widely  from 
the  radical  antislavery  orators  and  writers,  he  never  forgot  that  the 
statesman  must  take  men  as  they  are,  and  must  with  them  accomplish 
what  of  good  for  his  country  he  can.  Nor  did  he  agree  with  those  who 
left  the  Whig  party  at  that  juncture  and  enrolled  themselves  among 
the  political  abolitionists.  About  that  time  there  was  much  ferment 
ing  in  many  of  the  Christian  churches  throughout  the  State.  Some 
antislavery  men  could  not  continue  to  be  members  of  a  church  which, 
as  they  said,  joined  hands  with  the  slave-power,  and  admitted  slave 
holders  to  communion.  Several  neighbors  and  friends  of  the  Governor 
in  Auburn  had  withdrawn  from  church-fellowship,  and  they  were  call 
ing  upon  me  to  follow  their  example.  The  Governor  knew  very  well 
that  I  was  an  abolitionist,  and  desired,  above  all  things,  to  make  my 
life  count  against  slavery.  I  therefore  consulted  him  upon  the  sub 
ject  ;  reminded  him  that  the  church  with  which  I  was  connected  was, 
to  all  appearance,  a  bulwark  of  slavery  ;  that  all  expression  of  anti- 
slavery  truth  was  discountenanced  and  suppressed  ;  that  slaveholders 
were  found  occasionally  in  our  pulpit  at  Auburn  ;  that  several  mem 
bers  had  withdrawn,  and  desired  me  to  follow  ;  and  whether  or  not  it 
was  best  for  me  to  do  it  was  the  question.  This  conversation  was  in 
a  retired  spot  at  the  south  end  of  the  Governor's  garden.  It  was  a 
fine  summer  evening,  and  the  Governor  was  in  an  unusually  communi 
cative  and  philosophical  mood.  He  gave  me  a  lecture  which  I  shall 
not  soon  forget.  Said  he  :  *  If  you  had  the  power,  would  you  regard 
it  as  wise  to  abstract  from  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  this  country  all 
its  antislavery  element  ?  or,  would  you  desire  to  add  to  it  all  the  anti- 
slavery  reinforcement  you  could  command?  How  much  better  off 
would  that  Church  be  with  all  you  antislavery  men  out  of  it  ?  How 
much  better  off,  to  do  any  good,  would  you  be  if  all  withdrew  ?  Would 
you  thereby  gain  any  more  personal  influence  than  you  now  have? 
Look  at  the  Whig  party  of  to-day.  Everybody  knows  that  I  am  an 
antislavery  man.  Whenever  I  write  a  political  letter,  or  make  a  po 
litical  speech,  my  words  are  reproduced  in  every  Whig  paper  in  the 
country,  and  reach  the  eyes  and  ears  of  everybody  in  the  land.  But 
it  is  because  I  remain  in  the  party,  and  consequently  enjoy  their  con- 


1844.]  YOUNG  MEN  AND   POLITICS.  707 

fidence.  They  will  hear  me  and  consider  what  I  say.  But  should  I 
leave  the  Whig  party,  and  join  the  radical  antislavery  party,  although 
my  speeches  and  writings  would  doubtless  be  read  by  that  class  who 
do  not  need  my  influence,  they  would  not  reach  the  much  larger  class 
who  do  need  to  know  the  truth.  No  ;  I  think  I  can  do  more  good 
where  I  am.  To-day  Mr.  Clay  really  stands  the  candidate  of  the  pro 
gressive  party  in  this  country.  Everybody  knows  that  he  disapproves 
of  slavery.  His  whole  life  hitherto  has  shown  it.  Throughout  the 
South,  by  Democratic  papers  and  orators,  reviled  as  being  lukewarm 
in  the  cause  of  slavery,  he  is  still  more  bitterly  denounced  by  you 
abolitionists  of  the  North,  because  he  tolerates  evils  which  he  cannot 
with  a  word  destroy.  And  I  therefore  think,'  he  continued,  *  that  you 
should  stay  in  the  church  where  you  are.  By  identifying  yourself  with 
your  fellow-members  you  can  have  an  influence  to  exert  for  good, 
which  you  would  lose  entirely  by  withdrawing.  As  I  think  about  the 
Whig  party,  so  it  is  with  your  church.  Stick  to  the  ship,  and  work 
away.  In  a  few  years  you  will  see  that  we  antislavery  men  in  the 
Whig  party  will  not  have  labored  in  vain.  Do  you  be  as  faithful  in 
your  church  as  I  will  try  to  be  in  the  Whig  party,  and  you  will  see 
that,  if  you  would  do  your  fellow -men  any  good  at  all,  you  must  not 
withdraw  yourself  from  their  association  because  you  think  you  know 
more  or  are  better  than  they  are.' 

"  Within  a  day  or  two  after  this,  as  we  were  all  in  the  office  to 
gether,  the  Governor  lectured  us  a  little.  He  had  observed  that  we 
were  constantly  debating  on  political  matters,  and,  upon  this  occasion, 
he  remarked  substantially  :  '  Young  gentlemen,  as  you  come  forward 
into  the  struggle  of  life,  are  admitted  to  practice,  choose  your  places  of 
residence,  and  take  your  stand  among  your  fellow-men,  it  will  be  well  for 
you  to  identify  yourselves  at  once  with  one  or  the  other  of  the  principal 
political  parties  of  the  country — it  makes  very  little  difference  which ' 
(and  these  words,  from  such  a  partisan  as  he  was  regarded,  struck  me 
at  the  time  with  amazement).  *  In  every  republican  government  par 
ties  are  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  and  the  promotion 
of  the  best  interests  of  the  people.  And  it  is  desirable  that  political 
parties  should  be  nearly  equally  balanced.  In  such  cases,  each  watches 
the  other,  and  the  necessity  is  forced  upon  each  to  present  their  best 
men,  and  their  best  measures,  for  the  support  of  the  people.  If  you 
look  for  office  and  preferment,  it  will  be  vain  to  identify  yourselves 
with  any  third  party,  for,  long  before  that  third  party  can  gain  power, 
it  will  become  merged  in  one  of  the  others. 

"  '  But,  while  thus  desirable  that  you  should  ally  yourselves  with 
one  or  the  other  of  these  parties,  allow  me  to  advise  you  that,  if  your 
attention  is  attracted  to  office,  if  you  strive  for  preferment  and  politi 
cal  power,  it  will  be  at  the  expense  of  the  sacrifice,  in  great  measure, 


708  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1S44. 

of  professional  success.     You  cannot  be  a  good  lawyer,  distinguished 
in  jour  profession,  and  at  the  same  time  a  seeker  of  office. 

"'As  for  me,'  he  continued,  'my  political  aspirations  are  more 
than  gratified.  The  people  of  my  native  State  have  been  very  indul 
gent  and  partial  to  me  ;  and  I  have  nothing  to  complain  of.  But  I 
have  sacrificed,  as  a  lawyer,  all  that  I  have  gained  as  a  statesman. 
The  pursuit  of  office  and  of  power  is  a  thorny  path.  If  you  value 
domestic  happiness,  the  pleasures  of  home,  and  a  life  of  ease  and 
quiet,  keep  out  of  that  path  by  all  means,  for  you  will  probably  never 
succeed  in  attaining  your  ideal  ;  and,  meanwhile,  you  must  part  with 
much  that  renders  life  most  pleasant  and  most  useful.' 

"  One  day,  among  letters  which  he  gave  me  to  copy,  envelop,  and 
direct,  was  one  to  a  somewhat  well-known  local  politician,  who  had 
been  a  member  of  the  Legislature  the  winter  before.  I  had  enveloped 
and  directed  it — '  George  W.  Smith,  Esq.' — and,  with  my  letters  in 
hand,  was  starting  for  the  post-office.  Something  impelled  the  Gov 
ernor  to  look  over  the  letters,  and,  in  doing  so,  he  quickly  remarked 
the  indiscreet  direction.  '  This  will  never  do,'  said  he  ;  '  the  American 
people  are  fond  of  all  the  titles  they  are  authorized  to  expect.  You 
must  direct  this  over  again,  "  The  Honorable  George  W.  Smith,"  etc., 
because  usage  justifies  the  title  ;  and  he  might  think  that  his  dignity 
was  overlooked,  which  would  be  more  of  an  affront  than  if  willfully 
disregarded.' 

"  One  peculiarity  was  frequently  to  be  noticed  in  the  Governor's 
policy,  in  the  management  of  his  clients'  affairs.  His  judgment  was 
rarely  warped  or  diverted  from  the  principal  subject  by  the  attractive 
presentation  of  a  lesser  advantage  placed  within  reach.  Unlike  the 
fabled  goddess,  he  never  stopped  in  the  race  to  pick  up  even  apples  of 
gold.  On  one  occasion,  when  in  consultation  with  a  client  about  a 
patent-suit,  his  associate  remarked,  in  reference  to  a  course  suggested, 
*  You  know  a  bird  in  the  hand  is  worth  two  in  the  bush.'  '  No,'  said 
the  Governor,  promptly,  '  I  know  it  is  just  the  other  way — the  bird  in 
the  bush  is  generally  worth  the  most  ;  but  shortsighted  and  impatient 
people  are  always  grasping  after  the  nearest,  and  losing  sight  of  the 
value  of  the  other.' 

"  About  the  summer  of  1844,  a  controversy  arose  in  a  neighboring 
town,  which  gradually  spread  among  the  people,  engrossed  their  atten 
tion  and  arrayed  them  in  partisanship,  until,  at  last,  it  culminated  in 
an  action  at  law,  either  for  libel  or  for  slander,  with  a  demand  for  large 

damages.     Good  old  Dominie  E had  preached  for  years  in  the 

Dutch  church  in  that  town,  and  held  tenaciously  his  points  of  faith, 
strictly   according  to  the  'Heidelberg  Catechism.'     Among  the  most 

active  of  the  Methodists  of  the   town  was  Dr.  B ,  a  physician  of 

distinction  and  merit,  who  was  quite  as  sincere,  in  reference  to  the 


1844.]  A   CHURCH   CONTROVERSY.  7(J9 

Methodist  views,  and  a  good  deal  more  fiery  than  Dominie  E .  For 

several  months  the  quarrel,  although  originating  about  points  of  faith, 
had  degenerated  into  a  fierce  personal  controversy,  and  each  party  had 
published  a  number  of  i  statements,'  '  replies,'  and  '  charges,'  implicat 
ing  the  other.  These  were  seen  posted  on  the  highways,  placarded 
upon  barns  and  stables,  and  stuck  up  in  the  toll-gates.  It  was  in  one 
or  more  of  these  that  the  alleged  libel  and  slander  occurred  which 
occasioned  the  excitement  in  the  peaceful  vale  of  '  Dutch  Hollow.' 
Nobody  could  be  neutral  in  this  controversy — everybody  was  drawn 
into  it. 

**  At  last  the  court  opened,  and  the  court-room  was  filled  with  the 
parties  and  their  friends ;  all  were  witnesses,  all  were  parties.  As  in 
the  famous  border  feuds  of  England  and  Scotland,  or  the  wars  of  the 
Guelfs  and  Ghibellines,  each  party  was  there  with  all  his  retainers. 
The  cause  stood  low  on  the  calendar  ;  but,  day  after  day,  they  came 
steadily  up  to  court,  and  occupied  the  benches  all  day,  to  be  ready 
when  the  important  cause  should  be  called.  The  indications  were  that 
it  would  occupy  at  least  three  weeks  in  the  trial.  After  a  while  the 
judge,  Hon.  Bowen  Whiting,  having  learned  something  of  the  nature 
of  the  action,  the  immense  number  of  witnesses  to  be  examined,  and 
the  length  of  time  required,  proposed  to  the  respective  attorneys  that 
the  case  should  be  referred,  and,  after  some  reflection  and  delay,  it  was 
he,  I  think,  who  proposed  the  name  of  Governor  Seward  as  the  referee. 

"  Each  party  was  surprised  when  the  other  promptly  approved  the 
proposal,  and  after  some  hesitation  the  Governor  reluctantly  accepted 
the  office  ;  not,  however,  without  stipulations  by  which  his  functions 
were  enlarged  into  the  power  of  an  arbitrator,  rather  than  restricted 
by  the  laws  of  mere  reference.  He  appointed  a  day  on  which  the  great 
trial  was  to  commence. 

"  Meanwhile  the  voluminous  pleadings,  handbills,  pamphlets,  and 
other  papers  of  both  parties  were  placed  in  his  possession,  to  enable 
him  to  prepare  for  the  investigation. 

"  Upon  the  trial-day,  the  office  was  besieged  from  seven  o'clock  A.  M. 
until  the  Governor  made  his  appearance.  The  room  was  so  crowded 
with  parties  and  witnesses  that  it  was  almost  impossible  even  to  begin. 
It  was  then  that  the  Governor  gravely  announced  that  he  had  con 
cluded  to  recommend  that  the  trial  should  commence  not  in  the  usual 
way,  by  speeches  of  counsel  and  the  testimony  of  witnesses,  but  by 
his  own  personal  examination  of  the  plaintiff  and  defendant,  without 
the  presence  of  any  other  person,  so  that  he  might  more  exactly  under 
stand  the  difficulty,  and  that  the  witnesses  would  be  notified  when  to 
appear  at  a  future  day. 

"  Thereupon  the  crowd  gradually  withdrew,  until  at  last  the  arbi 
trator,  Dominie  E ,  and  Dr.  B ,  were  left  alone  in  the  room. 


710  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

What  took  place  then  has  never  transpired  to  my  knowledge — the 
Governor  was  always  reticent  about  it  ;  but,  after  about  an  hour,  he 
dismissed  them  to  return  during  the  next  week,  when  he  would  fur 
ther  consider  the  matter. 

"  At  the  appointed  day  they  appeared  again  with  their  usual  troop 
of  retainers  and  witnesses  ;  but  the  fervor  and  fire  of  the  principal 
parties  were  evidently  considerably  cooled,  and  a  less  bitter  state  of 
feeling  seemed  to  prevail.  As  soon  as  everybody  was  quiet,  Mr.  Sew- 
ard,  holding  the  bulky  papers  in  his  hand,  commenced  his  remarks. 

"  He  spoke  first  of  the  necessity  of  legal  proceedings,  and  of  their 
value  to  the  community,  distinguishing  us  from  the  condition  of  sav 
ages  in  having  tribunals  to  which  differing  parties  could  with  confi 
dence  compel  a  resort,  to  hear  and  determine  matters  in  difference. 

"  He  stated  that  he  had  perused  the  documents,  and  made  personal 
examination  of  the  parties,  and  he  was  delighted  to  find,  at  this  stage 
of  the  controversy,  that  each  of  them  respected  the  Christian  character 
of  the  other,  and  that  the  real  difficulty  between  them  appeared  to  be, 
which  of  their  respective  Christian  organizations,  the  Reformed  Dutch 
or  the  Methodist  Episcopal,  was  most  entitled  to  Christian  confidence 
and  support.  He  further  said  that,  having  arrived  at  this  conclusion, 
and  he  himself  having  been  personally  acquainted  with  both  gentlemen 
for  a  number  of  years,  he  had  concluded  that  this  unhappy  controversy 
should  be  terminated  in  a  manner  to  reflect  credit  upon  both  the  parties 
concerned,  no  less  than  upon  the  different  churches  of  Christ  with  which 
they  were  identified. 

"  He  then  remarked  that  he  believed  it  was  agreed  among  all  Chris 
tian  denominations  that  charity,  which  he  explained  as  meaning  Chris 
tian  sympathy,  love,  and  respect,  was  the  necessary  fruit  and  result  of 
all  pure  Christian  faith  ;  citing  the  authority  of  St.  Paul,  that  this 
charity  was  the  greatest  virtue,  and  adding  that  that  particular  Chris 
tian  denomination  which  exemplified  this  virtue  in  the  highest  degree 
was  evidently  the  most  entitled  to  the  general  respect  and  confidence. 
He  then  briefly  recapitulated  the  noble  history  of  the  Reformed  Dutch 
Church  for  three  hundred  years ;  the  fidelity  of  its  adherents  to  the 
true  doctrine  of  the  Bible,  and  to  religious  and  civil  liberty  ;  the  purity 
of  its  morality  and  the  abundance  of  its  fruits,  both  in  Europe  and  in 
this  country,  concluding  with  an  earnest  panegyric  upon  the  faith  and 
steadfastness  which  had  ever  distinguished  that  Church,  and  making 
mention  of  many  of  its  foremost  preachers  and  statesmen, 

"And  then  he  took  up  the  subject  of  the  Methodist  Church;  its 
lowly  origin,  its  self-denying  clergy,  their  persecutions,  sufferings,  their 
patience  and  their  triumphs  ;  pointed  out  the  vast  influence  for  good 
which  that  Church  had  ever  exerted,  both  in  England  and  in  our  own 
country  ;  its  adaptation  to  the  sacred  work  of  preaching  the  gospel 


1844.]  END   OF  THE   QUARREL.  711 

to  the  poor,  and  the  abundant  evidence  of  the  approbation  of  the  Di 
vine  Master  upon  its  efforts. 

"  During  this  address  the  room,  full  of  witnesses,  was  entirely  silent. 
Mr.  Seward  had  become  interested  in  his  subject,  and  poured  forth  his 
reflections  with  unusual  ardor,  and  before  he  ceased  he  had  completely 
enlisted  his  entire  auditory.  Their  temper  was  changed.  The  spirit 
of  strife  and  litigation  had  disappeared  ;  each  party  was  delighted  with 
the  vindication  and  eulogy  of  its  own  particular  denomination  which 
they  had  heard,  and  the  Christian  charity  to  which  the  arbitrator  had 
adverted,  as  the  highest  evidence  of  divine  influence  and  grace,  began 
to  exert  its  power. 

"  In  conclusion,  the  Governor  remarked  that,  as  they  had  probably 
anticipated,  he  was  now  prepared  forever  to  settle  this  controversy, 
and  that,  in  his  judgment,  there  was  no  further  occasion  for  testimony ; 
that,  in  the  composition  and  publication  of  the  censorious  remarks  con 
tained  in  these  papers,  the  one  party  had  evidently  lost  sight  of  the 
true  requirements  of  charitable  consideration  ;  and  that  the  other 
party,  in  commencing  and  prosecuting  this  action  for  damages,  had  also 
neglected  the  same  duty  ;  that  this  controversy  had  gradually  enlisted 
a  very  large  portion  of  the  neighborhood  on  one  side  or  the  other,  and 
had  grown  into  dimensions  of  serious  concern,  affecting  the  interests 
and  threatening  the  peace  and  the  effectiveness  for  good  of  both  these 
Christian  denominations  ;  that  it  was  of  much  more  importance  to 
both  churches  that  the  difference  should  be  adjusted,  ended,  and  healed, 
than  that  it  should  be  decided  in  any  particular  way  as  between  the 
parties  ;  that  it  was  not  alleged  that  any  pecuniary  damages  had  been 
sustained,  and  that  therefore  he  should  decide  this  cause  by  rendering 
his  award  as  follows  :  this  action  to  be  discontinued  without  any  costs 
to  either  party  ;  and  the  plaintiff  and  defendant  to  join  their  hands  in 
token  of  reconciliation,  and  mutually  promise  each  other  that  the  past 
should  never  be  disturbed  again  ;  that  their  only  strife  for  the  future 
should  be  to  see  which  should  hereafter  best  exemplify  that  Christian 
charity  which  was  inculcated  among  all  Christian  denominations,  and 
especially  by  the  Dutch  Reformed  and  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Churches. 

"  No  compensation  was  required  by  the  arbitrator,  and  the  meeting 
was  dismissed  in  peace.  We  heard  no  more  of  the  celebrated  quarrel." 

Texas  now  stood  at  the  gates  of  the  Union  awaiting  admission. 
The  treaty  for  her  annexation,  so  long  expected  and  urged,  had  been 
made  in  the  State  Department  by  Secretary  Calhoun.  It  had  been 
sent  by  President  Tyler  to  the  Senate,  and  that  body,  with  closed 
doors,  was  debating  it  in  secret  session.  Even  before  its  details  were 
published,  public  opinion  had  commenced  to  divide.  At  the  South  it 


712  LIFE  ANJ)   LETTERS.  [1844, 

~was  warmly  advocated  by  the  majority  of  both  parties.  At  the  North 
it  had  the  support  of  the  Democratic  organization,  though  not  without 
the  dissent  of  many  members  ;  while  the  Whigs  loudly  opposed  it 
through  speeches  and  the  press.  Both  the  support  and  the  opposition 
were  felt  to  be  in  a  great  degree  grounded,  not  on  the  mere  question 
of  increase  of  territory,  but  on  the  general  belief  that  it  was  a  measure 
undertaken  in  the  interest  of  slavery,  and  with  the  purpose  of  its  ex 
tension.  Mr.  Calhoun  wanted  a  presidential  candidate  pledged  to  its 
support.  Colonel  Benton  was  known  to  oppose  it,  on  the  ground  that 
it  would  lead  to  war.  If  Mr.  Clay  should  take  ground  against  it,  he 
could  gain  the  support  of  the  now  hesitating  antislavery  men,  though 
he  might  lose  strength  in  the  Southern  States. 

There  was  another  exciting  political  topic.  The  organization  of  a 
political  party  opposed  to  foreigners  had  achieved  little  success  in  the 
rural  regions  ;  but  in  the  great  cities  where  immigrants  land  there  is 
always  an  unassimilated  element  of  the  population  whose  presence  leads 
to  such  divisions.  The  "  Native  American  "  party  had  carried  elec 
tions  both  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  In  May  the  newspapers 
were  filled  with  incidents  of  bloody  riots  that  had  broken  out  in  the 
latter  city,  originating  in  disputes  between  "  Native  American  "  or 
ganizations  and  Irishmen  and  Germans.  Churches  were  burned,  houses 
pillaged,  men,  women,  and  children  killed.  Hostile  companies  met 
and  shot  down  their  victims  in  the  streets,  and  for  a  time  the  munici 
pal  authorities,  even  with  the  aid  of  police  and  military  organizations, 
seemed  powerless.  The  picture  of  the  "No  Popery"  riots  in  London, 
so  vividly  depicted  by  Dickens  in  "  Barnaby  Rudge,"  was  in  the  hands 
of  American  readers  at  the  very  time  when  their  counterpart  occurred 
in  the  United  States. 

Referring  to  these  and  other  incidents  of  the  time,  Seward  wrote  : 

AUBURN,  May  12,  1844. 

What  bloody  instructions  these  Philadelphia  riots  have  read  to  the  bigotry 
of  the  country !  And  yet  they  are  all  lost,  as  instructions  given  to  religious  and 
political  intolerance  always  are.  You  do  well  to  give  the  Whigs  the  full  benefit 
of  Mr.  Frelinghuy sen's  religious  beneficence. 

I  see  you  are  helping  Collier  beyond  anything  you  promised,  or  he  asked. 
Well,  I  think  he  must  be  satisfied  now  that  he  might  as  well  have  consulted  you 
earlier. 

The  blows  you  are  dealing  the  third-party  people  will  bring  many  to  their 
senses.  Did  ever  such  a  cause  fall  into  the  hands  of  such  men? 

Will  our  good  friend  Greeley  learn  at  all  that  he  was  born  for  an  editor,  not 
for  a  party  leader  ?  He  is  letting  his  adversaries  recover  all  the  advantages  they 
lost  in  the  winter. 

The  "  third-party  people "  were  the  abolitionists,  whose  meetings 
and  conventions  were  proposing  to  keep  aloof  from  the  great  political 


1844.]  WEST   POLNT. 

parties,  and  to  present  distinctive  candidates  of  their  own.  Mr.  Clay 
was  a  slaveholder,  and  the  party  that  placed  him  in  nomination  had  a 
large  number  of  adherents  in  the  Southern  States.  "  No  union  with 
slaveholders  "  was  announced  as  a  rallying-cry  for  antislavery  men  at  the 
North.  Some  of  them,  in  excess  of  zeal,  even  called  for  dissolution  of 
the  Federal  Union  on  that  ground.  But  these  were  a  small  minority. 
In  another  letter  Seward  said  : 

When  I  was  thirteen  or  fourteen  years  old  I  first  saw  a  book-store.  I  envied 
the  boy  whose  felicity  it  was  to  enjoy  such  facilities  for  obtaining  knowledge  as 
his  master's  shelves  incidentally  afforded  to  the  clerk,  though  designed  for  the 
public  only.  But  the  boy  grew  up  a  dull,  unintellectual  man.  My  few  shillings 
produced  me  greater  benefits  from  the  literary  warehouse  than  he  secured,  to 
whom  all  its  treasures  were  free.  I  think,  sometimes,  that  it  is  so  with  news 
paper-editors.  Catering  for  the  taste  of  the  day,  they  overlook  the  grave  wants 
of  the  future. 

I  confess  I  grow  weary  of  partisan  excitement,  and  addicted  more  to  studies 
of  general  polity  and  science.  Now,  I  venture  a  conjecture,  that  you  have 
passed  by  without  reading  the  crowning  work  of  John  Quincy  Adams — his 
grand,  majestic  report  on  the  resolves  of  Massachusetts ;  for  it  falls  before  the  pub 
lic  at  a  wrong  time  to  be  generally  read.  I  wish,  nevertheless,  that  the  here-and- 
there  subscribers  of  the  Journal,  who  would  read  it  even  now,  might  have  an 
opportunity  to  do  so.  But  I  want  you  to  read  it  for  the  sake  of  the  vindication 
it  affords  of  that  grand  old  man,  and  for  the  sake,  still  more,  of  your  own  im 
provement  and  confirmation  in  the  liberal,  comprehensive  theories  of  popular 
government  that  you  so  faithfully  advocate.  I  have  been  a  Democrat,  a  univer 
sal  suffrage  Democrat,  a  universal  education  Democrat,  a  slavery-hating  Demo 
crat,  and  all  these  characters  constitute  an  inveterate  Whig.  But  I  never  before 
saw  so  conclusive  a  justification  of  my  principles  as  this  report  affords  me.  I 
send  you  one.  Read  it,  and  see  the  chart  of  progress  to  emancipation  as  deline 
ated  by  Jefferson,  and  renewed  and  perfected  by  John  Quincy  Adams. 

In  answer  to  the  invitations  now  pouring  in  upon  him  at  Auburn, 
to  speak  at  Whig  meetings,  Seward  wrote  letters  pointing  out  what 
seemed  to  him  to  be  the  path  of  patriotism.  Thus,  to  the  Whigs  of 
Orleans  County,  to  the  Whigs  of  Troy,  of  Cleveland,  and  of  various 
other  localities,  he  enforced  the  same  views  with  fresh  illustrations. 
Professional  duties  now  called  him  to  Albany  and  New  York  ;  and  in  a 
hasty  note  from  West  Point  to  Mrs.  Seward  he  said  : 

May  25th,  Saturday  Night. 

I  am  here,  indulging  not  very  pleasant  fancies,  and  I  may  as  well  impart 
them,  since  they  will  not  aifiict  you.  I  intended  to  spend  the  day  at  Albany 
with  Weed.  But  I  soon  discovered  that  those  who  were  charitably  disciplining 
him  by  stopping  his  paper  were  liable  to  be  so  much  irritated  by  my  visitation 
to  him  that  he  wished  me  the  speediest  possible  voyage  to  this  place,  prom 
ising  to  visit  me  on  Monday  at  New  York.  So  I  landed  here,  at  two  the  hour, 
and  Saturday  the  day  of  days,  to  visit  our  boy.  I  sent  to  him  immediately  after 


714  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

my  landing,  and  in  due  time  the  boy  came.  I  strolled  with  him  all  that  re 
mained  of  his  relief,  and  we  have  parted — he  to  his  bed  at  "  taps,"  and  I  to 
wait  till  midnight  for  the  boat.  He  is  well  and  in  good  spirits,  and  confident  that 
he  will  retain  his  present  standing  at  examination,  and  do  better  yet  next  year. 

The  Military  Academy  was  at  this  time  under  the  superintendence 
of  Major  (afterward  General)  Delafield.  He  was  a  stout,  heavy-featured 
man,  of  pleasant  manners,  thoroughly  versed  in  military  and  engineer 
ing  science.  Captain  Thomas,  the  commandant,  erect,  soldierly,  and 
handsome,  with  a  clear  ringing  voice,  had  supervision  of  the  parades, 
drills,  and  discipline  of  the  cadets.  Among  the  other  instructors  were 
Prof.  Mahan,  who  was  engaged  in  preparing  for  the  press  a  mathe 
matical  work  ;  and  Prof.  Weir,  in  whose  studio  was  stretched  the 
great  canvas  on  which  he  was  painting  his  historical  picture  of  the 
"  Embarkation  of  the  Pilgrims  "  at  Delft  Haven,  afterward  to  occupy 
one  of  the  panels  in  the  rotunda  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington.  Sew- 
ard's  occasional  visits  to  the  Point  brought  him  into  agreeable  acquaint 
ance  with  all  these  gentlemen,  which,  with  some  of  them,  was  ex 
tended  by  official  relations  in  subsequent  years. 

The  Democratic  clans  now  mustered,  in  their  turn,  for  a  National 
Convention  at  Baltimore.  It  was  appointed  for  the  27th  of  May. 
But  they  had  a  very  different  task  from  that  of  their  Whig  op 
ponents.  Instead  of  mere  formal  sanction  to  a  nomination  already 
unanimously  agreed  upon,  they  had  to  reconcile  conflicting  opinions 
of  policy,  and  choose  among  conflicting  candidates.  Mr.  Van  Buren 
was  foremost  in  the  favor  of  his  party,  and  had,  or  was  claimed  to  have, 
a  majority  of  the  delegates.  General  Cass  was  next  strongest.  But 
Colonel  Johnson  and  Mr.  Buchanan  had  also  eminent  supporters. 
President  Tyler  was  not  averse  to  a  nomination  ;  and  Secretary  Cal- 
houn  was  a  candidate,  not  so  much  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  nomi 
nation  as  in  that  of  obtaining  control  of  the  convention.  Before  the 
balloting  commenced,  the  "  two-third  rule  "  was  adopted.  This  was 
the  first  step  toward  Mr.  Van  Buren's  defeat.  Seven  ineffectual  bal- 
lotings  consumed  Tuesday  ;  the  votes  being  divided  among  seven  can 
didates,  with  no  other  result  than  the  gradual  transfer  of  the  highest 
place  from  Mr.  Van  Buren  to  General  Cass.  That  night,  the  nomina 
tion  of  Colonel  Polk,  former  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
was  projected,  it  was  said,  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  was 
determined  to  have  a  candidate  favorable  to  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
For  the  same  purpose,  a  gathering  of  Tyler's  friends,  office-holders 
principally,  had  been  convened  at  Baltimore,  who  resolved  to  support 
Tyler  himself  for  reelection,  unless  the  Democratic  nominee  should  be 
one  favorable  to  the  policy  he  had  inaugurated.  On  Wednesday  morn 
ing  the  Tennessee  delegation  brought  forward  the  name  of  James  K. 
Polk  ;  and  after  the  first  ballot  the  Van  Buren  men  went  over  to  him 


1844.]  NOMINATION   OF   JAMES   K.    POLK. 

almost  in  a  body,  to  defeat  General  Cass  ;  and  the  Cass  men  followed, 
in  order  to  be  on  the  successful  side.  Polk  received  not  only  two- 
thirds  but  four-fifths  of  the  whole  vote.  The  several  factions  acqui 
esced  in  the  new  name  more  readily  than  they  would  have  done  if 
either  of  the  preferred  candidates  had  been  chosen.  The  Van  Buren 
men  were  to  be  still  further  appeased  by  the  proffer  of  the  nomination 
for  Vice-President  to  Silas  Wright  ;  but  he  declined  it  by  telegraph. 
George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  then  nominated. 

The  platform,  if  not  the  work  of  the  master-spirit  of  the  hour  (Cal- 
houn),  reflected  his  views.  It  declared  for  the  annexation  of  Texas 
"  at  the  earliest  practicable  period  ; "  asserted  title  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon  ;  opposed  the  protective  tariff,  a  national  bank,  or  any  distribu 
tion  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ;  conciliated  the  Tyler  men  by 
a  resolution  approving  his  use  of  the  veto-power  ;  and  the  Van  Buren 
men  by  a  resolution  of  confidence,  affection,  and  respect.  It  further 
declared  that  Congress  had  no  power  to  interfere  with  slavery,  de 
nounced  all  efforts  to  "  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,"  as 
"  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequences." 


CHAPTER  LV. 
1844. 

The  Presidential  Canvass. — Calhoun's  Policy. — Texas  and  the  Tariff. — Addresses  at  Union 
and  Amherst. — Whig  Mass  Meetings. — Incidents  of  the  Campaign. — Jealousies  and 
Forebodings.— Ash  and  Hickory.— The  Alabama  Letter.— Clay's  Defeat. 

WHEN  the  news  spread  abroad,  the  country  was  astounded  at  Polk's 
nomination.  The  Whigs  jeered  at  it.  Many  Democrats  declared  they 
had  never  even  heard  of  him,  and  looked  upon  the  convention  as  a 
fiasco.  But  when  the  delegates  began  to  arrive  home,  and  explain 
how  the  nomination  had  united  the  party,  and  would  conduce  to  suc 
cess  at  the  polls,  the  enthusiasm  and  hopes  of  their  followers  began  to 
revive,  and  they  entered  upon  the  work  of  the  campaign  with  vigor. 

The  issues  of  the  presidential  canvass  were  now  made  up.  The 
Democrats  had  made  explicit  declarations  of  their  policy.  They  had 
at  Baltimore  sacrificed  all  their  chiefs  in  order  to  carry  out  that  policy. 
The  Whigs  had  adhered  to  their  trusted  and  honored  leader,  and  reit 
erated  their  past  doctrines.  The  abolitionists  preferred  to  give  their 
votes  to  a  third  candidate,  even  without  the  hope  of  electing  him,  im 
patient  at  what  they  regarded  as  an  effort  of  the  Whigs  to  stave  off 
the  great  issue  they  desired  to  bring  on.  Yet  it  was  coming — coming 
faster  than  the  most  ultra-abolitionist  dreamed. 


716  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

Some  of  the  New  York  Democrats  of  the  school  of  the  Evening 
jPost,  finding  themselves  placed  in  a  position  of  some  difficulty  by  the 
pro-slavery  action  of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  determined  to  publish 
a  joint  letter,  declaring  their  purpose  to  support  Polk  and  Dallas,  but 
rejecting  the  resolution  concerning  Texas,  and  agreeing  to  support  can 
didates  for  Congress  concurring  in  their  views. 

Not  only  politicians,  but  churches  also,  had  begun  to  grow  restive 
under  the  prospect  of  slavery  extension.  Long  and  earnest  debates  in 
Methodist  conferences  foreshadowed  that  it  was  a  subject  that  might 
prove  an  entering  wedge  to  rive  that  denomination  asunder. 

Meanwhile,  at  Washington,  the  Administration  and  Congress  were 
taking  such  action  as  would  tend  to  force  the  issue.  Ships-of-war  had 
been  ordered  to  the  Gulf,  and  troops  to  the  Texan  frontier,  in  view  of 
the  coming  annexation.  Day  after  day  the  Senate  debated  the  treaty 
in  secret  session.  Finally,  they  voted,  and  the  count  stood  sixteen  to 
thirty-five.  The  treaty  was  rejected.  The  Whig  Senators,  Northern 
and  Southern,  voted  against  it.  The  Democrats  did  not  give  a  full 
party  vote  in  its  favor.  Colonel  Benton,  for  one,  declared  himself  in 
favor  of  annexation;  but  not  without  the  assent  of  Mexico,  nor  without 
excluding  slavery  from  the  northern  part  of  Texas.  So  that  question 
went  to  the  people,  to  be  decided  at  the  presidential  election. 

The  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors,  which  had  always  been 
favored  by  the  Whigs,  entered  into  this  canvass  as  a  local  rather  than 
a  distinctive  party  issue.  Two  bills  had  been  passed,  the  one  mak 
ing  appropriations  for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors  at  the 
East,  and  the  other  for  those  of  the  West.  President  Tyler  approved 
and  signed  the  Western  bill,  but  vetoed  the  Eastern  one. 

Seward  wrote  to  St.  Lawrence  County  in  reply  to  an  invitation  from 
Benjamin  Squire  and  others  to  come  there  to  attend  a  Whig  gathering. 
After  referring  to  his  vivid  remembrance  of  the  hospitalities  bestowed 
on  him  during  his  visit  to  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  in  1839,  and 
the  instruction  derived  from  it,  he  went  on  to  say  : 

It  was  long  a  question  with  me  how  it  was  that  John  Quincy  Adams  was 
bolder,  more  resolute,  and  more  devoted  in  the  cause  of  ^humanity,  than  all  of  his 
contemporaries.  I  found  the  explanation  in  the  motto  impressed  upon  the  seal 
of  a  letter  from  that  illustrious  statesman,  "  Alter i  seculo"  So  it  may  be 
allowed  me,  my  day  of  public  service  being  past,  to  consider  not  alone  what  is 
the  sentiment  prevailing  this  day  or  this  year,  but  what  principles  will  abide  the 
test  of  time  and  the  judgment  of  posterity.  .  .  . 

In  the  tour  to  which  I  have  adverted,  I  observed  that  the  counties  of  Clin 
ton,  St.  Lawrence,  Franklin,  and  Jefferson,  were  largely  colonized  by  natives  of 
French  Canada,  Ireland,  England,  and  Scotland,  whose  devotion  to  liberty  had 
induced  them  to  erect  their  log  cabins  on  the  southern  instead  of  the  northern 
side  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

There  was  some  confusion  of  tongues,  and  the  cross  of  the  Catholic  church 


1844.]  MEMORIES  OF  CHERRY  VALLEY.  717 

was  seen  side  by  side  with  the  spire  of  the  Protestant  temple.  It  was  impos 
sible  to  distinguish  whether  the  fields  had  been  sown  by  Protestant  or  by  Catholic 
hands.  The  same  sun  and  showers  ripened  the  fields  of  both.  Contentment 
and  harmony  seemed  to  prevail  everywhere.  ...  I  said  to  myself,  "  Let  him  who 
distrusts  the  instincts  of  freedom,  and  the  capability  of  men  born  under  op 
pression,  to  become  true  and  worthy  citizens  of  a  republican  state,  come  here 
and  learn  the  truth,  yet  widely  discredited,  though  it  was  taught  by  the  Great 
Master  of  human  reason,  and  was  practically  adopted  by  the  great  expounder  of 
American  democracy,  that  liberal  naturalization  is  an  element  of  empire."  .  .  . 
I  am  sure  no  man  pretending  to  be  a  statesman  could  fail  to  receive  instruc 
tion  from  the  scenes  and  from  the  people  of  the  valley  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 
There  the  truth  must  break  in  upon  every  candid  mind,  that  the  great  political 
question  between  the  contending  parties  of  our  day  is,  whether  the  national 
peace  shall  be  put  in  jeopardy,  the  national  honor  be  forfeited,  and  the  national 
wealth  and  treasure  be  expended,  to  give  enlargement,  security,  and  perpetuity, 
to  Southern  slavery,  which  forever  drags  us  down  to  the  earth  ?  Or  whether 
impartial  public  councils  shall  leave  the  free  and  vigorous  North  and  West  to 
work  out  the  welfare  of  the  country,  and  drag  the  reluctant  South  up  to  par 
ticipate  in  the  same  glorious  destinies  ?  .  .  . 

It  had  already  begun  to  be  discovered  by  leading  Whigs  in  other 
Northern  States,  as  well  as  New  York,  that  the  antislavery  movement 
was  likely  to  draw  off  many  votes  from  the  standard  of  Clay  and  Fre- 
linghuysen.  To  meet  this  danger  they  turned  naturally  to  Seward  for 
help.  While  a  steadfast  Whig,  his  antislavery  course  had  already  made 
him  widely  known  throughout  the  North.  He,  it  was  believed,  was  the 
one  who  could  persuade  the  antislavery  Whigs  to  remain  in  the  party, 
if  any  one  could.  He  could  show  them  that  a  Whig  vote  was  the  only 
vote  that  could  be  effective  in  preventing  the  threatened  extension  of 
slavery,  and  his  own  record  would  prove  that  his  reasonings  were  just 
and  his  convictions  sincere.  Many  of  his  letters  at  this  period,  there 
fore,  were  in  reply  to  such  requests.  In  answer  to  the  Whigs  of  Michi 
gan  he  spoke  of  "  the  deplorable  error  of  adding  bulwarks  to  the  fall 
ing  institution  of  slavery,  which  is  the  chief  cause  of  all  our  national 
calamities,  and  the  only  source  of  national  danger."  And,  writing  the 
same  day  to  Vermont,  he  said  :  "  Renew  your  declaration  that  the 
extension  of  human  slavery  is  at  war  with  the  principles  of  the  Whig 
party,  and  that  emancipation  is  among  the  great  works  to  which  that 
party  is  devoted." 

But  to  Cherry  Valley  he  sent  his  excuses  for  not  attending  a  politi 
cal  barbecue.  His  engagements  elsewhere  prevented,  and  he  wrote  to 

James  Brackett  and  others  : 

ATJBUBN,  June  7,  1844. 

I  will  frankly  confess  to  you  why  the  circumstance  is  unattended  by  regret. 
.  .  .  The  anniversary  of  our  national  independence  in  1840  found  me  seeking 
•ome  place  where  my  presence  \\ould  not  provoke  unkindness  or  disturb  the 
becoming  solemnities  of  that  interesting  occasion.  An  invitation  from  your 


718  LIFE   AND  LETTERS.  [1844. 

village  announced  the  purpose  of  its  citizens  to  honor  the  memory  of  their 
forefathers  by  celebrating  on  that  day  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  planta 
tion  of  Cherry  Valley.  I  accepted  the  invitation  because  I  believed  that,  under 
those  circumstances,  there,  if  anywhere,  party  animosities  would  for  a  day  be 
hushed  into  profound  repose. 

My  visit  was  afterward  extended  to  Cooperstown,  the  capital  of  your  rich 
and  beautiful  county.  The  long  procession ;  the  oration  of  William  W.  Camp 
bell,  a  gifted  descendant  of  one  of  the  founders  of  Cherry  Valley,  rich  in  affect 
ing  domestic  reminiscences  and  historical  instructions ;  the  paternal  greetings  of 
your  ancient  pastor,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Nott,  bestowed  on  the  survivors  of  his  flock ; 
the  temperate  but  joyous  repast  under  a  rustic  bower ;  the  cordial  greeting  of 
the  people  and  their  hearty  responses  to  my  unstudied  speech ;  the  cavalcade 
that  attended  me  to  Cooperstown,  and  on  my  descent  to  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk ;  the  mimic  voyage  on  the  beautiful  lake ;  the  scenes  of  the  adventures 
of  the  pioneers  of  Cooperstown,  illustrated  by  the  renowned  proprietor  of  the 
"  Hall ;  "  the  visits  to  the  various  houses  of  Christian  worship ;  my  hospitable 
entertainment  by  distinguished  citizens  in  several  villages,  and  the  varied  festivi 
ties  that  effaced  for  the  time  the  memory  of  public  cares  and  duties — all  these 
are  indelibly  impressed  upon  my  memory  ;  and  the  hills  and  valleys  of  Otsego 
are  never  recalled  by  me  but  as  scenes  luxuriant  in  fertility,  gladdened  by  the 
ripening  influences  of  the  midsummer  sun,  and  abounding  in  all  the  elements  of 
social  happiness. 

There  was  no  voice  or  memory  of  politics  on  that  occasion,  and  the  people  of 
Otsego  are  unknown  to  me  as  politicians.  I  would  not  efface  these  impressions. 
I  desire  that  there  may  be  one  community  that  I  may  remember  in  all  after-life 
as  free  from  the  political  acrimony  which  often  poisons  the  springs  of  hospi 
tality  and  friendship.  I  admit  my  obligation  to  bear  my  full  part  in  the  politi 
cal  discussions  of  the  day,  although  I  am  removed  beyond  the  incentives  of 
personal  ambition.  But  the  State  is  a  broader  field  than  I  could  traverse  if  I 
should  devote  myself  exclusively  to  political  agitation.  Let  others,  then,  labor 
in  Otsego  County.  Let  me  cherish  still  longer,  and  long  as  I  live,  the  recollec 
tion  of  the  one  green  spot  in  the  State  of  New  York  where,  when  my  char 
acter  was  most  misrepresented  and  most  misapprehended,  amid  the  excitement 
of  the  most  exciting  of  political  occasions  the  country  has  ever  known,  I  was 
received,  not  only  with  kindest  candor  and  respect,  but  with  magnanimity. 

Continuing  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  Weed,  he  wrote  on 
the  20th  : 

AUBURN,  June  20,  1844. 

So  you  went  to  Boston  to  meet  Schoolcraft.  I  hope  you  found  him  well,  as 
I  doubt  not  he  was  happy.  For  truant  as  we  become,  in  wandering  over  for 
eign  lands,  one  is  always  happy  in  reaching  home  again.  I  too  have  had  a  holi 
day  as  pleasant  as  unlocked  for.  Uncle  Cary  required  me  to  go  to  Batavia  to 
draw  a  bill  in  chancery.  I  arrived  there  on  Friday,  was  detained,  waiting  for 
his  adversary  until  Monday ;  then  in  two  hours  negotiated  a  compromise ;  and 
then  had  an  idle  season  among  my  friends. 

It  is  wonderful  what  an  impulse  that  nomination  of  Polk  has  given  to  the 
abolition  sentiment.  It  has  already  expelled  the  other  issues  from  the  public 
mind.  I  was  at  a  Clay  club  at  Byron,  and  arrived  at  a  very  late  hour  at  the 


1844.]  FILLMORE,    WEED,   AND   THE  JOURNAL.  719 

mass-meeting  at  Warsaw.  There  one  of  the  banners,  and  the  most  popular  one, 
was  a  white  sheet,  on  which  was  Polk  dragging  a  negro  in  chains  after  him. 
When  I  returned  here  I  found  that  our  Whig  Central  Committee,  who  a  year  ago 
voted  me  out  of  the  party  for  being  an  abolitionist,  had  made  abolition  the  war- 
cry  in  their  call  for  a  mass-convention.  I  don't  know,  certainly,  how  this 
change  is  going  to  affect  the  Whig  party  throughout  the  Union  at  this  time.  It 
would  be  marvelous  if  abolition  should  curry  the  country  at  the  first  effort. 
But,  however  this  may  be,  the  battle  for  the  next  four  years  is  already  set,  and 
we  are  safe  and  right.  God  grant  that  the  question  be  peaceably  met  and 
settled ! 

I  met  Mr.  Fillmore  at  Warsaw.  He  had  delivered  a  great  tariff  and  anti- 
Texas  speech  before  I  arrived ;  but  its  praise  was  in  the  mouths,  and  its  princi 
ples  in  the  hearts,  of  all  the  people.  I  had  no  conversation  with  him  concern 
ing  his  expectations.  Dawson  tells  me  that  he  had  a  long  and  free  conversation 
with  Fillmore,  who  was  receiving  frequent  letters  from  Rochester  and  other 
places,  advising  him  that  you  and  I  were  urging  his  nomination  for  Governor 
for  his  destruction,  and  that  Fillmore  was  not  unlikely  to  be  induced  to  decline. 
I  suppose  Mr.  Fillmore  a  cool  and  well-balanced  man  in  such  a  crisis.  Yet  I  do 
not  believe  the  nomination  for  Governor  of  New  York  would  be  declined  by 
him.  If  I  could  have  an  ungenerous  wish,  it  would  be  that  he  would  yield  to 
the  heated  remonstrances  of  those  who  are  trying  to  abuse  his  mind.  But  I  do 
not  want  so  great  a  misfortune  to  befall  the  Whig  party. 

AUBURN,  Jime  22,  1844. 

1  am  astounded  by  your  announcement  of  a  purpose  to  leave  the  Journal. 
You  will  survive,  the  Journal  will  survive,  and  you  will  be  restored  to  each 
other  in  a  better  and  more  prosperous  period.  But  the  explanation,  in  the  best 
form  it  can  be  made,  will  not  save  the  party  from  the  consequences.  When  you 
retreat,  there  will  be  no  hope  left  for  ten  thousand  men  who  hold  on  for  their 
confidence  in  you  and  me  ;  and  they  look  to  you  for  all  that  we  both  think  and 
design. 

I  think  Fillmore  will  decline  when  you  have  resigned.  He  wants  promotion, 
and  cannot  bide  his  time.  But  he  is  fearful  and  apprehensive.  For  a  few 
weeks  the  Democrats  are  going  to  take  the  lead  ;  perhaps,  exhibit  the  most  zeal 
and  spirit  all  the  way  through  the  campaign.  They  are  doing  so  here,  as  they 
well  may.  They  have  an  emblem ;  ours  is  worn  out.  They  have  a  nickname, 
a  new  one ;  ours  has  worn  as  long  as  poor  jokes  can.  They  have  occasion  to 
rally  ;  we  have  had  our  arms  in  hand  a  long  time.  All  this  does  not  alarm  me. 
I  think  it  necessary  to  the  success  of  the  Whig  party  to  keep  it  from  vaporing 
away  all  its  strength ;  and  the  great  agricultural  and  mechanical  classes  are  too 
deeply  affected  to  be  misled.  But  the  Whigs  are,  and  will  be,  alarmed. 

I  think  you  cannot  leave  the  Journal  without  giving  up  the  whole  army  to 
dissension  and  overthrow.  I  agree  that  if,  by  remaining,  you  save  it,  you  only 
draw  down  double  denunciation  upon  yourself  and  me.  Nor  do  I  see  the  way 
through  and  beyond  that.  But  there  will  be  some  way  through.  I  grant,  then, 
that,  for  yourself  and  me,  it  is  wise  and  profitable  that  you  leave.  I  must  be 
left  without  the  possibility  of  restoration,  without  a  defender,  without  an  organ. 
Nothing  else  will  satisfy  those  who  think  they  are  shaded.  Then,  and  not  until 
then,  shall  I  have  passed  through  the  not  unreasonable  punishment  for  too  much 


720  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

success.  But  the  party — the  country  ?  They  cannot  bear  your  withdrawal.  I 
think  I  am  not  mistaken  in  this.  Let  us  adhere,  then.  Stand  fast.  It  is 
neither  wise  nor  reasonable  that  we  should  bear  the  censure  of  defeat,  when  we 
have  been  deprived  of  not  merely  command,  but  of  a  voice  in  council. 

Do  you  not  know  that  there  is  not  a  Whig,  not  one  Whig  in  the  State,  ex 
cept  in  our  own  (now  very  small)  circle,  who  looks  to  any  future  election? 
They  want  Clay,  now.  But  they  believe  that  is  the  end  of  all  human  effort ; 
and  they  feel  as  if  all  their  fortunes  were  concluded  in  that  event.  Therefore 
they  suspect  us  of  a  design  to  share  with  them  ! 

Spending  some  time  at  Utica,  in  July,  in  attendance  upon  the  term 

of  the  Supreme  Court,  he  wrote  home  : 

UTICA,  July  6,  1844. 

I  have  argued  two  causes  in  the  court,  made  and  written  out  a  speech,  and 
yet  my  room  has  been  a  levee  all  the  time.  This  morning  I  thought  I  should 
spend  the  Sunday  with  you,  but  the  last  car  left  before  I  was  ready.  I  spent 
the  Fourth  of  July  in  a  ride  about  the  country  with  Chief -Justice  Nelson.  We 
visited  Clinton,  Paris,  and  the  villages  and  manufactories  in  the  valley  of  the 
Sauquoit  Creek 

I  spoke  last  night  to  a  thousand  people,  leaving  out-of-doors  another  thou 
sand  who  could  not  get  access,  and  I  asserted  my  opinions  concerning  the  Phila 
delphia  riots  in  a  way  that  will  for  long  put  me  out  of  favor  with  a  portion  of 
my  countrymen.  If  it  would  relieve  me  from  further  invitations  to  address 
Whig  mass-meetings  I  should  rejoice ;  but  I  shall  be  allowed  to  work  for  Mr. 
Clay  nevertheless.  Mr.  Clay  has  written  out  his  speech  at  Raleigh,  and  in  a 
single  short  paragraph  expressed  himself  so  strongly  against  his  abolition  allies 
as  to  lead  many  to  declare  him  unworthy  the  confidence  of  his  party. 

To  Mr.  Weed  he  wrote  : 

UTICA,  July  6, 1844. 

I  have  at  last  shown  the  Whigs  that  I  cannot  accept  their  favor  on  condition 
of  even  an  amnesty  for  my  offenses.  Now  I  am  even  with  our  good  friends,  as 
you  have  been  all  summer  long.  They  cannot  "  stop  my  paper,"  though,  as 
they  do  when  you  offend.  I  am  to  speak  at  Mexico  on  Tuesday,  in  Morrisville 
on  Friday,  and  in  Syracuse  on  Saturday,  if  court  and  engagements  forbid  not ; 
then  by-and-by  in  Cortland  and  Jefferson.  That  is  all,  and  by  much  too  much. 

It  is  hard  to  be  the  draught-horse  under  whip,  while  the  lead-horse  is  stroked 
and  caressed  for  kicking  back  ;  but  fidelity  is  safest  after  all.  Our  time  will 
come  by-and-by.  "  Go  home,  Mr.  Mendenhall,  and  mind  your  own  business," 
was  bad  enough ;  but  "  I  refer  you  to  Mr.  Mendenhall  for  my  views  on  emanci 
pation  "  is  worse  still. 

Chief-Justice  Nelson  has  given  me  the  history  of  the  negotiation  between 
Van  Buren  and  Tracy  in  1834,  by  which  the  latter  was  pledged  to  vote  for  the 
resolution  against  the  United  States  Bank,  which  plot  was  exploded  by  my  ob 
stinacy.  The  details  were  curious  and  interesting. 

G.  P.  B is  here ;  went  to  Chenango  to  address  the  Democrats,  and, 

though  called  on,  refused  to  speak  for  Texas.  He  is  restless,  and  declares  that 
he  shall  cut  loose  if  the  party  do  not  cut  loose  from  Texas. 

Mrs.  Seward  said  that  the  Otsego  letter  was  a  very  good  one  for  me  to  send, 


1844.]  ADDRESS  AT   UNION   COLLEGE.  721 

but  not  a  good  one  to  print,  because  it  was  all  about  myself.  Even  good  letters 
may  be  too  egotistical.  I  am  not  anxious  for  the  publication  of  what  ought  not 
to  be,  or  even  what  ought  to  be  printed. 

You  and  Benedict  ought  to  come  this  way.  The  word  runs  for  John  A. 
King  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  Can't  you  draw  him  out  on  the  suffrage  and 
school  questions  ?  He  is  a  noble  fellow,  and  that  would  be  the  making  of  him. 

UTICA,  July  \\tli. 

I  argue  a  cause  here  to-day,  speak  in  Madison  County  to-morrow,  next  day 
at  Syracuse,  and  reach  Auburn  Saturday  night.  I  return  here  perhaps  late  next 
week.  The  Greeley  cause  is  low  on  the  calendar,  and  I  come  back  for  it. 

Collier  goes  with  me  to  Hamilton  ;  Jordan  and  Spencer,  and  I  know  not 
how  many  more,  to  Syracuse.  Our  lawyers  are  all  becoming  zealous. 

He  had  been  invited  to  address  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society  of 
Union  College  at  their  annual  meeting  during  commencement  week, 
and  also  to  address  the  literary  societies  at  Amherst  on  a  similar  occa 
sion  a  few  days  later.  At  intervals  of  his  occupations  in  Utica  he  was 
now  writing  an  essay  that  would  be  suitable  for  delivery  at  these  col 
lege  gatherings.  It  aimed  to  present  a  succinct  and  philosophic  view 
of  the  elements  of  strength  of  the  American  Government  ;  its  advan 
tages  and  its  dangers,  and  the  true  method  of  rendering  them  most 
effectively  beneficial  to  mankind.  It  was  a  comprehensive  theme,  but 
a  favorite  subject  of  thought,  and  the  reflections  he  now  hastily  com 
mitted  to  paper  were  the  basis  and  substance  of  a  more  elaborate  pre 
sentation  of  the  same  theme  four  years  afterward  in  his  oration  on 
"  The  True  Greatness  of  Our  Country." 

In  one  of  his  letters  to  Auburn  he  remarked  : 

UTICA,  July  21*Z. 

Of  all  the  intellectual  efforts  I  ever  tried,  the  only  one  that  I  have  been 
obliged  heretofore  to  give  up  in  despair  was  the  literary  essay  which  specula 
tive  men  find  so  vastly  easy.  Well,  I  found  myself  on  Thursday  morning  with 
out  anything  but  a  page  beyond  the  day  before  at  Auburn.  To-night  I  am 
Armed  with  what  seems  to  me  dull  as  Erebus,  but  what  you  would  probably  tell 
me  was  better  than  half  the  essayists  could  produce.  I  wish  you  were  here  or 
I  with  you,  that  you  might  tell  me  so,  for  I  am  going  to  Schenectady  rather 
distrustful  of  it.  My  speech  is  long  enough  if  good,  and  too  long  by  half  if 
bad.  I  have  not  left  my  room  except  for  an  evening  walk  in  the  four  days. 

I  return  here  on  Thursday,  hoping  then  to  go  home,  but  may  be  detained  if 
there  is  a  prospect  of  reaching  the  Greeley  case.  I  have  snatched  an  hour  or 
two  to  read  Carlyle,  and  I  have  become  bewitched  with  him,  but  not  with  the 
foolish  philosophy  he  teaches.  I  go  to  Albany  to-morrow,  to  Schenectady 
Tuesday. 

Immediately  after  the  delivery  of  the  address  at  Schenectady  he 
proceeded  to  the  western  part  of  the  State,  to  speak  at  Whig  meet 
ings.     During  the  next  three  months  the  larger  part  of  his  time  was 
devoted  to  this  kind  of  political  labor.     His  letters  to  Weed  were  fre- 
46 


722  LIFE  AND  LETTERS,  [1844. 

quent  from  the  different  points  to  which  he  called  to  advocate  the 
claims  of  "  Clay  and  Frelinghuysen."  In  these  letters  he  noted  the 
varying  aspects  and  incidents,  hopes  and  fears,  of  the  campaign. 

AUBURN,  July  24,  1844. 

I  have  been  in  Genesee,  Wyoming,  and  Ontario,  and  am  on  Saturday  to  be  at 
Kochester.  I  am  apprehensive  of  doing  wrong,  doing  ill,  or  doing  too  much. 
Write  me  freely  at  Utica,  or  meet  me  there  next  Tuesday,  if  you  think  I  ought 
to  stop.  Our  good  friends  are  covetous  of  my  little  grace  with  classes  they  have 
hitherto  despised.  This  is  their  motive.  Shall  I  not  offend  against  forgiveness 
by  working  so  much,  that  they  will  falsely  and  unjustly  impute  to  me  the  very 
ambition  I  so  truly  repudiate  and  disavow  ? 

Wright  has  begun,  and  Folk's  defeat  would  direct  all  Democratic  thoughts 
toward  the  discreet  and  generous  friend  of  Van  Buren.  This  is  unfortunate  in 
respect  to  our  success  in  1848.  But  that  is  too  far  ahead  to  dream  of.  We  must 
make  the  election  of  1844  safe,  and  let  the  future  provide  for  itself. 

Patterson  writes  me,  and  says,  "  For  God's  sake  don't  let  Weed  retire  !  " 

AUBURN,  July  28,  1844. 

On  the  5th  of  August  1  shall  hope  to  arrive  with  Mrs.  Seward,  Mrs.  WordenT 
and  Frances,  at  Albany,  at  about  4  p.  M.  The  ladies  will  take  the  next  morning's 
boat  to  West  Point.  I  shall,  God  willing,  take  my  departure  in  the  car  for  Spring 
field,  whence  I  may  reach  Amherst  on  Tuesday  night  the  6th,  perform  my  en 
gagement  there  on  Wednesday  the  7th,  and  return  to  Springfield  on  that  or  the 
next  day. 

Here  are  very  urgent  letters  reiterating  the  Springfield  invitation,  and  saying 
the  day  (the  9th)  was  fixed  to  suit  my  convenience.  I  have  also  letters  from. 
Harding,  pressing  me  to  stay  with  him,  for  which  he  has  my  thanks,  as  our  good 
Springfield  friends  have  for  their  kind  invitation.  It  seems  I  am  nearly  circum 
vented.  It  has  seemed  to  me  all  along,  and  never  more  so  than  now,  that  in 
this  stump  oratory  I  do  not  well,  and  that  it  "is  not  my  best  part." 

Lyman  Cobb  has  written  to  me  for  some  speeches  for  his  new  "American 
Reader."  Will  you  cast  over  in  your  mind  and  tell  me  what  I  shall  send  him  I 
Strange,  he  asks  for  the  Staten  Island  Sunday-school  speech  ! 

Here  are  abusive,  anonymous,  "  Native  American  "  letters;  and,  in  the  same 
bundle,  warm,  glowing,  grateful  letters,  from  men  unknown.  There  is  a  mas& 
of  letters  from  many  places  in  this  State,  and  from  other  States,  inviting  me  to 
speak,  and  expressing  deep  conviction  of  the  truth,  philosophy,  and  patriotism,  of 
my  published  opinions  on  the  Constitution,  the  operation  of  our  system,  and  ther 
rights  of  the  people  under  it. 

Chautauqua  County  wants  me— presses.  How  on  earth  am  I  to  get  along, 
with  this  ?  I  am  landlord  there.  I  ought  not  to  be,  I  never  was,  a  partisan 
there.  A  letter,  such  as  it  becomes  me,  and  such  as  every  impulse  of  gratitude 
and  affection  would  force  me  to  write,  would  be  better. 

AUBURN,  August  1,  1844. 

I  am  sailing  along  with  less  trouble  than  I  feared.  I  like  Wilkin  for  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor. 

Please  say  to  King  that  I  have  engaged  to  go  in  September  to  all  the  northern, 
counties,  and  have  written  to  J.  Q.  Adams. 


1844.]  CLAY    MEETINGS   AND  SPEECHES.  723 

AUBURN,  August  23,  1844. 

I  was  obliged  to  leave  the  bishop  here  on  Wednesday,  and  we  met  on  Thurs 
day  only  to  part.  But  the  interview  we  had  was  pleasant,  and  useful,  in  making 
me  more  intimately  acquainted  with  him. 

It  was  a  great  meeting  at  Ithaca,  at  least  equal  to  or  exceeding  the  Syracuse 
one.  All  was  pleasant  enough,  especially  so  for  me.  General  Root  attempted 
an  argument  with  a  brief,  before  fifteen  thousand  men,  in  broad  mid-day.  They 
could  not  hear.  He  told  them  so,  but  they  could  not  hear  that  either.  At  night 
they  had  a  meeting  in  the  town-hall,  and  he  held  forth  two  hours. 

I  am  at  least  as  tired  as  you  of  mass-meetings.  But  they  will  go  on.  There 
will  yet  be  time  for  work,  if  the  disposition  to  work  remains.  I  am  now  booked 
only  for  Cortlund  and  the  northern  counties. 

I  am  home  for  two  days  and  a  half.  One  day  and  a  half  has  been  spent  in 
my  law  business.  In  the  remaining  day  I  must  bring  up  my  correspondence,  and 
deferred  political  and  literary  studies.  Need  enough  that  I  leave  the  mass-meet 
ings  to  take  care  of  themselves ! 

It  is  quite  clear  that  the  lion  of  Democracy  is  roused,  and  will  contend  for 
victory.  The  "  Agricultural  Governor"  goes  by  the  board.  Silas  Wright  seems 
about  to  be  chosen.  His  nomination  is  the  fatality.  Election  or  defeat  ex 
hausts  him. 

Will  Mr.  Webster  go  to  Utica  ?  If  so,  I  can  excuse  myself  there.  I  have 
assumed  that  he  would.  "  Declare !  "  as  the  lawyers  say  when  they  put  inter 
rogatories. 

KOCHESTER,  Tuesday  Morning,  August  27,  1844. 

By  this  time  you  will  have  seen  what  I  see  so  often,  a  real  "  mass-meeting." 
I  doubt  not  you  are  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  assemblage.  I  have  accustomed  my 
self  to  regard  these  popular  demonstrations  as  very  indicative  of  a  favorable  re 
sult.  They  certainly  prove  that  the  great  political  questions  have  taken  deep 
hold  of  the  sedentary  and  generally  cold  masses. 

It  seems  certain  that  the  Whigs  must  make  up  their  minds  to  beat  their  op 
ponents,  giving  them  the  suffrages  of  the  naturalized  voters.  No  sooner  was  my 
foot  set  upon  the  porch  last  night  than  the  Whig  managers  appealed  to  me  to 
make  a  tariff  and  Texas  speech  to  that  class,  saying  that  they  were  all  against  us. 
It  is  a  sorry  consolation  for  this  ominous  aspect  of  things  that  you  and  I  are 
personally  exempt  from  the  hostility  of  this  class  toward  our  political  associates. 

Mr.  Fillmore  is  here,  and  in  good  spirits.  I  have  seen  Whittlesey,  but  not 
yet  alone.  He  is  presiding  in  court.  I  write  early,  before  my  occupation  in  his 
court,  or  the  necessary  preparation  for  it,  will  put  an  end  to  such  pleasures. 

BUFFALO,  Friday  Morning. 
I  shall  close  my  argument  here  to-day,  attend  a  mass-meeting  to-morrow, 

and  shall  go  east  as  soon  after  as  may  be. 

AUBURN,  September  2,  1844. 

You  fancy  short  letters.  This  must  be  such  a  one.  On  arriving  yesterday 
morning  from  Rochester  via  Bath,  I  heard,. from  Florida,  that  my  mother  was 
ill,  and  my  father  quite  ill,  but  better.  Having  heard  nothing  of  later  date,  and 
not  being  expressly  required  to  go  to  Florida,  I  have  waited  in  great  and  pain 
ful  perplexity  until  now.  I  may  decide  to  go  to  my  mother's  bedside,  even  with 
the  hope  that  grows  within  me  for  her  convalescence.  I  may  wait,  alas !  per 
haps  too  late.  To  be  too  late  at  the  sick-bed  of  a  mother,  and  such  a  mother ! 


724  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

I  found  panic  in  Bath,  and  the  mass-meeting,  which  was  wonderfully  ani 
mated  and  kind,  dispelled  it.  But  I  met  that  letter  at  Geneva,  and  thence  here, 
and  until  now  everybody  droops,  despairs.  It  jeopards,  perhaps  loses,  the 
State.  But  that  was  thrown  away  in  the  beginning. 

Is  there  any  other  way  but  to  go  through  to  the  end,  more  devotedly  than 
ever? 

We  are  approaching  the  State  Convention.  Morgan  is  a  delegate,  and  will 
be  instructed  to  prevent,  and  have  full  power  to  prevent,  my  nomination  as  an 
elector.  The  people,  I  believe,  are  thinking  of  it  in  many  places.  Here  those 
who  were  reading  me  out  of  the  party  six  months  ago  insist  upon  it.  Despond 
ency  and  despair  are  produced  by  Clay's  letter. 

A.  B.  D expects  you  to  decide  for  him  whether  he  shall  be  nominated 

for  Canal  Commissioner  or  Senator.     He  would  prefer  the  latter,  but  will  be 
advised.     He  had  not  seen  Clay's  letter  when  I  left  him. 

I  had  an  agreeable  and  profitable  time  with  James  A.  Hamilton  and  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  Schuyler.  She  is  a  wonderfully  fine  and  intelligent  woman. 

There  was  civility  and  there  were  respect  and  kindness  toward  me  at  Koch- 
ester.  Those  who  have  made  mischief  are  now  willing  to  forgive  me  for  it,  but 
find  it  embarrassing  to  consult  me,  except  concerning  mass-meetings.  So  all 
was  right. 

I  take  new  courage  since  Hamilton  told  me  an  anecdote  about  Washington's 
dependence  on  his  friend.  He  has  a  letter  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the 
draft  of  the  "  Farewell  Address,"  and  asking  how  it  shall  be  given  to  the  pub 
lic — by  pamphlet,  or  through  the  newspapers,  or  how  ? 

You  see  this  letter  is  not  short.  Prefaces  should  always  be  written  after  the 
text  of  the  book.  I  do  not  go  to  Cortland  or  elsewhere  by  reason  of  my  uncer 
tainty  about  Orange  County. 

AUBURN,  September  15,  1844. 

Covert  threw  me  into  anxiety  on  Friday  morning  by  telling  me  that  Harriet 
denied  Mm  at  your  door  on  the  previous  day.  I  thought  that  you  were  only 
sick  of  an  Ashland  letter.  But  Covert  replied  that  you  had  been  sick  all 
day,  and  I  remembered  that  medicine  out  of  the  political  materia  mediea  cus 
tomarily  paralyzed  instead  of  exciting  you  to  violent  nausea.  I  was  much 
alarmed.  I  have  a  presentiment  always  that  you  are  to  drop  off  first.  What  I 
despise  myself  for  is  that  the  selfishness  you  have  nourished  within  me  makes 
me  more  unwilling  than  I  ought  to  be  that  you  should  have  your  own  way 
in  this.  Sterne  is  the  only  philosopher  who  resolves  for  me  what  I  feel  to  be 
my  art  of  living.  "  We  get  forward  in  the  world,"  says  he,  "not  so  much  by 
doing  services  as  by  receiving  them  :  you  take  a  withering  twig  and  put  it  in 
the  ground,  and  then  you  water  it  because  you  have  planted  it."  But  Sterne 
is  an  authority  as  lightly  esteemed  among  the  schoolmen  as  among  the  divines. 

If  the  Whig  party  be  to  succeed,  the  arrangements  at  Syracuse  about  elec 
tors  are  as  unfortunate  as  you  suppose.  The  grace  and  favor  of  democracy 
were  expressly  disdained  by  the  rejection  of  Father  Burt.  If  I  had  not  con 
fided  in  his  nomination  I  should  have  insisted  on  the  name  of  Philip  King, 
a  fighting  Whig  of  17Y6,  and  a  "  Bucktail "  "  Antimason,"  for  elector.  The 
concession  to  the  awakening  spirit  of  philanthropy  that  has  already  distracted 
the  Whig  party  was  as  wise  as  it  was  generous. 

That  last  letter  will  do  its  mischief  unnoticed  and  unthought  of.     The  former 


1844.]  TOUR  THROUGH  NORTHERN  NEW  YORK.  725 

ones  irritated  our  friends,  bat  they  have  become  inured  ;  and  they  complain 
not  of  tho  lust,  because  complaint  is  unavailing.  But  the  effect  will  be  calam 
itous. 

The  State  Conventions  of  the  two  great  parties  had  now  presented 
their  respective  candidates.  The  Whigs  nominated  Mr.  Fillmore  for 
Governor,  and  Samuel  J.  Wilkin,  of  Orange  County,  for  Lieutenant- 
Governor.  The  Democrats  nominated  Silas  Wright  for  the  first  office, 
and  Addison  Gardiner  for  the  second  ;  nominations  which  promised  to 
command  the  united  support  of  the  two  warring  factions  of  "  Hunkers  " 
and  "Barnburners." 

Hitherto,  the  Whigs  of  the  State  during  the  progress  of  the  cam 
paign  had  been  gathering  confidence  from  the  mass-meetings  and 
other  evidences  of  popular  enthusiasm.  But  the  "  Alabama  letters " 
of  their  nominee,  so  unfortunate  for  his  prospects,  were  now  published. 
It  was  at  once  perceived  that  the  probabilities  of  success,  in  New  York 
at  least,  were  diminishing. 

AUBURN,  September  18, 1844. 

S.  S.  Randall  (in  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State)  has  just  sent  me  his  excel 
lent  book,  "  A  Digest  of  the  Common-School  System."  I  find  in  it  my  vindica 
tion  of  the  school  question,  extracted  from  the  message  of  1841.  It  seems  as 

harmless  as  it  is  cogent. 

AUBUBN,  Monday  Morning. 

Our  friend  Clowes  has  not  come.  I  wish  the  party  could  understand  how 
much  more  his  rugged,  perverse  directness  (there  is  a  paradox  for  you)  is  worth 
than  the  smoother  but  unequal  and  unsafe  aid  of  many  they  prefer  to  him. 

Wright  was  a  strong  man  the  day  before  his  nomination  for  Governor.  He 
fell  far,  and  if  left  alone  will  be  not,  what  he  might  have  been,  George  I. 
to  William  of  Orange,  lineal  heir  to  Jackson,  through  Van  Buren.  The  wise 
acres  in  New  York  speak  of  him  with  compliment,  "  this  distinguished  states 
man  ;  "  yet  they  bring  all  their  small  artillery  to  bear  upon  him,  and  give  notice 
that  he  is  demolished.  The  praise  they  bestow  is  very  ill  concealed,  but  lesi 
injurious  to  us  than  their  warfare,  conducted  in  their  mode. 

The  latter  part  of  September  was  devoted  by  Seward  to  the  politi 
cal  tour  through  the  northern  counties  which  he  had  promised  to  un 
dertake.  Accompanied  by  Seth  C.  Hawley,  he  started  from  Albany,  and 
traversed  Saratoga,  Warren,  Essex,  Clinton,  Franklin,  St.  Lawrence, 
Lewis,  and  Jefferson  Counties.  At  the  principal  towns  they  addressed 
large  and  usually  enthusiastic  meetings.  Seward  briefly  noted  the  prin 
cipal  points  of  the  route  in  his  letters. 

OODENSBUBO,  Sunday,  September  80th. 

We  have  come  thus  far  in  our  long  and  uncomfortable  journey.  We  left 
Albany  on  Monday  morning,  dined  at  Saratoga  Springs,  and  slept  at  Glen's  Falls. 
The  next  day  we  dined  at  Whitehall,  after  a  very  interesting  ride  through 
Sandy  Hill  and  Fort  Anne,  a  route  memorable  as  the  road  traversed  by  Burgoyne 
in  his  progress  to  Saratoga.  We  slept  on  Tuesday  night  at  Burlington,  and  the 


726  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

next  day  attended  a  mass-meeting  at  Keeseville.  Thence  we  rode  through  the 
sand,  after  nightfall,  to  Plattsburg,  where  we  rested  in  General  Macomb's  quar 
ters  during  the  siege  of  that  place.  The  next  day  was  spent  in  traveling  through 
the  gloomy  forest  named  the  "  Chauteaugay  Woods,"  from  which  we  emerged 
at  nine  o'clock.  Resting  that  night,  we  came  the  next  morning  to  Malone,  the 
capital  of  Franklin  County ;  and  held  a  meeting  there  in  the  open  air,  so  in 
clement  as  to  deprive  everybody  of  all  comfort.  We  slept  that  night  at  Law- 
/ence,  and  yesterday  morning  reached  Potsdam,  where  we  had  our  first  meet 
ing  in  this  county.  Thence  a  ride  of  twenty-eight  miles  brought  us  to  this  town. 
We  speak,  to-morrow,  at  Gouverneur;  on  Tuesday,  at  Carthage,  in  Jefferson 
County ;  on  Wednesday,  at  Martinsburg,  in  Lewis  County ;  on  Thursday,  at 
Lowville,  and  then  our  mission  will  be  ended.  The  meetings  are  immense,  the 
kindness  of  the  people  overwhelming.  You  may  expect  us  on  Saturday. 

The  meetings  were  attended  by  thousands.  Farmers  came  into 
town  from  all  the  surrounding  country,  bringing  their  wives  and  chil 
dren  with  them.  Young  people  came  to  the  mass-meeting  as  they 
would  to  a  holiday  festival  or  a  circus.  Idlers  of  all  sorts  were  at 
tracted  by  curiosity,  and  thinking  men  could  not  keep  aloof  in  what 
was  felt  to  be  a  national  crisis. 

Many  of  the  emblems  and  appliances  of  the  contest  of  1840  were 
renewed  in  that  of  1844.  Instead  of  raising  "  log  cabins,"  the  Whigs 
now  erected  "  ash-poles."  Huge  ash-trees  were  cut  down,  and  spliced 
together  to  make  a  rough  pole,  fifty  or  a  hundred  feet  high,  on  which 
to  display  the  banner  of  the  statesman  of  Ashland.  Campaign  songs  and 
songsters,  glee-clubs,  and  choruses,  for  "  Harry  of  the  West,"  emulated 
those  for  "  Old  Tip."  Processions  by  day  and  by  torch-light,  flags  and 
caricatures,  were  again  abundant.  But  this  time  the  Whigs  could  not 
claim  a  monopoly  of  the  enthusiasm.  The  Democrats  had  their  mass- 
meetings  also,  their  songs  and  their  "  hickory -poles,"  their  processions 
and  their  banners,  and  in  all  these  demonstrations  they  claimed  to 
equal,  if  not  eclipse,  their  opponents. 

Deep  popular  interest  was  felt  in  the  election.  It  was  the  greater, 
perhaps,  because  party  divisions  and  subdivisions  threw  so  much  doubt 
over  the  result.  The  Democrats  had  to  persuade  "Hunkers"  and 
"  Barnburners  "  to  drop  their  rankling  animosities,  and  go  cordially  to 
gether  to  the  polls.  The  Whigs  had  to  use  every  effort  to  prevent  the 
loss  of  votes,  for  both  "  Abolitionists  "  and  "  Native  Americans  "  were 
recruiting  from  their  ranks.  As  regarded  persons,  there  was  but  one 
commanding  central  figure.  That  was  Henry  Clay.  He  was  the  em 
bodiment  of  the  issues.  Over  him  the  battle  raged.  Speakers  and 
newspapers  talked  of  the  probabilities  of  "  electing  Clay,"  or  of  "  de 
feating  Clay."  Other  candidates,  on  either  side,  attracted  little  atten 
tion  in  comparison.  The  canvass  really  turned  upon  principles  and 
prejudices,  not  upon  personal  merits.  Yet  orators  made  Clay  their 
favorite  personification,  both  for  support  and  for  attack. 


1844.]  A  PREDICTION   ABOUT  SECESSION.  727 

As  the  chief  advocate  of  a  protective  tariff,  and  of  the  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  Mr.  Clay  actually  was  the  best  per 
sonification  of  Whig  doctrines.  Yet  there  was  another  question  un 
derlying  the  contest,  about  which  Whigs  talked  less,  but  thought  more. 
That  was  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  consequent  extension  of 
slavery,  and  on  this  the  position  of  the  Democratic  candidate  was  clear, 
while  that  of  the  Whig  nominee  was  dubious.  For  obvious  reasons, 
stump-speakers  of  both  parties  handled  this  issue  with  caution.  At  the 
North,  Democratic  orators  would  not  declare,  probably  would  not  even 
believe,  that  they  were  laboring  to  extend  slavery,  but  claimed  that 
they  were  enlarging  the  "  area  of  freedom  ; "  and  Whig  orators,  while 
expatiating  fluently  on  the  financial  issues,  found  themselves  in  danger 
of  offending  their  own  associates  by  saying  too  little  or  too  much  about 
the  important  question  of  all.  Seward's  hostility  to  slavery  had  been 
open  and  avowed  for  years,  and  nevertheless  he  supported  Clay,  sup 
ported  him  on  antislavery  grounds.  It  was  the  knowledge  of  this  fact 
that  now  made  his  arguments  attentively  listened  to,  and  his  presence 
earnestly  called  for,  far  and  wide,  even  by  men  who,  if  they  believed  in 
his  sentiments,  were  not  yet  prepared  to  avow  it.  In  his  speech  at 
Syracuse  he  said  : 

Friends  of  emancipation !  advocates  of  the  rights  of  man !  I  am  one  of  you. 
I  have  always  believed  and  trusted  that  the  Whigs  of  America  would  come  up 
to  the  ground  you  have  so  nobly  assumed.  Not  that  I  supposed  or  believed  they 
would  all  at  once,  or  all  from  the  same  impulses,  reach  that  ground,  but  that  the 
progress  of  events  would  surely  bring  them  there,  and  they  would  assume  it 
cheerfully.  You  have  now  this  great,  generous,  and  triumphant  party,  on  the 
very  ground  to  which  you  have  invited  them,  and  for  not  assuming  which,  pre 
maturely,  you  have  so  often  denounced  them.  But  you  will  say  that  Henry  Clay 
is  a  slaveholder.  So  he  is.  I  regret  it  as  deeply  as  you  do.  I  wish  it  were  oth 
erwise.  But  our  conflict  is  not  with  one  slaveholder,  or  with  many,  but  with 
&lwery.  Henry  Clay  is  our  representative.  You  are  opposed  to  the  admission  of 
Texas,  and  you  admit  and  assert  the  duty  of  resisting  it  by  the  right  of  suffrage. 
Will  you  resist  it  by  voting  for  James  G.  Birney?  Your  votes  would  be  just  as 
effectual  if  cast  upon  the  waters  of  this  placid  lake. 

He  closed  this  speech  with  a  prediction  deemed,  even  by  many 
Whigs,  extravagant.  Time  has  verified  it  : 

Democrats,  Liberty-men,  and  Whigs,  by  whatever  name  you  prefer  to  be 
•called  !  the  issue  presents  itself  alike  to  all.  Texas  and  slavery  are  at  war  with 
the  interests,  the  principles,  the  sympathies,  of  all.  The  integrity  of  the  Union 
depends  on  the  result.  To  increase  the  slaveholding  power  is  to  subvert  the  Con 
stitution  ;  to  give  a  fearful  preponderance  which  may,  and  probably  will,  be 
speedily  followed  by  demands  to  which  the  Democratic  free-labor  States  cannot 
yield,  and  the  denial  of  which  will  be  made  the  ground  of  secession,  nullification, 
and  disunion ! 


728  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

In  his  Yates  County  speech,  in  October,  one  of  the  last  of  the  can 
vass,  he  summed  up  the  issues  thus  : 

Heretofore  they  told  us  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  slavery ;  that  it  was 
no  concern  of  ours.  But  now  the  slaveholder  has  brought  it  home  to  us.  It  is 
our  concern  now,  God  be  praised!  It  is  a  national  concern.  The  annexation 
of  Texas  to  enlarge  and  fortify  the  slave-trade  is,  forsooth,  "  a  great  Democratic 
measure."  Democracy  is  brought  to  a  test  that  no  mock  pretensions  can  abide. 
True  democracy  is  equality  and  liberty.  The  democracy  of  the  Texas  party  is 
aristocracy  for  the  white,  and  bondage  for  the  black.  Slavery  is  now  on  trial 
before  the  people,  and  must  go  down,  and  with  it  every  power  that  interposes 
to  protect  and  uphold  the  institution,  accursed  of  God  and  man. 

And  now,  how  stand  the  parties  on  this  great  question  of  peace  and  war — of 
the  Constitution  as  it  is,  or  of  the  Constitution  subverted — of  union  or  disunion  ? 
The  one  party  pronounce  the  treaty  a  great  national  measure ;  the  other  de 
nounce  it  now,  henceforth,  and  forever,  while  slavery  denies  the  beautiful  terri 
tory  that  solicits  their  acceptance.  Shall  I  be  told  that  Henry  Clay's  position  is 
not  so  strong  as  this  ?  Be  it  so.  I  regret  it.  I  would  that  Henry  Clay  were  in 
the  vanguard  of  emancipation.  I  should  honor  him  ten  thousand  times  more 
than  I  can  now.  But  Henry  Clay's  election  is  the  only  alternative  so  far  as  the 
presidency  is  concerned,  and  he  is  only  the  leading  personal  object  in  the  fore 
ground  of  the  scene  we  have  been  contemplating.  Let  him  come  into  the  presi 
dency  under  such  pledges  as  will  prevent  Texas  from  coming  into  the  Union 
while  he  is  there.  We  will  look  out  for  the  future.  Present  safety  being  thus 
secured,  we  will  take  care  that  Texas  do  not  come  in  afterward,  or  ever,  until 
she  casts  off  the  black  robe  that  hangs  around  her,  and  thus  renders  herself 
worthy  of  adoption  by  the  American  sisterhood. 

Fellow-citizens,  the  time  for  mass-meetings  has  passed  away.  This  is  the 
last  occasion  on  which  I  shall  address  any  portion  of  the  people  in  regard  to  the 
approaching  election.  I  desire  to  say  that,  as  I  have  spoken  here,  I  have  every 
where  spoken,  not  as  a  mere  apologist  of  the  Whig  party,  or  of  its  leaders,  but  as 
an  advocate  of  the  interests  and  honor  of  my  country,  paramount  to  the  interests 
of  all  partisans  and  of  all  parties. 

Not  unfrequently  the  public  speaker  on  these  occasions  would  en 
liven  his  dry  argument  by  some  direct  "  appeal  to  the  ladies  "  who 
formed  so  large  a  part  of  the  audience.  At  one  meeting,  Seward  began 
his  discussion  of  the  tariff  by  saying  : 

Good  housewife  from  Otisco,  if  your  bread  was  ready  for  the  oven,  and  you 
had  one,  would  you  bake  at  home,  or  send  it  to  your  neighbor's  ?  and  if  you 
had  no  oven,  would  you  change  works  with  your  more  fortunate  neighbor  who 
has  one,  or  would  you  send  to  the  distant  market-town?  You  would  do  it  at 
home,  and  always  as  near  home  as  possible.  Of  course  you  would.  Now,  the 
principle  of  home-industry  applies  just  as  well  to  the  making  of  our  own  leather 
and  of  our  own  boots,  our  own  cloth  and  of  our  own  clothing,  of  our  own  salt, 
of  our  own  knives  and  forks,  of  our  own  shovels  and  tongs,  and  of  our  own 
spinning-jennies  and  steam-engines,  as  to  the  lowly  example  I  have  set  forth. 
But  the  European  baker  cannot  compete  with  the  housewife,  while  the  Eu- 


1844.]  WOMEN   AT   MASS-MEETINGS.  729 

ropean  mechanic,  tanner,  shoemaker,  spinster,  weaver,  blacksmith,  iron-founder, 
and  iron-monger,  can.  We  must,  then,  have  duties  which  shall  secure  equal 
advantages  to  our  own  mechanics. 

On  another  occasion,  at  one  of  the  meetings  in  the  northern  coun 
ties,  he  followed  a  speaker  who  had  devoted  his  remarks  chiefly  to  the 
question  of  protection  : 

I  have  listened  with  attention  to  my  friend's  argument.  It  was  clear  and 
convincing,  as  all  his  arguments  are.  I  reflected,  however,  that  after  all  it  was 
an  argument  addressed  to  the  pocket.  And  I  determined  that,  when  my  turn 
should  come,  I  would  appeal,  not  to  your  pockets,  but  to  some  nobler  thought 
than  that  of  dollars  and  cents.  But  now  that  I  am  up,  and  look  around  me,  I 
see  that  every  man  of  you  has  pockets  in  his  coat,  pockets  in  his  overcoat, 
pockets  in  his  vest,  pockets  in  his  pantaloons,  pockets  everywhere,  and,  not 
content  with  that,  has  huge  pocket-flaps  to  call  attention  to  them.  So  I  believe 
I  will  give  up  trying  to  make  impression  upon  the  men.  I  will  turn  to  these 
front  seats,  where  the  women  are ;  for  I  see  that  not  one  of  them  wears  pock 
ets,  or,  if  she  does,  she  keeps  them  out  of  sight. 

Laughter  greeted  this  allusion  to  one  of  the  popular  fashions  of 
dress,  and  he  continued  : 

Our  opponents  insist  that  women  have  no  place  in  political  assemblies.  But 
I  will  tell  them  the  secret  why  women  are  here,  and  why  they  will  remain  here. 
A  question  of  peace  or  war  is  thrust  upon  us.  They,  by  their  teachings  of  the 
young,  and  by  their  persuasions  addressed  to  all,  influence  the  decree  of  the 
ballot-box.  You  who  are  mothers  and  daughters,  you  who  are  sisters  and  wives, 
I  ask  you  not  to  count  up  in  dollars  and  cents  what  a  war  for  Texas  will  cost ; 
but  I  tell  you  that  it  will  cost  the  blood,  the  lives,  of  your  fellow-men.  Are 
you  ready — nay,  I  know  there  is  not  one  of  you  that  is  ready  to  counsel  her 
father,  her  husband,  her  brother,  or  her  son,  to  go  out  to  battle,  when  the  bat 
tle  is  not  in  defense  of  his  country's  flag,  but  for  the  extension  of  human  slavery! 
To  you,  then,  I  will  address  what  I  have  to  say. 

Continuing  his  letters  to  Weed,  he  said  : 

AUBURN,  October  7,  1844. 

I  found  all  well  at  home  on  my  return  on  Saturday  night,  but  my  business 
sadly  out  of  joint.  Thank  Heaven,  the  sacrifices  are  nearly  over! 

The  Whigs  of  the  northern  counties  are  a  noble  and  generous  set  of  men. 
The  party  is  struggling  like  a  strong  man.  We  shall  see  whether  they  are  too 
deep  in  the  morass  to  extricate  themselves. 

I  have  missed  0.  M.  Clay  altogether.  I  could  see  him  by  going  to  Cortland 
to-morrow,  but  I  must  go  to  Penn  Yan. 

The  Maryland  election !  what  is  its  omen  ?  Do  not  go  to  boasting,  unless 
well  assured  that  you  will  be  vindicated  by  the  result.  All  onr  friends  must 
revise  their  local  estimates,  if  we  are  to  have  good  fortune. 

I  found  three  young  girls,  all  of  a  birth,  six  days  old,  at  Carthage,  and 
named  them  Frances,  Cornelia,  and  Harriet.  The  mother  blessed  me ;  and  the 


730  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

father,  who  knew  no  way  to  reward  me  but  by  voting,  promised  as  many  votes 
as  if  the  children  were  to  be  electors. 

Do  not  give  this  letter  to  the  Argus,  as  Greeley  did  Mr.  Clay's  to  the  News. 
This  letter  was  not  made  to  lose. 

Time,  which  saps  the  foundations  of  most  edifices,  had  now  weak 
ened  the  fabric  which  the  "  Millerites  "  had  raised.  "  The  Ides  of 
March  "  had  come  and  gone  ;  the  day  fixed  for  the  destruction  of  the 
world  had  been  changed  at  different  times  ;  but  it  had  been  agreed 
that  it  would  be  some  time  in  1843  or  1844.  After  the  discouraging 
arrival  of  sunrise  and  sunset  with  their  accustomed  punctuality  all 
through  those  years,  the  sect  began  gradually  to  decline.  At  one  time 
the  23d  of  October  had  been  fixed  upon. 

AUBURN,  October  22, 1844. 

If  to-morrow  should  be  the  last  day,  what  relief  would  it  bring  to  millions 
of  spirits  too  gentle  for  the  bufferings  of  the  world!  But  the  designs  of  Provi 
dence  in  regard  to  the  temporal  condition  of  mankind  are  not  yet  accom 
plished  ;  and  so  the  bridegroom  will  not  come,  though  the  virgins  trim  their 
lamps  and  go  out  to  meet  him  with  whatever  confidence  that  the  tarrying  in 
ended. 

Well,  I  have  been  at  Rochester ;  went  up  on  Sunday  night  and  returned  to 
day.  Being  on  the  ground  at  the  opening  of  the  court,  I  defaulted  my  adver 
saries,  and  saved  myself  the  necessity  of  longer  tarrying  there.  Greeley's  case 
goes  over  now  to  January.  I  believe  you  know  that  I  defend  slander  and  libel 
suits  always  by  delay  as  far  as  practicable.  There  is  nothing  for  a  plaintiff,  in 
such  cases,  like  haste ;  nor  is  there  any  advantage  for  a  defendant  like  time ; 
that  diminishes  the  grievance  complained  of.  But  you  are  not  a  law -student, 
and  so  I  may  spare  my  lecture. 

Watchman,  what  of  the  night  ?  Our  friends  swear  they  are  confident,  and 
mean  to  be  so  until  the  end.  But  I  think  they  are  not  sanguine  now,  and  will 
lose  confidence  as  the  election  approaches.  They  all  say  that  New  York  City, 
by  giving  us  five  thousand  majority,  will  save  the  State  for  Clay.  But  their 
conversation  shows  distrust  of  this.  Whittlesey  thinks  Clay's  chances  better 
than  Folk's,  but  reckons  Pennsylvania,  rather  than  New  York,  as  the  State 
which  is  to  secure  the  election  of  the  Whig  candidates.  Strange  to  say,  this  is 
the  prevalent  opinion;  and  our  friends,  by  expressing  it,  virtually  confess 
that  New  York  is  lost ;  and  if  you  are  right  about  Pennsylvania,  then  all  is 
lost. 

Mr.  Fillmore  was  an  exception  among  all  I  met.  He  is  confident  of  Penn 
sylvania  and  New  York.  Yet  he  claims  only  2,600  in  Erie,  and  gives  rea 
sons  why  we  shall  not  get  a  larger  majority.  Our  friends  in  Rochester  say 
they  expect  1,000,  but  show  that  they  are  not  expecting  more  than  TOO.  There 
is  manifestly  some  gain  from  the  abolitionists ;  but  if  our  friends  see  the 
matter  as  it  truly  is,  the  gains  are  few,  perhaps  inconsiderable.  On  the  whole^ 
I  believe  our  friends  look  for  salvation  through  a  miracle  to  be  worked  by  the 
"  Native  Americans  "  in  New  York.  They  are  willing  to  take  it  in  that  way, 
though  they  declare  that  it  will  be  disastrous  for  all  time  to  come. 

I  have  been  persuaded  to  go  to  Palmyra  on  Saturday. 


1844.]  POLK   AND   DALLAS  ELECTED.  731 

AUBUBN,  October  25,  1844. 

Mr.  John  Lee,  of  Maryland,  brings  me  a  letter  from  Mr.  Clay,  the  contents 
of  which  will  be  stated  to  you  by  Mr.  Lee.  On  his  suggestion,  I  have  written 
auch  a  letter  to  our  distinguished  friend  in  New  York  as  was  desired  of  me,  and 
Mr.  Lee  will  deliver  it. 

Now,  further,  I  cannot  go  to  New  York.  You  can  do  in  that  quarter  all 
that  I  could,  and  more.  Will  you  not  go  with  Mr.  Lee  and  make  the  effort  to 
secure  such  action  on  the  part  of  our  friends  there  as  will  be  proper  and  effec 
tive  ?  The  election  is  too  important  and  too  critical  to  permit  any  relaxation 
of  exertion.  But  I  need  not  urge  you,  who  are  so  much  the  main-spring  of  all 
political  action  in  this  State. 

Sitting,  one  evening,  in  conversation  with  some  friends  at  Auburn 
a  short  time  before  the  election,  Seward  was  listening  to  their  various 
hopes  and  fears  in  regard  to  different  localities.  "  Let  us  make  an 
estimate,"  said  he,  "  of  the  vote  in  the  State  by  counties."  Pencil  and 
paper  were  put  in  use,  the  names  of  the  counties  set  down  in  alpha 
betical  order,  and  against  each  was  set  the  majority  it  gave  for  or 
against  the  Whigs  in  1842.  Then,  carefully  weighing  the  probabilities 
of  change  in  each,  another  column  was  made  of  the  estimated  majori 
ties  in  1844.  It  was  frequently  his  custom  to  calculate  in  this  way  the 
probable  results  of  a  canvass.  Noting  the  present  drift  of  public  sen 
timent,  and  knowing,  from  habit  and  experience,  the  probable  extent 
of  its  variation,  his  estimates  were  seldom  far  wrong.  There  would  be 
errors  in  regard  to  localities,  but  these  would  counterbalance  each 
other.  Neither  victory  nor  defeat,  therefore,  took  him  by  surprise.  In 
the  present  case,  after  the  figures  were  added  up,  the  column  showed  a 
majority  of  several  thousands  against  the  Whigs  in  the  State.  It  was 
discouraging  ;  but  all  attempts  to  obtain  a  better  showing  proved  in 
vain  ;  and  at  midnight  it  was  laid  aside  until  election -day. 

The  campaign  had  now  approached  its  end.  The  closing  meeting 
had  been  held  ;  the  last  torch-light  procession  had  marched  ;  the  chal 
lengers  had  been  appointed,  the  ballots  distributed,  the  polls  opened 
Tuesday,  the  5th  of  November,  for  the  conflict ;  and  the  country  in 
suspense  awaited  the  result.  But  there  was  not  long  to  wait.  Three 
hours  after  the  polls  had  closed  scattering  returns  from  adjacent  towns 
began  to  come  in.  All  showed  a  falling  off  in  the  Whig  vote.  The 
next  day  returns  came  pouring  in  by  mail  and  telegraph.  Polk  and 
Dallas  were  elected  beyond  a  doubt  ;  Silas  Wright  was  to  be  the  next 
Governor.  The  jubilant  Democrats  fired  feux  de  joie,  and  their  shouts 
of  exultation  around  their  hickory-poles  recalled  the  days  of  "  Old 
Hickory  "  himself.  The  "  Liberty  party  "  men  also  walked  the  streets 
erect  and  exultant.  They  had  polled  a  vote  exceeding  their  own  an 
ticipations  ;  one,  in  fact,  that  would  have  turned  the  scale  had  it  been 
cast  for  Clay.  They  had  "  rebuked  the  pro-slavery  parties,"  they  said, 


732  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

and  shown  the  strong  hold  their  principles  had  upon  the  Northern 
heart.  Only  the  Whigs  were  crushed  and  dispirited.  For  the  ardent 
supporters  of  Henry  Clay  it  was  no  ordinary  defeat  to  be  retrieved 
next  year  ;  it  was  gall  and  bitterness  ;  it  was  a  life-long  disappoint 
ment.  They  had  fondly  believed  for  years  that,  if  their  favorite  could 
be  fairly  placed  in  the  field  as  the  Whig  national  candidate,  his  elec 
tion  to  the  presidency  was  assured.  The  experiment  had  been  tried 
under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  and  had  failed.  It  could 
probably  never  again  be  repeated.  His  defeat  rung  the  knell  of  future 
hopes  to  so  many  that  it  was  common  to  hear  men  say  that,  since 
Clay  was  defeated,  they  "  had  no  more  interest  in  politics." 


CHAPTER  LVI. 
1844. 

Southern  Exultation.— Clay  defeated  by  Abolition  Votes.— His  Letter  to  Seward.— Gerrit 
Smith.— Weed  in  the  West  Indies.— Birth  of  a  Daughter.— Death  of  his  Mother.— 
Stage-coach  Accident. — A  Dislocated  Shoulder. — John  Stanton  Gould. 

A  WEEK  or  two  later  came  the  echo  of  rejoicing  at  the  South. 
Nashville  and  Charleston,  Mobile,  Savannah,  Richmond,  and  New  Or 
leans,  were  reported  to  be  in  "  a  blaze  of  Democratic  triumph,"  with 
salutes,  festivities,  and  speech-making.  It  was  a  "  Calhoun  victory," 
a  ''  Southern  victory."  The  annexation  of  Texas  was  assured.  It  was 
an  ominous  sign  for  the  abolitionists  that  they  were  found  rejoicing 
in  the  same  hour  with  the  slaveholders  ;  but  the  warning  it  conveyed 
fell,  for  the  moment,  upon  unheeding  ears. 

By  the  close  of  November  the  official  vote  of  the  State  was  ascer 
tained.  Polk  had  a  plurality  of  10,000  over  Clay,  while  15,000  votes 
had  been  cast  for  Birney.  Silas  Wright  was  chosen  Governor  by  a 
like  plurality  over  Fillmore.  The  vote  stood  :  Wright,  241,090  ;  Fill- 
more,  231,057  ;  Alvan  Stewart,  the  Liberty  party  candidate,  15,136. 

When  full  returns  from  all  parts  of  the  Union  had  been  received 
and  compared,  they  showed  that  Polk  and  Dallas  had  170  electoral 
votes  against  105  for  Clay  and  Frelinghuysen.  The  popular  vote  (in 
all  the  States  except  South  Carolina,  whose  electors  were  chosen  by 
the  Legislature)  was  1,335,834  for  Polk,  1,297,033  for  Clay,  and  64,653 
for  Birney. 

After  the  election  Seward  wrote  to  Weed  : 

AUBURN,  November  7,  1844. 

Well,  the  end  has  come !  and  how  terribly  it  has  come  to  those  who  would 
not  tolerate  the  counsels  of  prudence !  The  whole  town  here  are  amazed  by  the 


~> 


1844.]  LETTER  FROM   HENRY   CLAY.  733 

exhibition  of  my  estimates  foreshadowing  the  precise  defeat,  made  before  the 
election,  but  withheld  until  it  was  wanted  to  compare  results,  and  to  deter 
mine  the  measure  of  hope  that  might  be  indulged.  Your  visit  here  was  most 
agreeable  to  me,  though  the  weighty  matters  of  the  law  intruded,  and  broke 
off  our  communication. 

Excuse  me  to  King  and  Taylor  Hall  for  withholding  my  estimate  of  Cayuga. 
I  could  not  summon  resolution  enough  to  be  frank  with  them  on  that  point, 
when  they  were  making  such  efforts  that  ought  not  to  be  discouraged. 

When  must  you  go  southward?  It  seems  a  hard  thing  that  I  am  to  go 
through  a  long  winter  with  the  ordinary  intercourse  between  us  suspended ; 
but  Harriet's  health  demands  and  justifies  every  sacrifice.  Your  own,  I  fear, 
would  not  endure  the  rigor  of  our  season ;  so  go,  and  be  happy. 

To  Gerrit  Smith  he  wrote,  in  regard  to  the  result  and  his  future 
course  : 

You  do  me  no  more  than  justice  in  supposing  that  I  shall  continue  the  con 
test,  or,  rather,  my  exertions  in  the  contest  for  human  rights,  with  as  much  zeal 
as  ever ;  but  I  am  confounded  for  the  moment  by  the  magnitude  and  immi- 
nency  of  the  perils  to  which  the  cause  of  freedom  is  exposed,  by  the  sad  result 
of  the  recent  election.  It  would  be  unavailing  for  you  and  me  to  dispute  about 
the  responsibilities  for  that  result.  The  same  wide  difference  of  opinion  that 
has  hitherto  existed  in  regard  to  our  respective  courses  remains,  but  we  have, 
nevertheless,  a  common  devotion  to  the  common  cause.  All  the  efforts  of  all 
sincere  lovers  of  freedom  will  be  necessary  to  overtake  the  triumphant  spirit 
of  slavery,  and  trammel  up  the  consequences  of  the  sanction  of  the  conquest  of 
Texas  by  the  American  people.  You  are  committed  to  the  Liberty  party's  mode 
of  proceeding.  I  find  the  Whig  party  like  what  I  always  loved  to  imagine  it, 
firm,  fearless,  resolved,  in  the  very  hour  of  its  defeat.  I  believe  it  willing,  and 
yet  capable,  to  take  the  cause  of  freedom  into  its  keeping.  As  yet  I  see  no 
reason,  and  much  less  apparent  reason  now  than  heretofore,  to  distrust  its  in 
stincts  of  liberty  and  humanity.  Under  these  circumstances  I  shall  cheerfully 
abide  its  destinies,  and  wait  for  the  development  of  circumstances  and  occa 
sions  which  will  show  in  what  quarter,  and  in  what  manner,  the  great  war  in 
which  we  have  lost  so  important  a  battle  is  to  be  recommenced. 

The  great  statesman  who  had  been  overcome  in  the  contest  bore 
himself  with  a  dignity  befitting  his  reputation.  He  wrote  to  Seward  on 

the  20th  this  manly  and  generous  letter  : 

ASHLAND,  November  20, 1844. 

MY  DBAB  SIR  :  I  duly  received  the  two  letters  which  you  did  me  the  favor 
to  address  to  me,  one  written  immediately  after  the  interview  of  Mr.  Lee,  of 
Maryland,  with  you,  and  the  other  on  the  7th  instant,  after  the  termination  of 
the  presidential  election  in  New  York.  I  feel  greatly  obliged  by  your  prompt 
attention  to  my  request  communicated  through  Mr.  Lee. 

Throughout  this  whole  political  campaign  I  have  never  doubted  your  good 
intentions,  and  have  been  constantly  persuaded  of  your  having  employed  your 
best  exertions.  The  sad  result  of  the  contest  is  now  known ;  it  is  also  irrever 
sible,  and  we  are  only  left  to  deplore  that  so  good  a  cause,  sustained  by  so  many 
good  men,  has  been  defeated — defeated,  too,  by  a  combination  of  the  most  ex- 


734  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1844. 

traordinary  adverse  circumstances  that  perhaps  ever  before  occurred.  But  it  is 
now  useless  and  unavailing  to  speculate  upon  the  causes  of  the  unfortunate 
issue  of  the  contest.  We  are  also  too  much  under  the  excitement  which  it  pro 
duced,  and  under  depression  created  hy  that  issue,  calmly  and  deliberately  ta 
look  through  the  gloom  which  hangs  over  the  future.  It  will  be  time  enough 
to  do  that  after  the  public  has  recovered  from  the  disappointment  which  it  has 
just  experienced. 

As  for  myself,  it  would  be  folly  to  deny  that  I  feel  the  severity  of  the  blow 
most  intensely.  I  feel  it  for  myself,  but,  unless  my  heart  deceives  me,  I  feel  it 
still  more  for  my  country  and  my  friends.  I  had  hoped  to  have  been  an  hum 
ble  instrument  in  the  hands  of  Providence  to  arrest  the  downward  tendency 
of  our  Government.  I  had  hoped, to  have  it  in  my  power  to  do  justice  to  those 
able,  valuable,  and  virtuous  friends,  who  have  been  so  long  and  cruelly  pro 
scribed  and  persecuted.  But  it  has  been  otherwise  decreed,  and  my  duty  now 
is  that  of  resignation  and  submission,  cherishing  the  hope  that  some  others 
more  fortunate  than  myself  may  yet  arise  to  accomplish  that  which  I  have  not 
been  allowed  to  effect. 

You  are  in  the  prime  of  life,  endowed  with  great  ability,  and  I  trust  that 
you  will  long  be  spared  in  health  and  prosperity  to  render  great  and  good  ser 
vice  to  our  common  country. 

Such  will  continue  to  be  the  prayer  of  your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

H.  CLAY. 

As  usual,  after  a  defeat,  there  were  not  wanting  malcontents  who 
sought  to  charge  responsibility  for  it  upon  those  who  had  labored  to  avert 
it.  Some  of  the  journals  and  politicians  in  New  York,  who  had  for  a 
year  before  been  inveighing  against  "  Weed  and  Seward  "  for  luke- 
warmness  in  regard  to  Mr.  Clay,  now  accused  them  of  having  done  too 
much,  especially  of  having  brought  on  the  disaster  by  their  affiliations 
with  "  foreigners  "  and  "  abolitionists."  To  be  sure,  the  figures  of  the 
official  canvass  told  a  contrary  tale  ;  but  of  what  avail  are  figures  to 
counteract  deep-seated  prejudice  ? 

Mr.  Weed  was  about  departing  with  an  invalid  daughter  to  spend 
the  winter  in  the  genial  climate  of  Santa  Cruz.  In  his  letters  Seward 
referred  to  this  voyage  : 

AUBURN,  November  12,  1844. 

I  was  in  a  very  prosperous  law -business  in  May,  when  the  great  political 
commotion  arose.  It  took  me  out  of  my  business.  I  had  no  reliable  substi 
tute.  One  way  and  another  I  have  got  through  the  campaign,  and  what  busi 
ness  I  have  retained  crowds  upon  me  with  the  necessity  of  meeting  my  profes 
sional  adversaries  in  all  quarters  and  in  every  way,  now  in  New  York,  now 
in  Buffalo,  now  at  Utica,  now  in  Albany,  and  now  at  home.  That  is,  all  at  once. 
Nor  are  they  men  of  straw,  but  men  of  mettle.  I  confess,  then,  that  I  cannot 
go  to  Albany,  even  to  see  you,  before  your  departure,  much  less  go  to  New  York 
to  take  leave  of  Harriet  and  yourself.  Yet  I  cannot  let  you  depart  without 
seeing  you.  Pray  meet  me  at  Utica  on  Saturday  night.  I  will  leave  at  2 
p.  M.  and  spend  Sunday  there. 

You  have  a  very  right  article  in  Monday's  paper. 


1844.]  DEATH   OF  HIS   MOTHER.  735 

AUBURN,  November  26,  1844. 

Your  flying  epistle,  written  where  you  were  waiting  for  the  chill  blast  that 
petrifies  us,  while  it  wafts  you  to  sunny  climes,  was  received  this  morning. 

I,  like  you,  am  suspected  of  treason  to  the  Whig  chieftain,  because  responsi 
bility  must  be  cast  off  upon  us  by  those  who  led.  Silence  is  interpreted  guilt, 
sympathy  as  hypocrisy,  frankness  in  considering  the  causes  of  our  defeat  as 
exultation.  Happily,  the  judgment  to  be  passed  upon  both  you  and  me  will  be 
delayed  until  reason  takes  the  place  of  shame  and  mortification  on  the  part  of 
accusers,  and  sympathy  and  despondency  on  the  part  of  our  judges. 

I  believe  you  are  now  not  only  editor  of,  but  proprietor  in,  the  Evening  Jour 
nal.  It  is  a  happy  settlement.  The  country  press  grows  strong.  If  it  had 
been  so  in  years  past,  what  a  catastrophe  would  have  been  avoided ! 

I  am  on  the  tread-mill  here,  determined  to  keep  my  foothold.  In  haste 
and  in  much  contusion  I  send  this  brief  letter,  hoping  it  may  be  in  time  for  the 
first  packet. 

Swift  upon  the  heels  of  the  public  calamity  came  intelligence  be 
tokening  domestic  grief.  On  the  14th  a  letter  from  his  father  an 
nounced  the  prospect  of  a  fatal  termination  of  his  mother's  disease. 
Taking  the  train  the  same  afternoon,  he  went  immediately  to  Florida, 
whence  he  wrote  on  the  16th  to  Mrs.  Seward  : 

FLORIDA,  ORANGE  COUNTY,  November  16,  1844. 

I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  day-boat  on  the  river,  and  thus  we  were 
able  to  reach  this  place  at  six  last  evening.  My  mother,  it  appears,  became 
worse  immediately  after  I  left  on  my  last  visit,  and  continued  sinking  until  last 
Sunday,  when  they  thought  she  would  soon  expire  of  strangulation.  She  ral 
lied  again  on  Monday,  and  it  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  that  I  find  her  not 
only  living,  but  rational,  free  from  pain,  and  cheerful.  I  shall  wait  here  until 
Monday,  and  then  I  must  go  to  New  York.  If  I  hear  nothing  to  alarm  me 
while  there,  1  will  return  to  Albany  by  the  middle  of  the  week.  But  if,  as  I 
now  anticipate,  my  mother's  symptoms  should  become  more  unfavorable,  I  shall 
wait  for  the  end.  Her  bedside  is  instructive  since  she  exhibits  all  the  meekness 
and  all  the  affection  that  might  be  expected  from  one  whose  life  and  character 

had  been  so  blameless  and  amiable. 

NEW  YORK,  Wednesday,  November  20th. 

My  business  here  is  closed.  I  hare  received  a  letter  from  Florida,  saying 
that  my  mother  had  a  relapse,  and  they  had  no  expectation  of  her  surviving.  I 
shall  return  there  this  afternoon. 

A  temporary  recovery,  however,  followed  ;  giving  rise  to  delusive 
hopes  of  her  restoration  to  health.  Seward  returned  to  Auburn,  pass 
ing  a  month  in  professional  duties.  During  this  period  occurred  the 
birth  of  a  daughter,  who  was  named  Frances,  after  her  mother. 

Meanwhile,  the  air  was  filled  with  news  of  public  events  in  the  dis 
tant  capitals.  The  electoral  colleges  of  the  various  States  were  meet 
ing  and  recording  their  formal  suffrages  for  Polk  and  Dallas.  Con 
gress  had  assembled,  and  was  arranging  its  programme  for  the  annexa 
tion  of  Texas,  and  the  revision  of  the  tariff  ;  while  the  quidnuncs  and 


736  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1844. 

newspapers  were  busily  engaged  in  constructing  a  cabinet  for  the  new 
ly-elected  President.  Uneasy  doubts  were  afloat  as  to  the  possibili 
ties  of  war  with  England  about  the  Oregon  boundary,  and  of  war  with 
Mexico  about  Texas.  But  it  seemed  agreed,  by  the  Administration  men 
and  opposition  alike,  that  governmental  action  on  these  questions  was 
a  foregone  conclusion  ;  that  Texas  must  be  taken,  and  that  Oregon  must 
in  no  case  be  given  up. 

Another  summons  to  Florida  now  called  Seward  from  home.  He 
wrote: 

FLORIDA,  December  20,  1844. 

I  could  scarcely  describe  to  you  the  tedious  journey  I  had  from  Auburn. 
Of  course  I  was  detained  at  night.  The  river  was  closed  and  I  was  shut  in  at 
Albany  until  Tuesday  afternoon.  I  took  the  steamboat  at  Hudson,  and  made 
my  way  through  the  ice,  and  after  a  change  of  boats  reached  Newburg  at  two 
o'clock  on  Wednesday  morning.  There  I  learned  that  I  was  quite  too  late  for 
the  sad  occasion  which  called  me  from  home.  The  stage  delivered  me  at  Goshen, 
and  I  arrived  here  on  Wednesday  evening. 

My  dear  mother's  remains  were  committed  to  the  vault  on  Sunday  with  all 
the  observances  that  respect  and  affection  could  suggest.  I  went  into  the  house 
of  the  dead  yesterday  morning.  On  opening  the  coffin,  the  remains  were  found 
in  perfect  preservation,  and  the  triumph  of  death  appeared  to  be  only  the  sweet 
est  and  soundest  sleep.  I  could  not  resist  the  belief  that  the  closed  eye  was  just 
about  to  beam  upon  me,  and  the  lips  seemed  ready  to  break  out  with  a  blessing. 
I  lingered  there  until  the  majesty  of  death  seemed  to  be  offended  by  so  long  an 
intrusion. 

My  mother  retained  her  memory,  senses,  and  affections,  until  the  last.  Her 
last  inquiry  was  whether  there  was  a  letter  from  me,  and  whether  you  had  safely 
passed  through  your  crisis,  and  she  spake  audibly  within  five  minutes  of  her 
last  breath.  She  died  without  convulsion,  and  apparently  without  pain. 

I  shall  certainly  leave  here  on  Monday,  and  be  at  home  within  three  days. 
Perhaps  this  letter  may  come  later  than  I  to  our  common  destination.  I  can 
find  nothing  here  to  banish  recollections  of  you  and  relieve  the  solicitude  I  feel 
about  you  and  the  babe. 

The  river  was  closed  for  the  winter,  and  it  was  necessary  to  return 
to  Albany  by  stage-coach.  One  evening  in  the  following  week,  while 
the  family  at  Auburn  were  awaiting  his  coming  by  the  evening  train, 
the  mail  brought  instead  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Seward,  in  a  strange  hand. 

STOOKPOBT,  four  Miles  from  Hudson,  December  26th. 

I  am  detained  here  for  ft  day  or  two  by  the  upsetting  of  the  stage.  A  dislo 
cation  of  the  right  shoulder  obliges  me  to  trust  my  surgeon  to  write  for  me. 
The  dislocation  has  been  reduced,  and  I  am  not  otherwise  injured.  Do  not 
think  of  coming  or  sending  for  me. 

The  anxiety  and  alarm  which  this  produced  were  hardly  relieved  by 
the  more  circumstantial  account  of  the  accident  that  the  next  mail 
brought,  from  a  kind-hearted  Quaker  friend  : 


1844.]  A  DISLOCATED   SHOULDER.  737 

STOCKPORT,  COLUMBIA  COUNTY,  December  Nth. 

By  request  of  thy  husband,  I  write  to  inform  thee  that,  as  he  wrote  yester 
day,  he  was  thrown  from  a  seat  on  the  stage  with  the  driver,  by  the  breaking  of 
the  axle-tree.  He  was  removed,  without  much  pain,  to  the  house  of  Ezekiel 
Butler,  who  has  treated  him  with  much  kindness.  The  arm  was  dislocated  and 
the  hip  somewhat  bruised.  The  dislocation  was  reduced  immediately  by  Dr. 
Rush,  a  surgeon  of  the  neighborhood,  who  seemed  quite  competent  to  perform 
the  operation.  Since  then,  Drs.  W.  and  G.  H.  White  have  visited  him,  and  in 
stituted  a  very  thorough  examination,  which  resulted  in  the  conclusion  that  no 
other  injury  than  the  dislocation  of  the  arm  had  been  inflicted.  The  examina 
tion  is  to  be  resumed  to-day ;  but  he  has  no  doubt,  from  his  increasing  comfort, 
that  the  above  opinion  will  be  confirmed.  He  desires  me  to  say  that  he  is  doing 
as  well  as  possibly  can  be  expected,  and  has  no  doubt  that  he  will  be  able  to 
return  home  before  long,  and  he  desires  that  thou  wilt  not  think  of  coming  or 
sending,  as  everything  necessary  is  done  for  him,  and  as  the  exposure  would 
therefore  be  unnecessary.  William  Wood  knows  the  location  of  the  house 
where  he  is,  which  is  about  four  miles  from  Hudson,  and  ten  miles  south  of 
Kinderhook.  Thy  father  will  know  William  Wood,  of  Grover  Street. 

Very  respectfully  thy  friend, 

JOHN  STANTOX  GOULD. 

The  newspapers  also  brought  details  more  or  less  authentic.  He  had 
been  riding,  as  was  his  custom,  on  the  upper  seat  with  the  driver,  in 
order  to  smoke  and  look  at  the  country.  The  ground  was  frozen  hard, 
with  but  little  snow  ;  and  when  the  stage  broke  down  the  fall  was 
severe.  Happily,  the  other  passengers  escaped  with  slight  injuries. 
His  own,  though  very  painful,  and  involving  probably  a  stiffened  arm, 
wo-uld  not  cause  its  loss.  It  was  his  right  shoulder  and  hip  that  were 
disabled.  On  the  Sunday  following  the  disaster  he  contrived  to  write 

a  few  lines  with  his  own  hand  : 

STOCKPORT,  Sunday,  December  29tk. 

You  will  recognize  my  hand,  I  hope,  in  this  irregular  scrawl,  and  will  derive 
confidence  in  my  speedy  recovery.  My  right  arm  gradually  submits  itself  to 
my  wiD,  but  I  cannot  yet  rest  upon  it,  or  make  it  effective  with  a  cane.  At  the 
same  time  the  severe  sprain  of  the  muscles  of  my  right  leg  has  rendered  them 
even  more  useless  and  more  painful  than  the  disabled  arm.  In  consequence,  I 
have  not  been  able  to  get  in  or  out  of  bed,  to  lift  myself  into  a  sitting  posture, 
to  turn  over,  or  aid  myself  in  any  way.  My  severest  suffering  now  consists  in 
the  electric-like  shock  of  my  wounded  limb  whenever  I  cough.  But  I  am  going 
along  nicely.  Every  day  I  am  a  little  better,  and  I  shall  certainly  reach  home 
by  Thursday  or  Friday,  I  think.  I  want  Mr.  Morgan  to  write  to  the  Chief- 
Justice,  care  of  S.  Stevens  at  Albany,  stating  my  misfortune,  and  have  me  ex 
cused  from  attending  the  term  of  court  for  two  weeks.  This  family  and  com 
munity  are  kind  to  me  beyond  description.  Every  want  is  anticipated,  and  the 
whole  county  vie  in  manifestations  of  sympathy  and  offers  of  aid.  The  family 
nurse  me  here  tenderly.  .  .  .  [Here  it  becomes  illegible.] 

Friends  from  Albany,  among  them  Lewis  Benedict  and  Rufus 
King,  hastened  down  to  Stockport  to  visit  the  sufferer,  and  do  what 

47 


738  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1845, 

they  could  for  his  relief.  In  each  of  their  letters,  as  well  as  in  his  own, 
he  reiterated  his  request  to  Mrs.  Seward  not  to  think  of  leaving  home 
in  her  present  enfeebled  condition,  and  assuring  her  that  he  would 
soon  be  able  to  make  the  journey  homeward.  King,  his  former  Adju 
tant-General,  was  to  remain  in  the  vicinity,  having  gone  with  a  com 
pany  of  volunteers  as  a  part  of  the  military  force  under  the  proclama 
tion  of  Governor  Bouck  to  suppress  anti-rent  disturbances  in  Columbia 
County. 


CHAPTER  LVII. 
1845. 

Convalescence. — At  Work  again. — The  Greeley  and  Cooper  Case. — Folk's  Administration. 
— The  Antislavery  Movement. — Letter  to  Chase. — House  and  Grounds. — Birds  and 
Bogs. 

EARLY  in  January,  Seward  was  removed  to  his  home  in  Auburn. 
His  injuries  proved  to  have  been  more  severe  than  was  at  first  sup 
posed,  and  a  long  time  elapsed  before  he  had  completely  recovered 
from  them.  Impatient  to  resume  work,  he  insisted  upon  making  the 
painful  effort  to  reach  his  law-office,  on  crutches,  at  the  earliest  mo 
ment.  His  first  use  of  his  arm  was,  of  course,  to  write,  but  many 
months  passed  before  he  was  able  to  lift  it  to  his  head,  or  even  enough 
to  fasten  his  cravat.  It  was  not  until  March  that  he  was  able  to  write 
to  Mr.  Weed,  who  was  yet  at  Santa  Cruz  : 

ATJBUEN,  March  3,  1845. 

God  knows  whether  this  reply  to  your  kind  salutation  from  the  orange- 
groves,  in  mid-winter,  will  reach  your  retreat  before  you  have  taken  flight,  with 
the  bobolinks,  for  these  more  temperate  climes.  Still  I  cannot  deny  myself 
the  pleasure  of  writing.  We  are  all  rejoiced  to  hear  such  good  assurances  of 
Harriet's  recovery ;  and  we  try  to  think  that  you  suppress  all  mention  of  your 
own  disease  because  it  is  forgotten  in  convalescence.  Nevertheless,  we  know 
you  too  well  for  that.  I  was  indeed  sorely  bruised,  and  the  casualty  was  most 
unfortunate.  Two  months'  confinement  in  a  sick-chamber,  following  six  months' 
abstraction  from  business,  was  in  my  circumstances  a  great,  though,  God  be 
praised,  not  an  irretrievable  disaster.  But  I  am  now  well,  and  working  in  the 
midst  of  business  accumulating  beyond  my  powers. 

I  have  lost  my  mother,  but  she  has  gone  to  the  regions  of  the  blessed ;  and  I 
would  not  let  the  birds  and  flowers  charm  her  back  if  they  could.  Our  house  is 
cheered  with  the  advent  of  a  daughter — a  blessing  long  and  graciously  deferred. 

The  newspapers  tell  you  more  about  politics  than  I  could  prudently  write. 

After  illness  he  was  never  willing  to  spend  a  long  period  of  con 
valescence  in  the  sick-chamber.  He  was  always  out  rather  earlier  than 


1845.]  AT   WORK   AGAIN.  739 

either  the  nurse  deemed  prudent,  or  the  doctor  thought  wise.  Once 
out,  he  would  be  at  work,  even  at  the  risk  of  a  relapse. 

One  of  the  inconveniences  of  this  accident  was  that,  for  a  long  time, 
he  was  unable  to  shave  himself.  He  had  naturally  a  very  strong  beard. 
In  his  youth  it  was  the  inexorable  fashion  for  every  gentleman  to  be 
closely  shaven,  and  beards  or  mustaches  were  thought  to  imply  either 
a  foreigner  or  an  adventurer.  Though  the  fashion  changed,  he  adhered 
through  life  to  his  early  custom  of  shaving,  at  least  once  and  sometimes 
twice  a  day.  He  looked  with  little  favor  upon  the  innovation  since 
become  so  general.  When  asked  about  it,  he  used  to  relate  with  a 
smile  that,  once  in  his  youth,  he  was  beguiled  into  raising  a  pair  of 
whiskers,  but  when  they  grew  he  found  they  were  red,  like  Mr.  Van 
Buren's,  and  so  shaved  them  off  immediately. 

While  always  scrupulously  careful  in  regard  to  shaving,  etc.,  he 
bestowed  little  attention  upon  his  dress,  further  than  to  see  that  it  was 
neat,  and  conformed  to  the  general  usage.  He  habitually  wore  a  black 
suit,  though  he  occasionally  substituted  gray  clothes  for  traveling. 

After  laying  aside  his  crutches,  he  was  still  obliged  for  some  time  to 
use  a  cane.  When  completely  recovered,  he  did  not  relinquish  it,  but 
usually,  though  not  invariably,  took  it  when  going  out  to  walk. 

He  was  accustomed  to  say  that  it  was  a  convenience  after  reaching 
forty-five  years  to  have  a  cane  at  night  to  warn  him  about  steps  and 
curbstones  ;  and,  though  he  had  no  use  for  it  by  day,  he  carried  it  then 
in  order  to  remember  to  take  it  at  night. 

It  was  also  at  about  the  age  of  forty-five  that  he  put  on  his  first 
pair  of  spectacles,  having  been  warned  that  the  effort  to  do  without 
them,  especially  in  the  evening,  would  prove  injurious.  Always  after 
ward  it  was  his  habit  to  use  them  when  at  work,  but  he  took  them  off 
when  conversing  or  otherwise  engaged.  He  never  used  them  to  look 
at  people,  or  at  distant  objects.  For  such  purposes  his  eyes  always  re 
mained  sufficiently  good  without  assistance.  He  had  one  pair  of  light- 
framed  gold  spectacles,  and  another,  with  still  lighter  steel  frames,  kept 
in  reserve  when  the  first  should  be  lost.  But  in  this  respect  he  was 
fortunate,  as  they  were  seldom  mislaid,  perhaps  because  the  frequency 
with  which  he  took  book  or  pen  brought  the  habit  of  keeping  the 
spectacles  constantly  at  hand. 

Political  events  were  absorbing  public  attention  this  spring,  for  they 
were  of  high  importance.  The  joint  resolution  for  the  annexation  of 
Texas  had  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress.  While  receiving  the  support 
of  the  Democrats  in  general,  and  encountering  the  opposition  of  the 
Whigs,  yet  neither  party  was  quite  unanimous.  Twenty-three  Dem 
ocratic  representatives  had  had  the  independence  to  vote  against  it, 
and  four  Southern  Whigs  in  each  House  had  voted  for  it.  President 
Tyler  affixed  his  signature  in  approval  of  it  on  the  1st  of  March,  and 


74:0  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1845. 

the  next  day  dispatched  a  messenger  to  Texas  to  obtain  her  assent. 
In  three  days  more  his  Administration  and  the  Twenty-eighth  Con 
gress  ended.  But  they  gave  place  to  successors  equally  determined  to 
make  the  annexation  an  accomplished  fact. 

Toward  the  close  of  April,  Seward  wrote  to  Weed  : 

LYONS,  April  28, 1845. 

The  mail  of  last  night  brought  information  of  your  arrival.  I  left  Auburn 
at  sunrise  this  morning,  and  so  I  have  had  no  earlier  opportunity  to  bid  you  wel 
come.  You  are  very  wise,  and  I  doubt  not  have  properly  left  Harriet  to  a  few 
more  weeks'  exemption  from  our  fitful  northern  winds. 

I  think  that  you  will  find  political  affairs  here  in  a  way  of  quite  as  much 
prosperity  as  our  impulsive  and  short-sighted  friends  could  endure  without 
danger.  But  of  this  we  will  discourse  when  you  shall  have  sounded  the  ground. 
It  is  vacation  with  Fred,  who  attends  the  academy  at  Auburn,  with  Clarence, 
who  is  a  Freshman  at  Geneva,  and  with  Mary,  my  brother's  daughter,  who  is  a 
pupil  at  Auburn.  I  have  brought  them  all  here  to  enjoy  a  balmy  country  ride 
in  April.  Confining  myself  to  the  cause  I  came  here  to  try,  I  hope  to  leave  this 
town  to-morrow,  and  after  a  day  or  two  to  take  you  by  the  hand  in  Albany  on 
iny  way  to  New  York. 

What  strange  work  you  have  made  of  our  correspondence  during  the  winter ! 
It  is  fortunate  for  you  that  you  did  not  let  me  know  where  letters  would  find 
you.  If  ever  mortal  man  had  cause  to  sink  into  despondency  and  gloom,  it  was 
my  case  in  January  when  left  to  the  solitude  of  rny  sick-chamber.  But  it  is  all 
over.  Although  I  cannot  lift  my  hand,  even  to  greet  your  return  to  your  native 
land,  I  am  prosperous  and  cheerful. 

Called  again  to  New  York  the  first  week  in  May,  Seward  spent 
some  time  there  in  attendance  upon  the  Supreme  Court.  There  were 
several  causes  which  he  was  waiting  to  argue.  The  most  important  of 
them  was  the  libel-suit  of  Greeley  ads.  Cooper. 

ASTOR  HOUSE,  May  13,  1845. 

I  have  spent,  as  usual,  an  unprofitable  season  here.  Every  morning  I  have 
gone  to  court  at  ten,  expecting  that  I  should  that  day  reach  and  argue  my 
cause,  and  have  come  away  at  three,  when  the  court  adjourned,  without  having 
scarcely  seen  an  approximation  to  my  first  case. 

It  would  not  be  easy  to  give  you  the  impression  that  is  made  upon  me  by 
what  befalls  me.  It  is  far  less  kind  and  courteous  than  it  once  was,  and  yet 
there  is  a  great  melioration  of  the  prejudices  and  passions  excited  during  the 
past  three  or  four  years.  I  am  at  No.  11  of  the  Astor  House,  in  the  second 
story,  a  room  combining  the  comforts  of  a  parlor  with  that  of  a  dormitory. 
The  everlasting  clatter  of  Broadway  has  become  familiar  music.  Bowen  is 
with  me ;  we  breakfast  together  in  my  room,  and  I  see  little  of  the  crowd 
that  fills  up  this  huge  caravansary,  for  I  have  dined  at  home  but  twice,  and 
only  once  at  the  table-tfhote. 

I  have  seen  Mrs.  Bowen,  who  has  renewed  her  health  and  beauty,  the 
Doanes,  warm-hearted  and  grateful  as  in  the  first  hour,  the  Blatchfords,  the 
Minturns,  and  made  an  excursion  to  Paterson,  with  a  party  who  visited  Ros- 


1845.]  THE   GREELEY   AND   COOPER  CASE.  741 

well  L.  Colt  at  his  magnificent  palace.  By  contrast  with  this  I  dropped  on 
Saturday  night  into  the  quarters  of  Horace  Greeley,  where  I  witnessed  the 
efforts  of  a  speculative  philosopher  to  convert  the  present  modes  of  civilization 
into  an  anticipation  of  the  simplicity  and  frugality  of  the  Fourier  system. 

The  Greeley  case  stands  at  eighty-six,  and  the  court  are  now  hearing  fifty- 
five.  I  hope  to  be  heard  to-morrow  or  the  next  day. 

I  have  read  the  "  Vestiges  of  the  Natural  History  of  Creation,"  and  shall 
bring  it  with  me  for  your  perusal.  It  is  a  book,  valuable  at  least  because  it 
is  a  compendium  and  summary  of  the  instructions  given  by  astronomy  and  ge 
ology  down  to  the  most  recent  date.  It  teaches  a  bold  and  startling  cosmog 
ony,  and  invades  the  existing  theology  in  a  manner  which  draws  down  upon 
its  author  the  anathemas  of  the  clergy.  Its  theory  is  that  there  was  an  origi 
nal  design  in  creation,  and  that  the  universe  gradually  assumes  its  constitution 
by  fixed  and  invariable  laws  and  in  consequence  of  them,  and  that  the  prog 
ress  is  certain  and  inevitable  in  accordance  with  the  purposes  of  the  divine 
mind.  Of  course,  it  clashes  with  the  doctrine  of  a  special  superintendence  and 
constant  regulation  by  Providence,  and  is  said  to  tend  toward  pantheism. 

I  am  constantly  thinking  about  the  repairs  of  the  garden  and  the  grounds, 
and  have  at  last  hit  upon  a  plan  for  enlarging  our  parlor,  which  I  shall  be 
happy  to  submit  to  you  when  I  reach  home,  and  which  I  hope  we  may  carry 
into  effect  this  summer  if  it  meet  your  approval. 

The  "  Vestiges  of  Creation  "  here  alluded  to  was  the  pioneer  of 
several  works  based  upon  similar  theories,  which  have  attracted  more 
or  less  of  public  attention,  and  which  culminated  in  what  is  now 
known  as  the  Darwinian  theory.  It  had  as  yet  gained  no  very  strong 
party  of  adherents,  though  it  had  excited  some  curiosity  and  much 
criticism. 

The  improvements  at  Auburn  referred  to  were  a  continuation  of 
the  projects  of  former  years.  The  study  of  such  improvements  to 
house  or  grounds  was  a  kind  of  recreation,  recurring  each  season  when 
he  had  leisure  hours  at  home.  Two  or  three  different  plans  for  the 
enlargement  of  the  house  had  been  considered,  but,  as  one  objection 
and  another  presented  themselves,  had  been  laid  aside.  Meanwhile  he 
continued  each  spring  to  add  to  the  shrubbery  and  trees,  which,  as  they 
grew,  were  beginning  to  transform  door-yard  and  garden  into  groves 
and  thickets.  One  plan  adopted  this  year  had  long  been  a  favorite 
one.  This  was  to  take  away  all  the  interior  fences,  and  to  surround 
the  grounds  with  a  high,  dark -green  lattice. 

The  argument  in  the  Greeley  case  came  on  at  last.  A  brief  ex 
tract  from  his  speech  in  behalf  of  the  defendant  will  show  its  tenor  : 

The  undesigned  encroachments  on  personal  rights  in  the  law  of  libel  have 
at  length  brought  a  conflict  between  the  judiciary  and  the  press. 

The  press  is  a  necessary,  a  potential  institution  in  our  democratic  system. 
It  is  the  agent  by  which  the  people  acquire  the  information  they  need  in  re 
gard  to  the  conduct  of  every  department  of  the  government,  the  judicial  as 


LTFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1845. 

well  as  the  legislative  and  executive  authorities.  All  these  departments,  as 
well  as  the  public  conduct  of  all  citizens,  are  subjected  to  the  scrutiny  of  an 
all-powerful  and  all-controlling  public  opinion,  ascertained,  collected,  and  pro 
nounced,  by  the  public  press.  That  public  opinion  is  higher  than  courts,  and 
will,  when  it  is  necessary,  correct  even  judicial  errors.  The  conductors  of  the 
press  have  legitimate  functions  to  perform,  and  if  they  perform  them  honestly, 
fairly,  and  faithfully,  they  ought  to  be  upheld,  favored,  and  protected,  rather 
than  discouraged,  embarrassed,  and  oppressed.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is 
neither  wise,  nor  will  it  be  successful,  to  enforce  on  an  honest,  enlightened,  and 
patriotic  journal  the  rules  of  libel  established  in  the  worst  of  times  in  Eng 
land,  that,  if  a  publication  reflect  upon  any  man  or  magistrate,  it  shall  be  pre 
sumed,  without  proof,  and  against  all  rational  presumption  of  candor  and  fair 
ness,  that  the  error  was  intentional,  malicious,  and  malignant,  and  that  vindic 
tive  damages  shall  be  awarded  where  an  honest  but  unsuccessful  effort  to  justify 
is  made. 

Far  wiser  and  better  would  it  be  to  open  the  doors  wider  to  defense  in  such 
cases,  and  to  restore  the  ancient  English  law.  If  this  course  is  not  taken,  the 
action  of  libel  will,  more  and  more,  be  relinquished  by  good  men  for  whom  it 
was  designed,  and  be  left  to  fall  more  completely  into  the  hands  of  litigious 
and  corrupt  men,  as  an  engine  of  extortion  and  oppression. 

The  argument  was  published  on  the  22d  of  May,  and  Seward  was 
left  free  to  return  to  Albany. 

On  the  26th  he  wrote  to  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Samuel  Lewis,  and  oth 
ers,  in  reply  to  an  invitation  to  a  "  Southern  and  Western  Convention 
of  the  Friends  of  Constitutional  Liberty."  The  result  of  the  presi 
dential  election  of  the  preceding  year  had  shown  that  the  votes  cast 
for  Birney  had  been  ineffectual  in  stopping  the  annexation  of  Texas 
and  the  extension  of  slavery,  as  they  perhaps  might  have  done  if 
cast  for  Clay.  Wiser  counsels  were  now  prevailing  among  leaders  of 
antislavery  sentiment,  and  they  perceived  the  necessity  of  broader  and 
more  comprehensive  action.  The  letter  to  Seward  informed  him  that 
the  convention  would  not  be  composed  exclusively  of  members  of  the 
Liberty  party,  but  would  be  open  to  all  who  were  resolved  to  use 
every  constitutional  and  honorable  means  to  effect  the  extinction  of 
slavery  in  their  respective  States,  and  its  reduction  to  its  constitu 
tional  limits  in  the  United  States.  In  his  answer  he  remarked  : 

Men  differ  much  in  temperament  and  susceptibility,  and  are  so  variously 
situated  that  they  receive  from  the  same  causes  very  unequal  impressions.  It 
is  not  in  human  nature  that  all  who  desire  the  abolition  of  slavery  should  be 
inflamed  with  equal  zeal,  and  different  degrees  of  fervor  produce  different  opin 
ions  concerning  the  measures  proper  to  be  adopted.  Great  caution  is  neces 
sary,  therefore,  to  preserve  mutual  confidence  and  harmony. 

I  am  far  from  denying  that  any  class  of  abolitionists  has  done  much  good 
for  their  common  cause,  but  I  think  the  whole  result  has  been  much  diminished 
by  the  angry  conflicts  between  them,  often  on  mere  metaphysical  questions.  I 
sincerely  hope  that  these  conflicts  may  now  cease. 


1845.J  THE   SLAVERY   QUESTION.  743 

In  many  of  the  free  States  there  is  a  large  mass  of  citizens  disfranchised  on 
the  ground  of  color.  They  must  be  invested  with  the  right  of  suffrage.  Give 
them  this  right,  and  their  influence  will  be  immediately  felt  in  the  national  coun 
cils  ;  and,  it  is  needless  to  say,  will  be  cast  in  favor  of  those  who  uphold  the 
cause  of  human  liberty.  We  must  resist  unceasingly  the  admission  of  slave 
States,  and  urge  and  demand  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
We  have  secured  the  right  of  petition,  but  the  Federal  Government  continues 
to  be  swerved  by  the  influences  of  slavery,  as  before.  This  tendency  can  and 
must  be  counteracted.  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  may  be  initiated,  and 
the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  emancipation  will  no  longer  appear  insurmountable. 

The  slavery  question  was  not  only  beginning  to  be  a  disorganizing 
element  in  politics,  but  was  entering  into  religious  discussions.  The 
Methodists,  North  and  South,  were  becoming  arrayed  in  two  antago 
nistic  organizations.  The  Presbyterian  conventions  and  General  Assem 
bly  were  debating,  though  not  dividing,  and  there  was  an  uneasy  feel 
ing  among  other  denominations  as  to  the  path  of  religious  duty  on 
the  subject.  The  disputants  on  both  sides  were  earnest,  and  doubtless 
generally  sincere.  Each  found,  or  thought  they  found,  in  the  Script 
ures,  warrant  for  their  belief.  The  antislavery  men  were  clear  that 
to  hold  a  fellow-being  in  slavery  was  incompatible  with  the  golden 
rule  of  the  New  Testament,  while  the  pro-slavery  men  intrenched 
themselves  behind  the  anathema  of  the  Old  Testament,  "  Cursed  be 
Canaan." 

Albany  remained  the  scene  of  Democratic  discord  up  to,  and  even 
after,  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature.  When  that  body  finally  sep 
arated,  it  was  evident  that  the  "  Barnburners  "  had  gained  ground  in 
the  struggle.  The  Constitutional  Convention  project  had  been  adopted. 
Governor  Wright  had  vetoed  the  canal  bill,  and  was  claimed  to  be  in 
entire  sympathy  with  that  faction.  He  had  even  addressed  a  letter  to  a 
"  Barnburner  "  meeting.  Each  party  issued  an  address  to  the  people, 
recapitulating  the  events  of  the  session,  and  justifying  their  own  action. 

Affairs  at  Washington  were  moving  rapidly  and  steadily  on  in  the 
direction  given  to  them  at  the  presidential  election.  Mr.  Folk's  Ad 
ministration  was  dispensing  patronage  amid  a  "  rush  for  spoils,"  and 
vigorously  pushing  the  Texas  scheme.  The  Oregon  question  con 
tinued  to  excite  apprehensions  of  difficulty  with  England.  Two  im 
portant  measures  had  been  inaugurated,  however,  about  which  there 
was  no  party  dispute.  One  was  the  construction  of  lines  of  telegraph 
along  the  lines  of  the  principal  railways.  The  other  and  kindred  meas 
ure  of  progress  was  cheap  postage,  which  was  now  to  have  a  trial. 
The  rates  were  reduced  to  five  and  ten  cents  for  short  and  long  dis 
tances.  Immediately  the  volume  of  letters  in  the  mails  began  to  per 
ceptibly  increase.  Inventors,  too,  found  a  new  field  in  devising  deli 
cate  scales  for  ascertaining  the  half -ounce  weight. 


744  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1845. 

One  evening  this  summer  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Seward  were  gratified  by  a 
visit  from  their  old  friends,  Governor  and  Mrs.  Davis,  of  Massachusetts, 
who  paused  over  Sunday  on  their  way  to  Niagara.  Next  morning 
they  resumed  their  journey,  with  mutual  regrets  that  they  did  not  live 
nearer  together,  where  they  could  meet  oftener  than  once  in  a  twelve 
month.  Among  other  visitors  with  whom  he  exchanged  civilities,  while 
passing  through  Auburn  this  summer,  were  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Abbott  Law 
rence,  who  were  on  their  way  to  spend  Sunday  at  Mr.  Granger's,  and 
to  go  thence  to  Niagara.  Auburn  was  at  this  period  on  the  main 
line  of  travel  from  Albany  to  Buffalo;  and,  as  it  was  a  convenient  half 
way  point  in  the  two  days'  journey,  many  travelers  preferred  to  stop 
overnight.  The  hotels  were  doing  a  prosperous  business,  which  dimin 
ished  as  the  facilities  for  more  rapid  travel  increased.  Seward's  house 
was  seldom  without  guests  in  the  summer  season.  The  welcome  which 
always  awaited  his  friends,  and  the  various  political  or  professional 
questions  upon  which  he  was  engaged,  brought  so  many  visitors  that 
it  was  not  unfrequently  a  puzzling  question  where  guests  were  to  sleep. 
It  was  partly  from  this  cause  that  the  house  was  so  frequently  enlarged 
by  additions.  Each  summer  since  he  came  from  Albany  he  had  been 
making  repairs  and  improvements.  Some  of  his  friends  looked  with 
regret  upon  these  evidences  of  his  intention  to  continue  to  reside  per 
manently  at  Auburn  ;  and  several,  at  different  times,  endeavored  to 
convince  him  that  the  State  or  national  capital,  or  the  city  of  New 
York,  offered  a  far  more  convenient  and  congenial  field  for  professional 
or  political  effort,  and  urged  him  to  change  his  residence.  But  his 
preference  for  Auburn  grew  deeper  as  time  went  on  ;  and,  for  the  resi 
due  of  his  life,  he  always  regarded  it  as  his  only  real  home,  and  the 
one  to  which  he  was  always  intending  to  return.  Mrs.  Seward's  strong 
attachment  for  the  home  of  her  childhood  doubtless  had  great  influence 
upon  his  purpose.  He  used  to  humorously  tell  her,  however,  that  by- 
and-by  it  would  be  she  who  would  wish  to  move  away.  "Your  boys 
will  grow  up,  and,  like  the  rest  of  the  world,  will  go  to  the  West. 
Would  you  be  content  to  live  away  from  your  children  ?  No  !  You, 
like  a  good  mother,  will  follow  your  boys  ;  and  I,  like  a  good  husband, 
shall  have  to  follow  you." 

The  completion  of  the  high,  green  fence,  and  the  two  square  col 
umns  of  rough  stone  at  each  side  of  the  gate,  the  gravel- walk  along 
the  front,  and  the  putting  of  new  roofs  upon  the  buildings,  it  was  con 
cluded,  would  be  enough  of  improvement  for  the  present  year,  and  the 
plans  for  interior  alteration  were  deferred. 

There  was  never  a  time  when  the  house  at  Auburn  was  without  its 
dogs  and  cats  and  birds.  Though  not  a  connoisseur  in  any  species  of 
pet  animals,  he  liked  them  all,  and  had  no  aversions.  His  letters  occa 
sionally  refer  to  them  by  name.  A  favorite  project  of  his,  though 


1845.]  BIRDS  AND   DOGS.  745 

never  carried  into  execution,  was  to  construct  an  aviary  in  the  garden, 
"  if  he  should  ever  be  rich  enough." 

Dick  and  Bob,  the  canary  and  mocking  bird  so  often  alluded 
to,  had  been  great  favorites  at  Albany,  and  were  brought  hence  to 
Auburn.  Both  were  fine  singers.  Their  cages  used  to  hang,  in  sum 
mer,  on  the  branches  of  a  tree  in  the  garden.  Their  winters  were 
passed  either  in  the  library  or  hall  ;  and  the  former  never  failed  in  his 
chirp  of  welcome  to  his  master  in  return  for  his  greeting. 

"  Snip  "  was  a  reddish-brown  spaniel,  who  had  come  to  the  house 
under  circumstances  leading  to  the  suspicion  that  he  had  been  harshly 
treated  in  his  former  home,  wherever  that  might  be.  He  had  learned 
various  tricks  of  standing,  sitting  up,  begging,  jumping,  climbing,  etc., 
and  was,  of  course,  at  once  a  great  favorite  with  the  children. 

Great  was  their  consternation,  one  day,  when  a  boy  appeared,  who 
announced  himself  as  Snip's  owner,  and  led  him  away  by  a  rope.  But 
three  hours  later  Snip  reappeared  with  a  huge  piece  of  iron  dangling 
from  his  neck,  intended  to  keep  him  from  jumping  the  fences,  but 
which  had  failed  of  its  purpose.  Not  long  after  followed  the  owner,  to 
reclaim  his  "  fugitive  from  service."  But  Seward,  willingly  yielding 
to  the  children's  entreaties,  bought  the  dog.  Thenceforward  Snip 
remained  a  member  of  the  family  for  life. 

The  grounds  about  the  house,  in  fact,  were  always,  more  or  less,  a 
city  of  refuge  for  unfortunate  animals.  Stray  dogs  or  cats,  finding 
food  and  shelter,  were  much  inclined  to  take  up  their  permanent  abode 
there. 

The  birds  very  early  learned  that  no  fowling-piece  was  allowed  on 
the  premises,  and  the  consequence  was  that  the  trees  were  vocal  with 
matin  and  even  song  of  robins,  sparrows,  cat-birds,  and  orioles.  The 
city  grew  up  around  the  grove,  but  the  birds  never  forsook  their  accus 
tomed  haunt.  Swallows  twittered  in  the  chimneys,  and  blackbirds 
chattered  in  the  tree-tops.  It  was  one  of  his  especial  pleasures  to  sit 
on  the  terrace  at  sunset  to  watch  and  listen  to  the  birds  returning  to 
their  nests. 

On  one  occasion  he  invited  his  guests  to  rise  with  him  at  daybreak 
on  a  May  morning  to  solve  a  doubt  which  had  arisen  as  to  whether  the 
morning  voice  of  birds  was  really,  as  poets  fancy,  a  hymn  of  praise, 
or  was  merely  family  squabbling  as  to  who  should  get  up  first  and  get 
breakfast. 

The  events  of  the  summer  had  some  features  of  interest  and  impor 
tance.  Nearly  every  week  brought  conflicting  reports  from  the  national 
capital  :  one  day,  "  rumors  of  wars,"  and  the  next,  assurances  of  peace 
through  diplomacy.  But,  in  any  case,  it  was  asserted,  Texas  was  to 
be  annexed,  and  Oregon  to  be  retained. 

The  discussions  about  Oregon,  and  the  probability  of  ordering  troops 


746  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1845. 

thither  in  view  of  frontier  troubles,  had  the  effect  of  stimulating  emi 
gration  to  that  region.  Trains  of  covered  wagons,  loaded  with  fami 
lies  and  household  goods,  were  already  in  motion  from  the  Western  cit 
ies,  on  the  long  and  weary  journey  across  the  Plains  toward  the  Colum 
bia  River. 

In  the  State,  the  Whig  newspapers  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Seward's  policy  in  regard  to  the  New  York  common  schools,  which 
was,  a  few  years  before,  the  theme  of  so  much  contention,  was  now  in 
successful  operation,  creating  hardly  a  ripple  of  dissent. 

The  temperance  reform  continued  to  make  progress.  The  Astor 
House  was  to  be  put  on  the  temperance  plan.  A  new  temperance 
hotel  was  to  be  opened  in  Albany,  under  the  title  of  the  "  Delavan 
House."  The  question  of  "license  or  no  license"  was  to  be  determined 
by  the  residents  of  each  town,  and  it  was  confidently  expected  that,  in 
the  rural  districts,  the  sale  of  liquor  for  intoxicating  purposes  would 
thus  be  prohibited,  and  licenses  only  permitted  in  the  larger  cities. 

A  novel  enterprise,  having  the  flavor  of  the  romances  of  the  "  Pi 
rate's  Own  Book,"  was  in  progress  this  summer,  at  the  foot  of  the  Dun- 
derberg,  on  the  Hudson  River.  The  steamboat  captains  pointed  out  as 
they  passed  the  spot  where  dupes  of  the  project  were  wasting  their 
money  upon  a  coffer-dam,  derricks,  etc.,  in  the  vain  hope  of  getting 
more  from  the  bottom  of  the  river.  There,  as  the  tale  ran,  the  pirate 
Captain  Kidd  had  sunk  a  vast  amount  of  gold,  silver,  jewels,  and  other 
booty. 

One  day  in  June  a  case  at  Oswego  called  Seward  there  to  court. 
Taking  a  light  wagon,  and  accompanied  by  one  of  his  sons,  he  drove 
over  from  Auburn,  crossing  the  Seneca  River,  and  skirting  along  the 
beach  of  Lake  Ontario.  The  long  summer  day  was  just  drawing  to  a 
close  as  they  entered  the  streets  of  Oswego  and  found  the  villagers 
gazing  expectantly  toward  the  fort  on  the  heights  overlooking  the  har 
bor.  At  sunset  the  guns  pealed  forth  a  funeral  salute  to  the  memory 
of  an  ex-President.  The  death  of  General  Jackson  had  just  been  offi 
cially  announced  from  Washington. 


1845.]  WESTERN  TRIP.  747 

CHAPTER  LVIII. 

1845. 

Trip  to  Lake  Superior. — Cleveland. — Detroit. — Lake  Huron. — The  Chippewas. — The  Mani- 
tou. — French  Missionaries. — Mackinac. — Henry  R.  Schoolcraft. — Sault  Ste.  Marie. — 
Down  the  Rapids.— Wigwam-Life. 

THE  opening  of  July  found  Seward  arranging  his  professional  af 
fairs  with  reference  to  a  protracted  absence.  He  had  decided  to  accom 
pany  his  friends  Bowen  and  Hawley  up  the  Great  Lakes,  for  a  summer 
excursion.  Mrs.  Bowen  was  to  remain  with  Mrs.  Seward,  at  Auburn, 
while  their  husbands  were  absent  on  the  trip.  Mr.  Hawley  was  to  join 
them  at  Buffalo. 

The  story  of  his  journey  was  given  in  the  letters  which  he  wrote 
home  from  various  points  on  the  way. 

AMERICAN  HOTEL,  BOTFALO,  July  9th. 

The  steamship  waits  impatiently,  and  the  omnibus  is  at  the  door ;  in  another 
hour  we  shall  be  on  the  wave.  Our  party  remains  without  enlargement,  Colonel 
Bowen,  Mr.  Hawley,  and  myself.  We  shall  touch  at  Fairport  and  at  Cleveland, 
and  reach  Detroit  to-morrow  morning ;  thence  to  Mackinac,  where  we  go  to 
the  Sault  Ste.  Marie.  Our  plans  are  not  fixed  further  than  this,  but  will  be  modi 
fied  by  circumstances  and  regard  to  time.  We  had  a  visit  of  six  hours  at  Canan- 
daigua,  arrived  at  Rochester  at  three  this  morning,  left  there  at  eight,  and  dined 
here. 

Adieu,  till  you  hear  of  us  in  the  West. 

CLEVELAND,  Thursday,  July  10th. 

Our  noble  boat,  after  making  great  speed  to  this  port,  atones  for  it  by  loiter 
ing  eight  long  hours  under  the  sandy  bluffs  of  Cleveland.  The  weather  is  in 
tensely  hot.  We  have  killed  two  hours  by  a  ride  through  the  town,  and  one  by 
dinner. 

I  could  sleep,  I  suppose,  but  it  seems  much  better  to  write  a  flying  note  to 
you. 

Night  closed  upon  us,  a  bright  and  balmy  night,  as  we  passed  Point  Albino. 
The  lake  was  as  smooth  as  a  meadow.  I  was  weary,  and  found  my  bed  early  ; 
and  such  a  bed !  it  would  tempt  even  you  to  an  excursion  on  the  Lakes.  The 
Wisconsin  is  a  floating  palace,  two  hundred  feet  long.  It  has,  besides  accommo 
dations  for  freight  and  steerage-passengers,  three  long  cabins  or  saloons,  and 
forty  or  fifty  state-rooms.  One  of  them,  as  large  as  my  own  bedroom  at  home, 
is  set  apart  for  the  captain's  use.  It  has  a  large  French  bedstead,  with  a  mat 
tress  ;  and  there  are  a  table,  and  sofa,  and  three  mahogany  chairs.  The  room 
opens  to  the  air,  and  is  perfectly  ventilated  abaft  the  wheels.  It  is  quiet  and 
secluded. 

I  looked  out  this  morning  upon  a  smooth  sea,  which  had  no  landmarks.  At 
eight  o'clock  we  dropped  in  at  Fairport,  the  haven  of  Painesville,  at  the  mouth 
of  Grand  River.  Three  hours  afterward  we  made  this  harbor.  Cleveland  was 
a  village  of  twenty-five  hundred  people  when  I  was  here  in  1829  ;  now  it  num 
bers  twelve  thousand,  and  rejoices  in  the  franchises  and  fame  of  a  city. 


748  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1845. 

The  streets  are  sandy,  but  imperfectly  paved.  The  town  is  at  the  termina 
tion  of  the  Ohio  Canal,  which  connects  the  Ohio  River  with  the  lake,  a  wedding 
of  the  Mississippi  with  the  St.  Lawrence.  I  have  never  seen  a  neater  or  more 
beautiful  town  than  Cleveland,  and  yet  it  is  not  a  novel  sight  to  the  New  York 
traveler.  It  is  built  like  the  New  York  towns — like  Rochester,  Buffalo,  Geneva, 
Auburn,  and  Syracuse.  It  affects  New  York  manners  and  taste.  Imitation  of 
New  York  meets  you  everywhere.  The  merchants  display  this  ambition  very 
ostentatiously:  "New  York  &  Ohio  Line,"  "New  York  Emporium,'1  "New 
York  Grocery  Store,"  etc.,  etc. 

Colonel  Bowen,  Mr.  Hawley,  and  I,  rode  through  the  streets,  parks,  and 
beautiful  suburbs,  looking  upon  the  lake,  and  then  returned  to  the  boat  to  dine. 

Here  I  have  been  visited  by  an  occasional  caller,  and  now  we  are  impatient 
to  renew  our  travels.  What  a  power  there  is  in  steam !  Since  Monday  morn 
ing  there  have  been  four  days.  I  have  been  at  Auburn,  at  Utica,  at  Auburn 
again,  at  Canandaigua,'  at  Buffalo,  and  here,  two  hundred  miles  from  the  latter 
place ;  have  slept  every  night,  and  had  many  hours  of  rest  in  every  place. 

Our  boat  bears  one  passenger  who  exhibits  himself  as  a  "  reformed  gam 
bler,"  and  is  of  course  quite  a  lion.  He  delivered  what  he  called  a  lecture, 
in  the  cabin,  this  morning.  It  consisted,  chiefly,  in  giving  an  account  in  detail 
of  low  and  cunning  frauds,  practised  by  him  upon  dupes  before  his  reformation. 
And  he  illustrated  by  exhibiting  the  modes  of  cheating  at  cards.  How  very  un 
suspecting  this  world  is !  I  could  plainly  see  that  he  enjoyed  a  high  and  pleas 
ing  excitement  in  narrating  his  villainies ;  yet  his  simple  audience  were  satisfied 
that  he  was  a  saint  not  excelled  but  by  St.  Paul. 

"We  leave  the  wharf  here  at  eight  to-night,  and  in  eight  hours  will  reach  De 
troit.  I  shall  be  abroad  early  in  the  morning  to  see  the  straits  at  Maiden,  and 
the  river  that  stretches  from  the  lake  to  Detroit. 

We  remain  at  that  place  only  three  hours,  and  those  too  early  to  allow  us  to 
visit  anybody.  We  are  obliged  to  go  on  in  order  to  secure  an  entrance  to  Lake 
Superior. 

STEAMER  WISCONSIN,  ON  LAKE  HURON,  ) 
Saturday  Morning,  July  V2fh.        f 

We  have  reeled  off  seven  hundred  miles,  and  still  our  course  is  onward. 
Lake  St.  Clair  is  separated  from  Lake  Erie  by  the  river  Detroit,  which  is  a 
majestic  stream  about  fifty  miles  long.  The  part  of  the  river  below  Detroit  is 
filled  with  beautiful  islands ;  the  shores  are  low  and  often  marshy.  Above  De 
troit  the  river  has  several  courses,  flowing  through  an  almost  boundless  marsh. 
At  a  distance  of  seven  miles  there  are  sand-bars  which,  offer  an  ineffectual  barrier 
to  the  floods  of  Lake  Huron.  As  we  approach  Lake  Huron,  the  channel  is  very 
narrow,  and  the  course  of  vessels  is  indicated  by  stakes,  fixed  in  the  sand-bars, 
and  projecting  above  the  water. 

Passing  these,  we  found  the  river  contracted  into  a  narrow,  deep,  rapid  flood, 
with  a  current  of  five  miles  an  hour.  Surmounting  this,  we  emerged  upon  the 
vast  flood  of  Lake  Huron.  We  came  up  the  St.  Clair  with  a  south  wind  under 
the  fierce  blaze  of  a  July  sun.  As  we  floated  into  the  Lake,  a  strong  north  wind 
saluted  us  with  revivifying  sternness.  We  kept  within  a  mile  or  two  of  the 
American  shore,  and-  for  hour  after  hour  saw  the  British  shore  recede  from  us, 
until  only  a  wide  waste  of  waters  lay  at  our  right  hand.  A  road  presses  the 
river-bank  of  the  St.  Clair  on  either  side,  with  habitations  and  towns  less  elegant 


1845.]  THE   FRENCH   MISSIONARIES.  749 

than  those  we  see  in  our  older  regions,  but  still  evincing  a  respectable  degree  of 
improvement. 

Fort  Gratiot  is  at  the  mouth  of  Lake  Huron,  and  presented  the  neat,  quiet 
Aspect  of  a  military  post  in  a  time  of  profound  peace. 

We  have  now  followed  six  hundred  miles  the  line  which  separates  our  country 
from  the  sister  republic  that  is  content  to  remain  a  dependency  on  a  European 
state.  At  some  places  the  shores  of  the  two  countries  are  seventy  or  eighty 
miles  apart ;  at  others  the  people  can  hail  each  other  across  the  channel. 

Our  hospitable  steward  spread  for  us  last  night  a  supper  of  woodcock,  oys 
ters,  and  lobster.  Of  course,  we  made  a  late  sitting.  When  we  awoke  this 
morning  we  had  passed  Saginaw  Bay.  The  Thunder  Bay  Island,  Presque  Isle, 
and  the  western  shore  of  the  lake  bay,  stretched  out  at  our  left  hand.  Before 
us,  and  on  our  right,  was  a  boundless  sea,  and  behind  us  the  waves  were  lighted 
up  with  the  blaze  of  the  sun. 

At  ten,  last  night,  we  passed  a  fire  on  the  shore,  and  since  that  the  spy-glass 
discloses  no  sign  of  human  habitation.  Northern  Michigan  lies  off  at  our  left, 
an  unbroken  forest  of  vast  extent. 

We  are  now  following  the  shore  as  it  winds  to  the  northwest,  and  three  or 
four  hours'  sail  will  bring  us  to  the  straits  of  Michiliinackinac.  It  is  a  hundred 
and  seventy  years  since  the  white  man  reached  these  straits.  He  came  in  the 
character  of  a  missionary — a  Jesuit.  He  found  the  red  children  of  the  forest 
worshiping  the  unknown  god,  the  Manitou,  and  Lake  Superior  was  the  home 
of  the  divinity,  and  the  Greater  and  Lesser  Manitoulin  Islands,  in  Lake  Huron, 
the  Olympus,  where  he  loved  to  be  worshiped,  and  to  reveal  his  will  to  those 
who  sought  him.  The  Jesuits  planted  the  cross  on  those  favored  spots,  and  re 
vealed  to  them  that  Jehovah  was  the  Manitou ;  that  he  had  descended  to  the 
earth  in  the  far-distant  regions  where  the  sun  rises,  had  taken  upon  himself  the 
nature  and  form  of  man  for  his  redemption,  had  again  put  off  mortality  and 
ascended  to  the  skies,  and  had  sent  the  white  man  to  his  red  brother  to  win  him 
from  the  savage  rites  of  the  forest  to  the  abodes  of  bliss  by  the  practice  of  virtue. 
How  persuasive  was  the  first  mission  of  the  white  man  in  this  northern  region ! 
How  different  from  the  spirit  in  which  Christianity  came  to  the  red  man  in  the 
southern  regions  of  the  continent !  There  it  came  with  chains,  fire,  and  sword, 
and  it  waged  a  war  of  extermination.  Here  it  came  in  the  prayers  of  the  mis 
sionary  and  the  martyr.  The  Jesuit  shrived  the  savage  who  felled  him  to  the 
earth  with  his  tomahawk.  The  southern  missionary  and  the  northern  taught 
the  same  faith — the  Latin  creed.  But  the  missionary  to  Peru  was  a  Spaniard ; 
the  missionary  to  Huron  was  a  Frenchman.  Can  it  be  that  the  national  charac 
ters  of  these  people  made  this  strange  difference  ? 

But  where  now  is  the  French  missionary?  He  sleeps  in  the  valleys  of  the 
West.  And  the  simple  races  into  whose  wondering  ears  he  poured  the  mysteries 
of  Christ's  incarnation  ?  They  have  been  driven  with  the  elk  and  the  buffalo  be 
yond  the  Mississippi ;  and  the  white  man  is  crowding  all  into  the  Pacific. 

SATJLT  STE.  MARIE,  Tuesday,  July  \±th. 

I  have  come  from  the  little  crowded  tavern  on  shore  to  the  steamboat,  that 
lies  at  the  foot  of  the  Sault,  to  take  leave  of  you  before  I  resume  my  pilgrimage 
to  Lake  Superior.  The  passengers  have  all  gone  ashore,  the  deck  of  the  boat  is 
clear  of  obstruction,  and  Betsey,  the  half-breed  chambermaid,  has  brought  out 


750  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1846, 

from  the  cabin  a  mahogany  stand.  I  have  promised  her  that,  for  all  this  kind 
ness,  she  shall  have  all  that  the  new  post-office  law  saves  me  in  postage  on  this 
letter.  Well,  here  we  are,  at  the  foot  of  the  Rapids  of  St.  Mary.  Tradition 
and  imagination  are  entitled  to  half  the  merit  of  all  the  importance  they  own. 
Jf  you  can  find  a  map  at  all  perfect,  you  will  find  that  there  is  a  west  passage  on 
the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Huron,  between  Drummond  Island  and  Sugar  Island. 
We  sailed  from  Mackinac  across  the  lake,  and  entered  this  passage,  which  is 
the  debouche  of  the  St.  Mary,  and  we  floated  up  its  strong  current,  now  wide 
as  Tappat  Bay,  and  now  contracted  to  the  width  of  the  Oswego  River — passing 
a  thousand  beautiful  islands,  and  seeing  a  hundred  nameless  hills,  which  take 
the  importance  of  mountains,  while  the  national  flag,  seen  floating  from  the 
battlements  of  Fort  Brady,  signified  to  us  that  we  were  at  the  Sault. 

Happily  General  Brady  and  his  suite  were  on  board  the  boat.  They  had 
come  for  the  annual  inspection  and  review.  So  we  landed,  under  a  salute  given 
to  the  general  from  the  fort.  This  place  has  from  time  immemorial  been  a 
station  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  of  the  American  Fur  Company,  of  the 
Catholic  and  the  Protestant  missionaries,  and  it  has  therefore  happened  that  the 
banks  of  the  river,  for  a  mile  or  more  on  both  sides,  are  crowned  with  rude 
farm-houses  and  assume  some  appearance  of  civilization.  The  Rapids  of  St. 
Mary  are  less  majestic  than  those  of  the  Niagara,  and  more  imposing  than  those 
on  the  Mohawk.  They  reach  the  length  of  one  mile,  and,  above  that  distance, 
the  river  flows,  as  we  are  told,  in  a  broad,  deep  current.  It  is  twenty  miles 
from  the  head  of  the  rapids  to  the  lake. 

There  may  be  fifty  dwellings  here,  chiefly  of  French  and  Indian  half-breeds. 
We  slept  last  night  nine  in  a  room,  and  our  table  at  the  hotel  was  of  the  rudest 
kind.  Last  evening  I  walked  into  what  is  called  "  The  Bower,"  a  wood  that 
lies  along  the  rapids  on  the  American  shore.  I  found  it  filled  with  Indian  wig 
wams,  and  their  tenants  a  harmless,  inoffensive  people,  ignorant  of  our  lan 
guage,  and  not  offended  by  our  intrusion  into  their  circle  while  they  were  pre 
paring  their  rude  evening  meal  of  potatoes.  An  hour  afterward  an  Indian 
half-breed  gentleman,  and  a  young  lady  of  the  same  race,  from  Green  Bay,  in 
vited  me  to  walk  with  them.  Under  their  conduct  I  returned  to  "  The  Bower." 
They  saluted  the  inhabitants  kindly,  in  the  Chippewa  and  in  the  French  lan 
guage,  and  instantly  Indian  hospitality  was  unlocked,  and  men,  women,  and 
papooses  were  free  to  garrulity.  I  found  they  looked  upon  the  half-breeds  as 
persons  of  their  'own  race,  fortunately  elevated,  and  were  flattered  by  their 
attention.  I  spent  a  long  hour  in  traversing  this  strange  camp,  in  which  each 
family  occupied  a  wigwam  made  in  circular  form  of  birch-bark.  Here  they  spend 
the  summer  in  taking  white-fish,  herring,  and  trout.  In  the  winter  they  return 
to  their  dwellings  in  the  recesses  of  the  forest.  The  pertinacity  of  these  people 
in  clinging  to  their  Indian  customs  is  astonishing.  No  one  can  tempt  an  Indian 
child  from  his  home,  or,  if  so  rare  an  event  occurs,  the  educated  savage  returns 
to  the  life  and  society  of  his  people.  Each  family  has  a  delicately-formed  birch 
canoe,  a  spear,  and  scoop-nets  of  larger  and  smaller  size.  The  aged  patriarch 
and  the  immature  boy  of  twelve  years,  each,  in  turn,  paddles  this  frail  bark  into 
the  very  centre  of  the  rapids,  and  then,  while  one  holds  it  in  its  unstable  moor 
ings,  the  other  throws  the  net,  happily,  if  in  a  long  day's  waste  he  brings  to 
shore  a  dozen  white-fish,  which  are  immediately  sold  and  packed  for  a  market 
along  the  lower  lakes. 


1845.]  ON   LAKE   SUPERIOR.  751 

General  Brady  invited  us  this  morning  to  attend  his  review  at  the  garrison. 
We  found  the  officers  leading  an  indolent  life,  neither  enterprising  nor  intel 
lectual  ;  but  we  were  kindly  received,  and  our  news,  now  a  week  old,  was  eagerly 
sought.  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  the  superintendent  here,  has  furnished  a  boat,  filled 
it  with  a  tent  and  provisions,  and  manned  it  with  five  native  voyageurs.  It  has 
already  gone  up  to  be  launched  abore  the  rapids ;  I  wait  the  summons  to  follow 
it  to  that  place  of  embarkation.  In  an  hour  we  shall  be  on  the  bosom  of  the 
Ste.  Marie,  above  the  region  of  its  disturbances,  and  to-night  we  shall  encamp 
half-way  from  this  place  to  the  lake. 

To-morrow  morning  we  expect  to  look  out  upon  Lake  Superior.  Our  ar 
rangement  contemplates  a  voyage,  to  be  performed  with  sail  or  oar  according 
to  circumstances,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  to  the  Pictured  Rocks.  This, 
the  great  imaginative  attraction  of  Lake  Superior,  will,  it  is  said,  gratify  our 
curiosity  and  leave  us  to  return  to  the  lower  regions  where  our  lot  is  cast,  re 
spectable  for  all  after-life ;  although,  as  good  Christians,  we  cannot  expect  it 
will,  like  the  pilgrimage  to  Jordan,  insure  our  salvation  in  the  next.  The  voy 
age  will  detain  us  five  days,  it  is  said,  or  somewhat  more  if  the  winds  be  ad 
verse.  No  human  habitation  disfigures  the  majestic  solitudes  which  we  seek,  but 
rocks  and  forests  that  never  heard  the  woodman's  axe  will  afford  us  our  bed 
and  curtains.  One  might  speculate  profitably  here  on  our  national  character. 
Here  are  fifty  or  sixty  persons  waiting  for  a  passage  up  the  lake.  Except  our 
selves,  all  are  going  to  explore  the  country  for  rumored  mines  of  copper  and 
silver.  We  alone,  of  this  great  caravan,  seek  mere  pleasure,  information,  or  to 
commune  with  Nature.  Returning  from  the  lake,  we  shall  go  back  hastily  to 
Mackinac;  descending  Lake  Michigan  from  that  place  to  Chicago,  we  shall 
spend  a  day  there ;  thence  cross  the  peninsula  of  Michigan  to  Detroit,  and  return 
with  dispatch  to  our  long-forsaken  homes.  We  have  arrived  at  a  point,  I  think, 
about  on  the  forty-sixth  parallel  of  latitude.  The  mid-day  sun  is  enervating,  but 
the  evening  breezes  are  cool  and  salubrious.  The  strawberry  ripens  now ;  the 
chestnut  is  unknown  here ;  the  currant  has  just  acquired  hardness  enough  for 
the  kitchen-use ;  the  season  for  roses  has  come ;  and,  while  we  are  spared  the 
pestiferous  heat  of  July,  we  are  enjoying  June  for  a  second  time. 

STEAMBOAT  GENERAL  SCOTT,  RIVER  STE.  MARIE,  { 
Friday,  July  Vlth  (on  our  Descent  to  Mackinac}.       \ 

Through  the  politeness  of  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  and  of  the  officers  at  Fort  Brady, 
we  were  fitted  out  on  Tuesday  afternoon  with  all  necessary  appurtenances  for 
an  excursion  to  the  Pictured  Rocks — the  great  curiosity  on  Lake  Superior.  Our 
boat  was  an  open  vessel,  having  a  sail  as  large  as  a  sheet,  with  four  oarsmen  and 
a  pilot  in  command.  The  wages  of  these  men  were  one  dollar  each  per  day,  and 
their  provisions.  The  officers  at  Fort  Brady  lent  us  a  tent,  and  we  supplied  our 
selves  with  provisions.  Our  craft  and  stores  were  carried  beyond  the  rapids ; 
we  followed  them  on  foot,  the  distance  three-quarters  of  a  mile. 

At  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  put  our  oars  into  the  water,  and  bore  off 
against  the  current,  our  royageurs  being  half-breeds  and  Chippewa  Indians. 
The  river  is  everywhere  as  broad  (above  the  falls)  as  the  Hudson  in  Newburg 
Bay.  The  sun  poured  down  upon  us  intense  heat ;  but,  full  of  expectation,  and 
excited  with  so  much  that  was  wonderful,  we  shared  the  exhilaration  of  our 
boatmen,  who  signalized  our  departure  with  the  melodious  boat-songs  in  their 


752  LIFE   AND    LETTERS.  [1845. 

several  languages.  Night  met  us  at  a  distance  of  seven  miles  from  the  Sault, 
and  we  encamped  on  a  peninsula  called  Point  aux  Pins  (Pine-tree  Point).  Our 
barge  was  sheltered  in  a  beautiful  little  bay ;  the  shore  was  of  clear  sand,  fringed 
with  a  border  of  Michigan  roses,  wild-snowballs,  and  sweetbrier.  Inland  the 
ground  was  covered  with  grass,  and  everywhere  we  gathered  winter-green  ber 
ries,  wild-gooseberries,  and  raspberries.  In  ten  minutes  our  voyageurs  had 
pitched  our  tent,  kindled  a  brisk  fire  at  the  door,  spread  our  mattress,  and,  in 
twice  as  many  more,  they  set  before  us  our  supper  of  white-fish,  trout,  ham- 
and-eggs,  tea,  and  biscuits.  Until  a  late  hour  we  strolled  on  the  beach,  and 
slept,  after  a  long  contest  with  the  mosquitoes,  who  revenged  themselves  upon 
us  when  fatigue  wearied  us  out  of  our  power  of  resistance. 

The  place  of  our  encampment  exhibited  the  ruins  of  a  fort  or  breastwork,  the 
history  of  which  is  unknown  to  us.  Our  guides  had  promised  to  awake  us  at 
sunrise,  and  as  soon  as  day  dawned  we  heard  a  crackling  fire,  and  soon  afterward 
the  cheerful  songs  by  which  the  voyageurs  fulfilled  their  promise.  Half  an  hour 
sufficed  to  strike  the  tent,  and  remove  it  and  its  contents  to  the  boat.  On  we 
went,  passing  Point  aux  Chenes,  and  arriving  at  seven  o'clock,  by  the  power  of 
the  oars  alone,  at  Gros  Cap,  which,  as  well  as  our  encampment,  was  within  the 
dominions  of  Victoria.  Gros  Cap  (Big  Cape)  is  a  towering  peninsula  on  the 
coast,  crowned  with  a  thick  forest.  As  we  approached,  we  discovered  a  canoe, 
perceptible  at  first  only  to  our  voyageurs,  who  have  practised  eyes.  By-and-by, 
Indians  were  seen  on  the  eminence,  regarding  our  approach  with  much  curiosity. 
When  we  came  within  reach  of  voice,  our  voyageurs  sent  forth  loud  greetings  in 
the  Chippewa  dialect,  and  these  were  returned  with  the  same  peculiar  shouts. 
We  landed  on  a  beautiful,  rocky  shore,  and  found  the  whole  population  contained 
in  two  wigwams.  There  were  aged  men  and  women,  those  of  middle  age,  and 
children  of  all  sizes — among  them  an  idiotic  girl.  Her  sister,  a  pretty-looking 
girl  of  sixteen  or  eighteen,  stole  away  in  her  rough  attire,  and  presently  returned 
arrayed  in  a  nice  calico  jerkin  and  other  garments,  which  contrasted  queerly 
enough  with  her  naked  feet.  We  made  our  toilet  on  a  rock,  Lake  Superior 
being  our  ewer  and  mirror. 

After  breakfasting  here,  we  set  forth  again,  and  about  noon  landed  on  Isle 
Parisien,  within  the  American  waters.  The  lake  was  unruffled  by  the  gentle 
breezes  that  wafted  us  thereon  toward  White-fish  Point,  a  promontory  project 
ing  far  into  the  lake.  We  read,  conversed,  laughed,  wrote  letters,  and  amused 
ourselves  with  contemplating  the  stillness  and  solitude  of  the  scene  around  us. 
Wearied  with  excitement,  and  being  somewhat  ill,  I  fell  asleep,  leaving  the  scene 
so  calm  that  an  infant  would  have  smiled  upon  it.  I  was  awaked  an  hour  or 
two  afterward  by  the  heaving  of  the  waves.  The  lion  with  which  we  had  played 
ao  long  was  roused,  and  soon  gave  us  a  touch  of  his  nature.  Thunder  and  light 
ning  truly  heralded  a  violent  storm.  We  were  in  sight  of  the  desired  haven,  but 
for  five  hours  were  driven  off  from  it  by  the  winds — our  slight  bark  taking  in 
water  from  the  lake,  while  the  clouds  poured  it  in  copiously  from  above.  In 
truth,  we  were  alarmed,  or  rather  would  have  been,  but  for  the  admirable  pres 
ence  of  mind  of  our  iioyageurs. 

Night  came  at  last,  just  as  we  had  gained  the  shore,  and  such  a  shore !  It 
was  the  White-fish  Point ;  but  more  dreary  than  any  place  I  had  ever  seen  was 
that  haven  for  which  we  had  contended  with  the  elements.  The  cape  has  been 
formed  by  drifting  sands ;  for  four  miles  not  a  tree  breaks  the  prospect ;  some 


1846.]  WIGWAM   LIFE.  753 

scattered  blades  of  wild  grass  scarcely  gave  it  a  green  mantle.  Indian  wigwams 
to  the  number  of  thirty  were  scattered  over  the  barren  plain.  Rude  sheds, 
formed  of  boughs  of  trees,  covered  the  barrels  prepared  for  the  Ohippewa  fish 
ermen.  Our  boat  had  been  observed  in  the  contest  with  the  tempest,  and  the 
Indians  were  gathered  on  the  shore  to  witness  our  debarkation.  It  rained 
violently.  I  was  shivering  with  an  ague.  The  beach  was  strewed  with  herring, 
cast  upon  the  shore  as  useless,  and  with  the  heads  and  fins  and  entrails  of  the 
white-fish  and  trout  which  had  been  cured  during  the  summer.  The  wind  blew 
a  hurricane,  while  our  tent  was  stretched  over  the  twelve  feet  of  sand  we  ap 
propriated. 

An  old  Frenchman  invited  me  to  "  his  house,"  because  I  was  sick.  I  accepted 
his  invitation  eagerly,  and  followed  him  assiduously,  expecting  to  find  the  abode 
of  a  civilized  man,  although  the  garb  and  language  of  my  host  warned  me  to  the 
contrary.  Guess  my  grief,  as  well  as  surprise,  at  finding  "  his  house  "  an  Indian 
wigwam,  made  of  birch-bark,  without  any  semblance  of  the  home  of  a  white 
man !  It  was  dark.  He  raised  a  curtain  at  the  door,  which  was  the  only  de 
signed  aperture,  except  one  for  the  smoke  at  the  top  of  the  hut.  I  stooped  and 
entered.  The  fire  was  dying  away,  and  I  could  only  distinguish  a  platform, 
raised  six  inches  from  the  floor,  and  going  quite  round  the  interior  of  the  wig 
wam. 

Some  explanations  in  the  Ohippewa  language  caused  the  sleepers  on  this 
platform  to  move,  and  give  me  a  seat.  The  fire  was  rekindled.  The  matron 
of  the  family,  a  squaw  of  fifty-four,  drew  herself  forth  from  the  bed;  the  tea 
kettle  was  supplied  with  tea  of  my  own  store  ;  a  huge  mass  offish  and  pork  was 
fried,  and  my  supper  was  set  before  me  on  a  box  that  served  for  a  table.  I  ate 
but  little.  A  bed  was  prepared  on  the  platform — my  hosts  using  my  own  blanket 
and  pillow  for  its  construction.  I  sank  to  sleep,  and  slept  until  aroused  at  day 
light  by  the  crackling  fire.  Morning  revealed  to  me  that  the  wind  had  a  thou 
sand  accesses  to  this  humble  lodge,  and  that  I  was  one  of  ten  persons  who  had 
been  indebted  to  it  for  shelter  from  a  storm  that  none  could  have  endured 
under  the  open  sky.  I  paid  my  entertainers,  and,  reinvigorated  by  my  sleep, 
returned  to  the  tent,  where  I  breakfasted  with  my  friends,  who  reported  an  ex 
cited  night,  disturbed  by  the  insane  ravings  of  the  lovers  of  "  fire-water." 

The  wind  was  adverse  to  our  expedition,  and,  until  noon,  too  high  for  our 
yessel  to  go  forth.  We  strolled  on  the  beach,  gathering  pebbles  marked  with 
every  variety  of  form  and  color,  including,  now  and  then,  a  beautiful  agate,  and 
a  richly- variegated  carnelian.  The  western  shore  received  the  flood  from  the 
whole  extent  of  the  lake,  and  we  rejoiced  in  beholding  the  majesty  of  Lake  Su 
perior.  The  steamboat  returns  to  the  Sault  only  once,  next  week,  from  Macki- 
nac,  and  that  on  Tuesday.  Of  course,  unless  we  reach  the  Sault  before  that 
day,  we  might  not  hope  to  leave  it  until  Tuesday  of  the  succeeding  week.  We 
must,  therefore,  relinquish  our  voyage  to  the  Pictured  Rocks,  as  there  is  no 
reasonable  hope  of  reaching  them  and  returning  before  Tuesday. 

Accordingly,  after  taking  dinner  in  our  tent,  we  spread  a  timid  sail  to  the 
breeze,  and  following  the  shore  we  found  our  returning  way  to  the  Sault.  We 
rested  for  supper  on  the  Isle  Iroquois,  the  shore  of  which  was  bright  with  roses 
and  sweetbrier ;  and  sailing  thence  at  nine  o'clock,  rocked  to  sleep  by  a  still 
stormy  sea,  we  arrived  at  three  o'clock  at  the  head  of  the  rapids.  We  waited 
there  for  daylight,  and  then,  our  voyageurs,  all  alert  and  watchful,  plying  the  oar 
48 


754  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [184*. 

and  helm  with  caution  and  dexterity,  we  glided  over  the  boiling  rapids,  and 
through  the  thick  spray  they  sent  upward ;  and,  by  a  voyage  scarcely  longer 
than  the  time  I  am  describing  it,  the  savage  shouts  of  our  boatmen  proclaimed 
to  the  sleepers  at  the  Sault,  and  to  the  fishermen  who  were  thus  early  abroad  in 
their  bark  canoes,  that  we  had  descended  that  stormy  tide  in  safety.  Hence, 
one  night  in  Chicago,  and  then  by  a  quick  journey  homeward. 

On  returning  home,  Seward  wrote  to  Weed  : 

ATOUBN,  July  27, 1846. 

Bowen  will  have  told  yon  the  long  tale  of  our  excursion,  brief  in  time,  but 
long  in  space.  I  am  at  home  once  more ;  again,  I  trust,  in  health  to  the  full 
value  of  the  cost — richer  in  knowledge,  of  which  I  was  in  much  need. 

Ohio  is  a  State  of  moderate  dimensions,  but  vast  capacity  and  facilities. 
Michigan  is  crippled  by  bad  statesmanship.  Wisconsin  may  overtake  her. 

The  defeat  last  year  has  left  a  universal  despondency  in  the  West.  New 
York,  of  course,  is  censured,  and  given  over  hopelessly  to  the  enemy.  In  Ohio 
the  Legislature  passed  bank  and  registry  acts.  The  Whig  party  is  called  to  ac 
count,  and  evidently  despairs.  In  Michigan  there  was  no  thought  of  even  nom 
inating  a  ticket.  They  rail  at  Birney,  and  yet  seriously  propose  to  make  default, 
whereby  Birney  would  take  the  Whig  party  of  the  State.  I  advised  otherwise. 

Judge  McLean  is  the  talked-of  candidate  in  Detroit.  I  was  assured  that  it 
was  otherwise  in  Ohio,  and  I  think  I  perceived  a  hope  for  Oorwin,  with  an 
expectation  of  resting  on  John  M.  Clayton. 

We  had  inexpressible  satisfaction  for  our  wonderment  in  the  great  expanse 
of  lakes,  the  virgin  shores  of  the  Ste.  Marie  and  of  Superior,  the  simplicity  and 
romance  of  the  Christianized  yet  uncivilized  Ojibways. 

There  i*  inexhaustible  mineral  wealth  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Superior.  But 
each  and  every  one  of  the  copper  companies  is  a  fraudulent  swindle  upon  the 
credulity  of  the  dupes  in  the  cities.  The  Boston  Company  is  the  best  of  them, 
and  indeed  the  only  one  that  pretends  in  earnest  to  work  mines.  Before  long 
all  the  stock  of  even  that  company  will  get  into  the  hands  of  irresponsible  specu 
lators  at  atrocious  prices,  and  the  mining  operations  will  stop.  The  history  of 
the  lead-mining  operations  at  Rossie  is  prophetic  of  the  present  operations  on 
Lake  Superior.  When  this  fever  shall  have  passed  off,  copper  and  silver  will  be 
found  in  large  quantities;  but  at  present  the  only  money  made  will  be  made 
out  of  the  gulls  in  the  cities. 

The  Supreme  Court  has  rendered  judgment  half  for  Cooper,  and  half  for 
Greeley,  I  perceive.  I  have  not  had  time  yet  to  see  how  it  leaves  the  cause. 

I  fear  Dr.  Nott  will  think  hard  of  me  for  leaving  the  commencement.  But 
it  was  best  I  should  go  elsewhere.  I  thought  that  the  loud  drum-beat  would 
recall  enough,  who  will  be  indifferent  hereafter,  when  I  am  zealous. 

This  visit  to  the  habitations  of  the  Chippewas  gave  Seward  an  op 
portunity  to  observe  their  habits  of  life.  Noticing  a  squaw's  evident 
fondness  for  one  of  her  children,  he  asked  her  what  was  its  name.  She 
made  no  answer,  but  burst  into  a  merry  laugh,  as  if  she  thought  it  an 
excellent  joke.  He  was  informed  that  Indians  are  not  named,  as  white 
men  are,  in  infancy.  An  Indian  earns  his  name,  by  some  exploit  or 
prominent  incident  in  his  life,  which  is  thus  commemorated. 


1845.]  RUMORS  OF  WAR.  755 

He  used  to  relate  that,  while  among  the  Chippewas,  he  saw  a 
young  Indian  stand  under  a  tree  and  imitate  with  such  precision  the 
call  of  a  bird,  that  the  bird  answered  with  the  same  note,  as  he  came 
hopping  down  from  twig  to  twig  expecting  to  find  his  mate — a  striking 
illustration  of  Indian  skill  in  woodcraft. 

The  commencement  at  Union  College,  which  he  was  reluctant  to 
miss,  since  his  presence  there  had  been  expected  and  counted  upon, 
was  the  semi-centennial  of  the  existence  of  the  college,  and  was  at 
tended  by  many  of  those  who,  during  the  half -century,  had  as  teachers 
or  pupils  trod  its  halls. 

While  at  Detroit,  on  this  trip,  he  met  some  of  the  army  officers 
then  stationed  at  that  post.  Among  them  was  Colonel  Joseph  Taylor, 
who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Judge  McLean.  The  casual  acquaint 
ance  here  begun  was  afterward  to  ripen  into  intimacy  at  Washington. 


CHAPTER  LIX. 
1845. 

Texas  annexed. — Rumors  of  War. — Policy  of  the  Whigs.— Governor  Throop.— Free  Suf 
frage.— John  Van  Buren.— Fillmore.— Governor  Wright.— Whig  Discords.— Seward, 
Morgan,  and  Blatohford. — The  S.  S.  Seward  Institute. 

EVENTS  transpiring  at  Washington  all  pointed  toward  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  Texas  scheme.  Texas  had  accepted  the  terms.  The  an 
nexation  was  formally  proclaimed.  The  Mexicans  were  displaying 
imbittered  feelings,  and  making  military  preparations. 

In  the  South  there  were  celebrations  of  the  annexation.  Shipment 
of  slaves  to  the  newly-opened  market  had  already  commenced.  It  was 
evident  that  the  country  was  hastening  toward  the  crisis  with  rapid 
steps.  Rumors  foreshadowing  war  with  Mexico  now  came  thick  and 
fast.  They  told  of  disputes  on  the  frontier,  of  activity  at  arsenals  and 
navy-yards,  of  movements  of  ships  and  troops  toward  the  Southwest, 
of  the  massing  of  Mexican  forces  under  General  Ampudia.  Stories  of 
hostile  encounters  were  circulated  one  day,  to  be  contradicted  the  next. 
It  was  reported  that  ten  thousand  Mexicans  were  marching  to  the 
Rio  Grande,  that  Americans  were  volunteering  in  New  Orleans  to  meet 
them,  and  that  regular  troops  were  landing  in  Texas.  Learned  specu 
lations  and  "  authentic  statements  "  of  governmental  plans  were  given 
out  by  those  who  knew  nothing  about  them,  and  a  chaotic  jumble  of 
reports  from  Vera  Cruz,  Matamoras,  Havana,  and  New  Orleans,  about 
Santa  Anna,  Ampudia,  Almonte,  and  other  Mexican  leaders,  helped  to 
make  up  the  column  of  "important  Mexican  news,"  most  of  which 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  r!846. 

was  unreliable  in  detail,  and  only  reliable  at  all  in  that  it  indicated  the 
way  that  events  were  drifting. 

"What  should  the  Whigs  do?"  was  the  next  question.  Should 
they  oppose  the  war  throughout,  cripple  the  Government,  and  so  aid 
the  enemy  ?  Such,  at  least,  seemed  to  be  the  opinion  of  some  of  the 
zealous  and  obstinate  members  of  the  party.  Seward  wrote  on  this 

point  to  Weed  : 

BOOHESTEB,  August  11,  1845. 

The  papers  seem  to  foreshadow  war  with  Mexico.  I  presume  I  need 
not  counsel  about  your  course  on  that  question,  and  I  am  by  no  means 
confident  that  my  advice  would  be  right.  Still,  you  will  excuse  me  for  say 
ing  that  your  letters  from  Santa  Cruz  last  year  pointed  out  the  policy  that 
seems  best  now. 

The  people  had  war  with  Mexico  before  them,  in  the  election  last  fall.  We 
thought  best  to  avoid  it,  but  they  are  supreme ;  and  the  battle  must  be  fought 
with  all  our  energies.  We  go  for  the  country,  at  all  events. 

The  war  will  be  ended  the  sooner,  and  the  more  safely,  if  we  do  not  fall  into 
the  folly  of  faction. 

From  Albany  the  news  was  less  important,  though  of  some  interest. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  was  to  be  held  in  the  following  year. 
Parties  were  practically  united  in  favor  of  holding  it,  though  in  con 
siderable  uncertainty  as  to  its  probable  effect  upon  their  own  interests. 
Canvassing  for  delegates  was  going  on  in  the  different  counties  ;  and, 
as  a  general  thing,  men  qualified  by  thought  and  experience  were 
nominated,  in  preference  to  mere  partisans. 

An  anti-rent  outbreak  created  much  feeling,  as  it  was  the  first  that 
had  been  attended  with  fatal  results.  A  sheriff,  while  in  the  discharge 
of  official  functions,  had  been  murdered.  A  revulsion  of  sentiment, 
among  many  who  had  favored  the  anti-rent  movement,  was  the  imme 
diate  consequence  ;  and  the  popular  demand  was  unmistakable  that, 
whatever  might  be  the  grievances  of  the  tenants,  there  was  no  justifica 
tion  for  bloodshed,  and  that  the  murderers  should  be  punished.  Gov 
ernor  Wright  issued  his  proclamation  to  that  effect,  and  the  anti-renters, 
for  the  time,  lost  half  of  all  the  popular  sympathy  they  had  gained. 

Again  engaged  in  professional  duties,  Seward  wrote  to  Mr.  Weed  : 

EAGLE  TAVEBN,  BOOHESTEB,  August  18,  1846. 

You  have  another  anti-rent  outbreak,  I  see,  in  Delaware.   The  Senators  are  here, 

but  there  is  a  calm  in  politics.     All  men  are  looking,  without  power  to  penetrate 

the  future.     The  convention  alarms  the  very  "  Barnburners  "  who  authorized  it. 

The  seditious  spirit  is  still  strong,  and  will  have  boldness  enough  to  display 

itself  this  fall. 

BOOHESTEB,  Wednesday. 

After  a  brief  relaxation,  I  am  again  at  this  post  of  expectation  rather  than  of 
duty.  My  next  cause  is  No.  15,  and  the  court  is  eogaged  hearing  No.  14.  It 
seems  reasonably  certain  that  I  may  be  heard  to-morrow. 


1846.)  WHIG  DISCORDS.  757 

I  had  a  nice  voyage  by  steamboat  from  this  place  to  Lewiston,  and  taking 
the  car  there  I  arrived  at  Niagara  early  on  Sunday  morning.  The  weather  was 
intensely  hot,  but  I  found  coolness  and  comfort  in  the  afternoon  on  Table  Rock, 
which  was  wet  with  the  spray  of  the  cataract.  It  seemed  to  me  I  had  never  had 
so  fine  a  view  of  that  stupendous  wonder. 

On  Monday  I  went  to  Buffalo,  closed  my  business  there  yesterday,  and  was 
again  in  my  bed  at  midnight.  I  staid  at  Hawley's,  took  tea  at  Mr.  Fillmore's, 
spent  an  evening  at  the  theatre,  and  met  many  friends. 

EOOHKBTEB,  August  22,  1845. 

There  is  undoubtedly  a  goodly  number  of  persons  here  who  love  neither  you 
nor  me,  and  we  do  not  at  all  divide  the  opinions  of  men  between  ourselves ;  but 
both  are  objects  of  love  or  hate  by  the  same  individuals.  Querulousness,  in  re 
gard  to  both  of  us,  wearied  the  public  mind,  and  I  think  we  may  safely  go  where 
we  will  without  exciting  any  especial  anger.  So  I  hope  that  you  will  come 
out  while  I  am  here.  Whittlesey  and  I  are  much  together,  and  when  we  find 
fresh  trout,  woodcock,  or  new  fruit,  or  enjoy  a  moonlight  night,  each  expresses 
his  regret  that  you  are  not  of  the  party. 

My  first  case  has  been  argued  acceptably  to  my  client.  I  note  this  because, 
while  all  the  world  seem  to  regard  me  as  an  old  professional  stager,  I  am  con 
scious  that  I  am  subjected  to  the  trial  of  obtaining  a  place  at  the  bar.  The 
multiplicity  of  labors  necessary  for  this  is  especially  oppressive  to  one  so  near 
forty-five,  who  has  so  long  rested  from  all  similar  pursuit.  But  thus  far  I  have 
had  good  success. 

There  was  a  division  of  sentiment  in  the  Whig  party,  somewhat  like 
that  in  the  Democratic  party,  though  less  marked  and  more  unequal. 
It  had  not  yet  reached  a  stage  to  prevent  concert  of  party  action,  nor 
had  the  opposing  forces  any  distinctive  names.  Seward's  friends  used 
to  claim  that  there  was  no  division,  further  than  that  made  by  a  few 
malcontents  or  disappointed  aspirants,  who  opposed  "  Seward  and 
Weed,"  because  they  had  not  been  rewarded  with  coveted  honors. 
Yet  this,  perhaps,  was  not  quite  just.  Such  disappointed  men  would 
naturally  take  sides  against  those  who  held,  or  who  they  fancied  held, 
the  reins  of  power  in  the  party.  But,  besides  this  element,  there  was 
an  opposition  to  "  Weed  and  Seward,"  in  the  Whig  ranks,  based  upon 
differing  theories  of  government.  The  Whig  party,  having  its  origin  in 
New  England  and  the  metropolis,  had,  at  the  outset,  been  a  party 
favoring  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution,  in  opposition  to  the 
"  strict  construction  "  of  the  Democrats.  It  had  favored  banks,  State 
and  national,  schools,  colleges,  railways,  canals,  and  sought  to  promote 
the  public  welfare  by  enterprises  of  public  benefit.  This  trait  had 
attracted  to  it  many  of  the  wealthy,  the  educated,  and  the  refined.  It 
was  sneered  at  as  the  "  gentleman's  party,"  the  "  silk-stocking  party," 
the  "  rich  man's  party  ; "  while  the  Democratic,  as  its  name  implied, 
was  the  "  poor  man's  party,"  and  champion  of  popular  rights  against 
aristocratic  oppressors. 


758  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

Heartily  sympathizing  in  all  the  "  liberal  construction  "  sentiments 
of  his  Whig  associates,  going  even  beyond  them  in  his  zeal  for  internal 
improvement  and  education,  Seward  was,  nevertheless,  a  thorough 
democrat,  in  the  broader  sense  of  the  word.  "Weed  and  Seward" 
aimed  to  make  the  Whig  party  a  popular  one,  and  to  free  it  from  all 
aristocratic  tendencies.  Its  more  conservative  members  saw  and  dis 
trusted  this  radicalism,  and  believed  that  Seward's  appeals  in  behalf  of 
schools  for  immigrants  and  votes  for  negroes  savored  of  demagoguery. 
The  division  of  feeling,  hardly  perceptible  at  first,  grew  gradually.  As 
yet,  it  manifested  itself  principally  in  discussions  as  to  candidates. 

The  division  between  radicals  and  conservatives  in  the  Democratic 
party  had  begun  earlier  and  developed  more  rapidly.  The  conservative 
wing  held  fast  to  ancient  affiliations  with  the  South,  and  consequently 
to  the  national  patronage.  The  radical  wing  adhered  tenaciously  to  the 
Jacksonian  theories  of  "  strict  construction,"  "  hard  money,"  and  antip 
athy  to  governmental  aid  to  corporate  enterprises.  Their  conservative 
opponents  called  them  "  Barnburners,"  and  likened  them  to  the  stupid 
man  who  burned  his  barn  in  order  to  destroy  the  rats.  At  one  of  the 
first  distinctive  conventions  of  the  radical  faction,  Colonel  Young, 
in  his  speech  on  taking  the  chair,  accepted  the  opprobrious  nickname. 
"  They  say  we  are  '  barnburners,'  gentlemen.  Thunder  and  lightning 
are  barnburners,  but  they  are  also  great  purifiers  of  the  atmosphere. 
And  that  is  what  we  propose  to  do  with  the  political  atmosphere  of 
our  State  ! " 

They  styled  their  opponents  in  return  "  Old  Hunkers,"  in  allusion 
to  their  alleged  fondness  for  spoils  and  place. 

One  of  the  letters  of  this  summer  briefly  refers  to  a  visit  from 
another  ex-Governor.  Governor  Throop,  now  retired  from  political 
affairs,  was  living  on  the  shore  of  the  Owasco  Lake,  about  four  miles 
from  Auburn.  Fond  of  rural  life,  and  skilled  in  horticulture,  he  took 
pleasure  in  planting  trees,  laying  out  drives,  and  cultivating  with  his 
own  hands  the  fruits  and  flowers  for  his  table.  The  pretty  cottage, 
and  the  spacious  farm  around  it,  grew  in  course  of  years,  under  his 
judicious  taste  and  management,  and  that  of  his  nephew  and  niece, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  E.  T.  Throop  Martin,  to  be  a  beautiful  country-seat,  ap 
propriately  named  "Willowbrook,"  from  the  stream  which  traversed 
it.  The  acquaintance  between  the  two  families  ripened,  during  the 
years  Seward  spent  at  Auburn,  into  a  warm  friendship,  and  thencefor 
ward,  whenever  he  returned  home  for  rest  or  study,  a  frequent  excur 
sion  was  a  drive  to  the  hospitable  shades  of  "  Willowbrook." 

A  picnic  or  fishing-party  on  the  Owasco  Lake  was  a  favorite  sum 
mer  amusement  with  him.  On  these  occasions  he  liked  to  have  only 
his  family,  and  one  or  two  guests  or  friends.  Larger  and  more  formal 
excursion-parties  he  was  less  inclined  to,  as  savoring  rather  of  work 


1846.]  UNIVERSAL   SUFFRAGE.  759 

thao  of  relaxation.  At  these  times  he  would  take  an  oar,  or  a  fishing- 
rod,  in  the  boat,  or  stroll  along  the  beach,  or  lie  under  the  shade  ;  and 
was  always  in  vivacious  spirits,  ready  even  to  engage  with  the  children 
in  skipping  stones,  culling  wild  flowers,  or  guessing  conundrums. 

He  had  a  dislike  to  fashionable  watering-places.  When  called  by 
business  or  political  conferences  to  meet  friends  at  Saratoga,  Avon,  or 
Long  Branch,  he  always  made  his  stay  as  brief  as  possible.  The  crowd 
of  busy  idlers,  with  their  ennui,  their  gossip,  and  their  social  ostenta 
tion,  was  distasteful  to  him.  He  loved  the  sea,  the  mountains,  the 
lakes,  and  the  forest,  and  every  summer  sought  recreation  among  them. 
Above  all,  he  enjoyed  visiting  them  i-i  his  own  conveyance,  or  in  his 
own  boat,  and  in  lodging  where  he  would  have  something  of  the  pri 
vacy,  comfort,  and  independence  of  home. 

The  debate  over  the  annexation  of  Texas,  though  it  had  resulted 
in  a  triumph  of  slavery  extension,  had  given  new  impulse  to  men's 
thoughts  about  emancipation  and  constitutional  rights.  The  attempt 
to  proscribe  and  crush  John  P.  Hale,  by  the  Democrats  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  the  attempt  to  suppress  Cassius  M.  Clay's  newspaper  by  mob 
violence  in  Kentucky,  strengthened  the  growth  of  antislavery  feeling. 
The  Constitutional  Convention,  now  to  be  held  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  would  have  to  deal  with  questions  of  popular  rights,  as  affected 
by  race  and  color.  The  Whig  delegates  for  the  most  part,  it  was  be 
lieved,  would  lean,  in  these  respects,  toward  the  liberal  views  of  Sew- 
ard.  The  "  Barnburners,"  or  some  of  them,  would  take  similar  action, 
A  letter  to  Mr.  Weed  referred  to  some  of  these  questions  : 

AUBUBN,  August  80, 1845. 

Having  a  respite  from  the  Court  of  Errors,  from  Friday  night  until  Monday 
morning,  I  am  at  home  to-day  and  to-morrows  The  assiduous  attendance  upon 
court  results  in  producing  desultory  habits. 

By-the-way,  one  of  the  choicest  triumphs  of  my  whole  life  was  when  I  found 
John  Van  Buren,  at  Rochester,  making  up  his  mind,  slowly  and  reluctantly,  to 
consent  to  answer  the  people  of  color  favorably  on  their  demand  for  the  elective 
franchise.  You  will  see  the  whole  party  break  under  this  demand. 

The  western  Whigs  in  all  the  counties  are  sound,  and  I  have  heard  nothing 
like  hesitation  since  the  events  in  Kentucky.  I  saw  Fillmore  at  Buffalo.  He 
finds  it  difficult  to  sit  squarely,  about  these  days,  on  the  Conservative  and  Prog 
ress  steeds  when  they  draw  so  widely  apart.  He  had  a  letter  from  the  colored 
people,  and  wanted  to  answer  it  by  saying  he  would  dispense  with  the  property 
qualification,  and  substitute  one  of  capacity  to  read  and  write.  I  told  him  the 
convention  would  go  to  universal  suffrage,  and  that  it  was  as  inexpedient  as  I 
thought  it  wrong  to  hesitate  in  his  reply. 

Governor  Wright  and  his  friends  despair  of  weathering  the  anti-rent  storm. 
His  proclamation  would  have  been  needless  now,  had  mine  commanded  tha 
support  it  deserved. 

When  a  ship  is  wrecked  those  who  have  worked  hardest  at  the 


760  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1845 

pumps  usually  come  in  for  a  large  share  of  the  fault-finding  by  the 
idlers,  who  merely  looked  on,  or  stood  in  the  way.  Such  was  Sew- 
ard's  experience,  after  his  long  and  earnest  efforts  to  save  the  Whig 
party  from  the  crushing  defeat  of  1844.  His  published  speeches  show 
their  extent ;  his  private  letters  attest  their  sincerity.  Mr.  Clay's 
manly  acknowledgment  after  the  election  showed  that  he,  at  least, 
appreciated  them.  Nevertheless  there  were  Whigs,  especially  in  New 
York,  who,  having  throughout  objected  to  his  antislavery  opinions, 
now  resolutely  shut  their  eyes  to  the  figures  of  the  official  canvass,  and 
charged  the  defeat  upon  "  Seward,  Weed,  and  Greeley."  Weed  and 
Greeley  replied  through  their  respective  papers,  the  Evening  Journal 
and  the  Tribune.  Seward  contented  himself  with  a  brief  letter  in  an 
swer  to  the  assertion  that  during  the  campaign  he  "  made  what  the 
public  felt  and  knew  to  be  anti-Clay  speeches."  He  remarked  : 

The  late  election  seemed  to  me  to  involve  the  stability  of  domestic  industry, 
which  had  been  restored  so  recently  and  with  so  much  difficulty;  the  continu 
ance  of  peace,  indispensable  to  the  welfare,  happiness,  and  advancement  of  the 
American  people ;  the  preservation  of  the  public  domain  for  the  general  use  of 
the  country ;  the  maintenance  of  good  faith  with  the  weakest  and  the  strongest 
nations  of  the  earth ;  the  security  of  free  States  against  the  unconstitutional 
encroachments  of  the  slaveholding  parties  in  our  confederacy ;  and,  finally,  the 
prospects  of  a  peaceful  and  speedy  abolition  of  human  slavery,  the  chief  evil  in 
our  country,  and  the  great  crime  of  our  age 

Moved  by  these  considerations,  and  stimulated  by  sentiments  of  duty  and 
gratitude  to  the  Whig  party,  I  engaged  in  the  contest  at  its  beginning,  and  re 
mained  in  the  field  until  the  disastrous  termination  of  the  conflict. 

Mr.  Olay  was  the  candidate  of  that  party,  and  his  election  was  indispensable 
to  the  success  of  its  cause. 

I  claim  to  have  labored  with  singleness,  sincerity,  zeal,  and  assiduity,  and  to 
have  devoted  to  the  success  of  that  cause,  and  of  Henry  Olay,  whatever  influence 
I  enjoyed,  and  all  the  knowledge  and  ability  I  possessed. 

Of  course  the  press,  metropolitan  and  rural,  took  up  the  controversy, 
and  it  raged  through  many  columns  for  several  weeks,  each  side  re 
maining  unconvinced  by  the  other. 

The  increase  of  his  law-practice,  this  fall,  rendered  additional  help 
necessary.  He  invited  his  old  friend  Christopher  Morgan,  and  his  for 
mer  private  secretary,  Samuel  Blatchf ord,  to  join  him  ;  and  the  sign  of 
the  new  firm  of  "  Seward,  Morgan  &  Blatchf  ord,"  was  displayed  on 
Genesee  Street.  This  change  greatly  facilitated  the  labors  of  the  law- 
office,  leaving  Seward  free  to  travel,  far  and  near,  to  argue  his  cases  in 
the  various  courts  in  distant  cities,  while  his  partners  remained  at  Au 
burn,  and  kept  the  office-business  proceeding  with  regularity  and  dis 
patch.  Mr.  Blatchford  removed  with  his  family  from  New  York  to 
Auburn,  and  remained  a  resident  of  that  place  while  the  partnership 
continued. 


1845.]  THE   S.   S.    SEWARD   INSTITUTE.  761 

Among  his  cases  this  year  were  some  involving  a  question  of  the 
patent-right  of  Jethro  Wood's  plough,  then  and  since  in  such  general 
use.  An  important  decision  affirming  the  rights  of  his  client  was  pub 
lished  in  October.  His  success  in  patent-cases  surprised  even  himself. 
They  began  to  multiply  upon  his  hands,  and  soon  formed  the  principal 
portion  of  his  practice. 

He  wrote  to  Mr.  Weed  : 

AUBURN,  October  4,  1845. 

Either  Pope  or  Dean  Swift  said  that  no  resident  of  a  city  was  ever  known 
to  express  a  disappointment  that  his  country  friend  did  not  visit  him  more 
frequently.  If  I  were  to  judge  by  the  irregularity  of  your  replies,  I  should  think 
that  you  received  a&  many  letters  from  me  as  were  agreeable. 

Samuel  Blatchford  is  to  be  here  to-night.  I  believe  that  he  and  Morgan 
could  enable  me  to  right  my  affairs  in  three  years.  Perhaps  Blatchford  could 
alone,  and  thus  leave  Morgan  to  assist  you,  who  need  aid  nearly  as  much.  But 
this  we  cannot  know  until  we  try. 

Meantime,  the  efforts  I  am  making  cost  me  much  health  and  strength.  To 
add  to  my  embarrassments,  my  father,  sick,  nervous,  and  melancholy,  writes  me 
urgently  to  drop  all  my  business  here,  and  come  to  him,  adding  that  what  if 
made  here  by  "  pleading  law  "  is  less  than  what  would  be  saved  there. 

His  father  wished  him  to  come  to  Florida  to  take  charge  of  his  busi 
ness  affairs,  and  those  of  the  "  S.  S.  Seward  Institute."  This  was  a 
school  which  had  long  been  a  favorite  project  of  its  founder,  who  built 
the  edifice  for  its  use  directly  opposite  his  own  gate,  on  the  main  street 
of  the  little  village,  endowed  it  with  a  fund,  and  was  now  looking  for 
suitable  teachers.  That  it  would  afford  a  seminary  for  the  education  of 
his  grandchildren  and  of  the  children  of  his  neighbors,  would  develop 
and  stimulate  the  growth  of  the  village  so  long  his  home,  and  would  be 
an  appropriate  work  of  benevolence  for  his  declining  years,  were  the 
motives  which  impelled  him,  when  near  fourscore,  to  undertake  an 
enterprise  that  a  younger  man  might  well  shrink  from,  and  that,  in  a 
business  point  of  view,  seemed  hardly  consonant  with  his  usual  shrewd 
ness  and  sagacity.  However,  its  ultimate  success  justified  his  pre 
visions.  He  was  now  desirous  to  have  it  opened  and  in  operation 
before  the  winter  should  set  in.  In  accordance  with  this  summons, 
Seward  started  for  Florida,  and  gave  the  aid  required,  though  declin 
ing  to  change  his  residence  from  Auburn,  or  to  give  up  his  professional 
occupations. 


762  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1846. 

CHAPTER  LX. 

1845. 

Rural  Cemeteries.— Constitutional  Changes.— The  Anti-Kenters.— Organizing  a  School.— -A 
Pair  of  Ponies.— The  Telegraph.— Hudson  Eiver  Kailroad.— Congress  and  Slavery  Ex 
tension.— Going  to  Washington. 

TOWARD  the  close  of  October  Seward  wrote  home  : 

ALBANY,  October  25, 1845. 

I  left  court  on  Saturday  afternoon  at  six  o'clock,  weary  enough,  flung  myself 
into  a  carriage  with  two  friends,  and  got  a  glimpse  of  the  Albany  Cemetery  be 
fore  night.  I  returned  to  town  expecting  to  spend  a  long,  quiet  evening  with 
Weed  at  his  house  alone.  When  I  returned  to  my  room  after  tea,  I  found  James 
G.  Wilson,  and  soon  Gibson  entered  with  half  a  dozen  men.  They  worked  me 
until  ten  at  night,  when  I  left  them.  Sunday  morning  I  went  to  St.  Peter's, 
and  after  church  James  Horner  took  me  with  him  to  dinner ;  then  I  went  to 
Weed's,  and  after  two  hours  there  went  with  him  to  the  Governor's — all  which 
brought  nine  o'clock.  I  have  risen  this  morning  refreshed,  and  am  using  the 
candle  to  aid  the  twilight. 

The  cemetery  here  has  a  beautiful  location.  It  surpasses  Mount  Auburn  and 
Mount  Hope.  There  are  plain  and  hill,  and  shade  and  lawn,  brook,  lake,  and  dis 
tant  prospect.  The  forest  consists  of  evergreens,  interspersed  with  oak.  As  the 
grounds  were  opened  only  two  years  ago,  the  place  has  acquired  little  of  the 
embellishment  to  which  it  is  destined.  As  graveyards,  these  cemeteries  seem  to 
have  one  defect.  The  beauty  and  the  instruction  of  the  graveyard  alike  arise 
from  the  fact  that  there  the  rich  and  the  poor  lie  down  together.  But  the  aris 
tocracy  seem  to  take  these  places,  set  them  apart,  and  shut  out  the  poor.  Yon 
enter  the  little  inclosure  of  one  of  the  families,  and  you  might  imagine  yourself 
in  its  drawing-room,  only  the  upholsterer  has  given  place  to  the  stone-sculptor. 
There  are  some  fifty  or  sixty  monuments  of  every  kind  and  magnitude,  such  as 
might  justly  grace  the  resting-place  of  a  Washington,  a  Howard,  a  Milton.  Yet 
each  bears  either  no  name,  or  one  known  only  for  a  few  years,  and  not  long 
ago,  as  a  prosperous  man  of  business.  But  let  us  come  away  from  the  grave. 

Contrary  as  it  may  seem  to  his  usually  cheerful  temperament  and 
buoyant  spirits,  he  always  liked  a  stroll  in  a  graveyard.  The  study 
of  its  inscriptions,  so  suggestive  of  historic  events  and  traits  of  character, 
always  attracted  him.  He  rarely  visited  a  new  place  without  spending 
an  hour  in  moralizing  among  its  tombstones.  He  used  occasionally  to 
repeat  some  quaint  epitaph  that  had  struck  his  fancy.  Gray's  "  Elegy  " 
he  frequently  quoted  ;  and  in  one  of  his  visits  to  England  he  took  a  day 
to  visit  Stoke-Pogis,  the  spot  where  it  was  written,  and  where  the  re 
mains  of  its  author  rest  In  one  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Seward,  he  spoke 
of  a  vault  as  "  that  miserable  artifice  of  pride  in  death,"  adding  : 

I  pray  you,  if,  as  is  not  improbable,  I  should  pass  away  before  you  from  this 
world  of  mockeries,  have  me  buried  in  the  churchyard  at  Anburn  beside  the 


1845. J  THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION.  763 

dust  01  our  little  one,  with  space  enough  beside  me  for  your  resting-place.  I 
would  not  be  exposed  to  the  intrusion  of  the  curious  or  profane  in  a  charnel- 
house. 

Once  more  the  season  for  conventions  and  nominations  had  come 
round,  though  only  members  of  the  Legislature  and  county  officers 
were  this  year  to  be  chosen.  The  Whigs  held  their  local  conventions 
with  no  great  hope  of  success,  except  through  the  increasing  dissen 
sions  in  the  ranks  of  their  opponents.  A  new  publication  startled  the 
politicians  of  both  parties.  Mackenzie,  former  leader  of  the  Canadian 
patriots,  had  been  appointed  to  a  place  in  the  New  York  Custom-House. 
While  there,  he  came  upon  a  mass  of  private  correspondence  upon 
political  affairs  which  a  former  collector  had  neglected  to  destroy  or 
take  away.  Among  the  letters  were  those  of  Van  Buren,  Wright, 
Marcy,  and  others.  They  were  written  with  entire  freedom,  contain 
ing  many  careless  expressions  which,  when  published,  were  repre 
sented  as  betraying  insincerity,  recklessness,  or  hypocrisy.  This 
dish  of  political  gossip  was  long  a  staple  of  conversation  and  news 
paper  comment.  Its  allusions  to  the  management  of  past  campaigns 
and  details  of  administration  were  claimed  by  the  "  Hunkers "  to  be 
especially  damaging  to  the  "  Barnburners,"  and  vice  versa,  while  the 
Whigs  declared  them  damaging  to  both. 

The  voters  of  the  State  at  this  election  were  to  pass  upon  the  ques 
tion  of  holding  a  Constitutional  Convention.  The  indications  were  of 
a  favorable  public  sentiment,  but  it  made  its  way  rather  by  its  own 
merits  than  by  the  usual  appliances  of  oratory,  public  meetings,  and 
personal  zeal.  Some  of  the  county  conventions,  among  them  those  of 
Cayuga,  Oswego,  and  Wyoming,  passed  resolutions  indorsing  and 
approving  the  public  course  of  Governor  Seward.  This  was  an  unusual 
political  proceeding  in  regard  to  a  public  man  neither  in  office  nor  a 
candidate  for  it.  It  was  doubtless  brought  about  by  the  attacks  made 
upon  him  in  the  discontented  Whig  journals,  and,  coming  directly  from 
popular  gatherings,  was  the  most  effective  reply  to  them. 

The  anti-renters,  learning  wisdom  by  experience,  were  now  turning 
their  attention  to  political  movements,  instead  of  riotous  resistance  to 
law.  In  several  localities  they  agreed  that  they  would  give  their  votes 
unitedly  to  such  parties  or  candidates  as  were  most  favorable  to  their 
claims. 

The  trials  of  persons  concerned  in  the  anti-rent  outrages  in  Dela 
ware  County  terminated  in  the  conviction  and  sentence  of  the  leaders. 
Their  close  in  this  manner  was  received  with  popular  approval,  as 
showing  that  the  jury -system  could  be  relied  upon  to  punish  crimes 
even  when  high  political  feeling  and  partisan  interest  ran  in  favor  of 
acquittal  of  the  wrong-doers. 

The  election  came  on  the  4th  of  November.    As  had  been  expected, 


764  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1845 

the  Democratic  preponderance  of  the  preceding  year  was  maintained, 
though  in  some  districts  the  Whigs  made  slight  gains.  The  result  was 
claimed  as  a  popular  indorsement  of  the  policy  of  the  Administration 
in  regard  to  Texas  and  Oregon,  "  the  extension  of  the  area  of  freedom," 
"  and  the  whole  of  Oregon  or  none."  One  gratifying  feature  of  the 
canvass  was  the  overwhelming  majority  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  in  favor  of  the  convention  to  amend  the  State  constitution. 

As  soon  as  it  was  definitely  settled  that  the  constitution  was  to  be 
revised,  suggestions  and  arguments  in  reference  to  proposed  changes 
began  to  engross  public  attention.  Each  of  the  parties  or  factions  had 
favorite  theories  which  it  hoped  to  have  ingrafted  upon  the  funda 
mental  law.  The  especial  themes  of  discussion  were,  the  provisions  in 
regard  to  canals  and  the  State  debt,  the  reorganization  of  the  courts 
and  Legislature,  capital  punishment  and  the  pardoning  power,  the 
banking  laws,  and  the  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to  colored 
men. 

In  his  conversations,  and  in  his  letters  to  friends  who  were  consult 
ing  him  in  regard  to  their  course,  Seward  insisted  that  a  favorable 
opportunity  was  now  presented  for  securing  universal  suffrage.  He 
maintained  that  colored  men  should  have  the  same  right  to  vote  as 
white  men,  and  that  all  discriminations  against  adopted  citizens  should 
be  removed,  so  far  as  the  naturalization  laws  would  permit.  The  reor 
ganization  and  simplifying  of  the  courts  had  long  been,  in  his  judgment, 
a  needed  reform,  and  he  had  urged  it  in  his  messages.  The  policy  of 
general  laws,  instead  of  special  acts  and  charters,  he  had  advocated, 
not  only  for  banks,  but  for  all  corporations.  In  these  respects  he  and 
his  friends  now  hoped  for  success,  since  many  of  the  liberal  members 
of  the  Democratic  party  entertained  similar  views.  Upon  the  ques 
tions  of  the  State  debt  and  canals  there  was  little  hope  of  any  such 
accord,  as  the  "  stop-and-tax  policy  "  of  1842  was  diametrically  opposed 
to  his  own. 

The  project  of  an  elective  judiciary  had  his  cordial  support,  though 
upon  this  point  many  of  his  own  party  differed  with  him.  In  regard 
to  feudal  tenures,  codification  of  laws,  abolition  of  superfluous  offices, 
reduction  of  costs  and  fees,  and,  in  general,  all  measures  tending  to 
simplify  the  cumbersome  machinery  of  government,  he  was  even  more 
radical  than  the  "  Barnburners,"  who  claimed  to  be  radicals  par  excel 
lence.  Upon  questions  of  internal  improvement,  singularly  enough,  the 
"Old  Hunkers"  were  the  progressive,  and  the  "Barnburners"  the 
conservative,  branch  of  their  party.  Various  suggestions  concerning 
the  rights  of  married  women,  and  homestead  exemption,  were  also 
talked  of.  In  reference  to  them  he  remarked  in  a  note  to  Mr.  Weed  : 

Statesmen  must  follow  in  the  wake  of  philanthropists,  and  each  step  of 
human  progress  seems  at  first  visionary  and  dangerous.  We  are  in  danger  of 


1845.J  RIDING   AND   DRIVING. 

going  faster  than  will  be  safe ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  the  public  mind  is  ripened 
for  one  great  and  beneficent  measure — a  law  to  act  only  prospectively,  securing 
to  the  wife  and  children  a  home  which,  if  honestly  bought  and  paid  for,  and 
devoted  to  that  purpose,  shall  not  be  liable  for  debts,  unless  specifically  mort 
gaged.  The  Texas  constitution  adopts  such  a  principle,  or  an  approximation 
to  it. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year,  in  accordance  with  his  father's  wishes, 
Seward  made  several  visits  to  Orange  County  to  aid  in  the  establish 
ment  and  organization  of  the  S.  S.  Seward  Institute.  He  had  asked 
Miss  Parsons,  of  Albany,  to  become  its  principal.  Pausing  at  Pough- 
keepsie  to  attend  to  some  professional  business,  he  wrote  thence  to 
Mrs.  Seward: 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  Sunday. 

Mr.  Stevens  having  come  from  Albany  to  this  place,  I  followed  him  here, 
where  I  have  done  my  business,  and  am  going  to  Florida  to-morrow  morning. 

I  found  Miss  Parsons  just  breaking  up  her  school,  and  on  the  wing  for  the 
South.  Her  brother  joined  me  in  thinking  the  Seward  Institute  might  be  better 
for  her ;  so  she  came  with  me  in  the  boat  last  night. 

Here  I  found  a  gentleman  who  has  given  me  a  nice  pair  of  bay  horses  for  a 
counsel-fee,  and  they  are  in  the  harness  at  the  door.  Borrowing  a  wagon,  I 
start  from  here  to-morrow,  with  Miss  Parsons  and  my  own  horses,  for  Florida. 
Be  not  surprised  if  you  hear  of  my  figuring  in  this  distant  region  with  a  lady 
and  horses,  neither  of  which  the  public  know  to  be  my  own.  Mr.  Webster  is 
here.  I  dine  with  him  to-day.  I  have  engaged  to  go  to  Washington,  in  Decem 
ber,  to  attend  the  United  States  Supreme  Court- 
Two  days  later,  at  Florida,  the  school  was  duly  organized,  to  the 
satisfaction  of  its  patron  and  founder.  Seward  returned  to  his  profes 
sional  work,  sending  the  ponies  by  steamboat  and  railway  to  Auburn. 
They  were  a  serviceable  pair,  good  and  rapid  travelers,  though  rather 
too  spirited,  as  was  attested  a  few  months  later  by  accidents  to  wagons 
and  sleighs.  Nevertheless  they  were  general  favorites.  They  were 
trained  for  use  under  the  saddle,  as  well  as  in  the  harness  ;  and  for 
some  months  he  used  to  enjoy  a  morning  gallop  upon  "  Charlie  "  before 
breakfast  on  the  occasional  days  that  business  allowed  him  to  be  at 
Auburn. 

He  liked  his  horses  as  he  did  his  birds  and  dogs.  He  was  fond  of 
carriage-excursions.  He  would  take  the  reins  himself,  when  neces 
sary  ;  but  driving  was  never  one  of  his  pleasures.  He  was  not  a  con 
noisseur  in  horses,  and  cared  nothing  about  their  speed,  except  when 
in  haste  to  reach  some  destination.  He  liked  to  get  rapidly  over  the 
ground,  though  he  probably  never  took  the  trouble  to  time  the  speed 
of  any  horse  by  his  watch. 

Congress,  at  its  meeting  on  the  first  Monday  of  December,  received 
President  Polk's  message  stating  the  policy  of  his  Administration. 
Its  cardinal  points  were  that  Texas  and  Oregon  should  be  held,  even 


766  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1845 

at  the  risk  of  war  with  Mexico  and  with  England.  But  it  expressed  a 
confident  hope  that  hostilities  with  those  countries  would  be  avoided. 

The  new  Congress,  like  preceding  ones,  began  its  deliberations  with 
a  proposition  to  adopt  the  "gag-rule"  against  antislavery  petitions. 
Then,  early  in  the  session,  opened  a  period  of  memorable  debate.  The 
Texas  and  Oregon  measures  involved  the  question  of  the  extension  of 
slavery,  and  this  was  developing  into  a  national  issue.  The  estimates 
for  national  defense  foreshadowed  expectations  of  war.  Remonstrances 
were  presented  against  the  admission  of  Texas  as  a  slave  State  ;  and 
the  votes,  on  their  reference,  showed  that  the  Administration  would 
have  the  support  of  a  strong  majority  of  Congress,  though  not  without 
encountering  sharp  criticism  and  opposition. 

Mr.  Douglas,  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  reported 
a  joint  resolution  for  the  admission  of  Texas.  The  previous  question 
was  ordered,  to  cut  off  debate,  and  it  went  through  the  House  by  a 
majority  of  eighty-five.  Three  Democratic  members  joined  with  the 
Whigs  in  opposing  it — Preston  King,  Bradford  R.  Wood,  and  Horace 
Wheaton,  all  from  the  State  of  New  York.  When  it  reached  the 
Senate,  Mr.  Webster  placed  on  record  an  emphatic  protest  against  it  ; 
but  the  resolution  passed  by  a  majority  of  seventeen.  Before  the  year 
closed,  President  Polk  appended  his  signature,  and  Texas  was  a 
State. 

The  press  throughout  the  country  joined  in  the  debate  over  this 
extension  of  slavery.  As  a  part  of  the  argument,  there  began  to 
appear,  in  the  columns  of  Whig  and  Democratic  journals,  paragraphs 
hitherto  confined  to  abolition  newspapers.  Auction-sales  of  slaves, 
stories  of  fugitives,  and  cases  of  individual  suffering,  were  cited  to 
show  the  character  of  the  "  peculiar  institution "  which,  instead  of 
being  left  to  gradually  die  out,  as  the  North  had  fondly  hoped,  was 
to  be  taken  up  and  extended  into  the  new  Territories,  in  order  to  keep 
up  a  perpetual  equilibrium  between  the  free  States  and  the  slavehold- 
ing  ones. 

Hopes  were  entertained  that  the  dissensions  among  the  Mexicans 
themselves  might  prevent  collision  with  the  United  States.  It  was  an 
unfounded  expectation,  since  all  the  contending  factions  in  Mexico 
were  alike  hostile  to  what  they  considered  a  dismemberment  of  their 
republic. 

The  extension  of  the  lines  of  telegraph  in  an  unbroken  chain  from 
New  York  to  Buffalo  was  an  enterprise  which  was  exciting  much  atten 
tion  this  fall.  In  December  was  published  the  prospectus  of  the  first 
daily  newspaper  in  Auburn.  The  invention  of  the  magnetic  telegraph 
proved  to  be  a  great  advantage  to  the  country  press,  as  it  enabled  them 
to  give  their  readers  foreign  and  metropolitan  news  in  advance  of  the 
city  papers. 


1846.]  A   MONTH   IN  WASHINGTON.  767 

The  railway  also  made  a  step  in  advance.  There  were  henceforth 
to  be  two  passenger-trains  daily. 

The  law-office,  on  its  new  footing,  was  doing  an  increased  amount 

of  work. 

AUBUBN,  December  20,  1846. 

Our  business  here  begins  to  take  a  satisfactory  shape.  Blatchford  is  prodi 
giously  effective  as  an  attorney.  For  the  first  time,  I  begin  to  feel,  as  well  as  to 
enjoy,  the  dignity  and  ease  of  a  counselor.  I  eat  Thanksgiving  dinners  like  a 
Christian,  and  even  attend  Mrs.  Seward  to  parties  occasionally,  like  a  husband. 

On  Thursday  next,  God  willing,  I  go  to  Albany,  and,  after  staying  there  a 
half -day  or  so,  proceed  to  Washington,  in  entire  uncertainty  concerning  how 
long  I  stay  there,  but  expecting  to  spend  all  the  month  of  January.  I  shall  learn 
something  at  Washington.  Do  you  know  that  I  have  seen  more  of  the  British  Par 
liament,  and  of  London,  than  I  have  of  Congress  and  of  Washington  ?  When  I 
am  to  see  anything  new,  or  learn  anything,  there  arises  instantly  a  desire  for 
sympathy  with  others.  So  I  have  invited  Mrs.  Seward  to  visit  the  capital ;  but 
she  declines.  Next,  I  wish,  for  a  thousand  reasons,  that  you  could  be  where 
I  could  compare  notes  with  you.  That  is  impossible,  I  suppose,  since  the  inter 
ests  of  the  Evening  Journal  require  you  to  be  at  Albany  when  the  Legislature 
shall  assemble.  Moreover,  the  quidnuncs  would  believe  that  we  visited  Wash 
ington  as  conspirators.  I  think  I  am  not  the  most  discreet  man  in  the  world ; 
but  then  I  have  had  no  such  knowledge  of  the  strange  atmosphere  of  the  na 
tional  capital  as  to  learn  that  safety  can  only  be  secured  by  silence  and  reserve. 

Did  you  go  to  New  York  ?  If  you  did,  you  left  thunderbolts  for  one  or  two 
daily  discharges  from  your  editorial  throne. 

So  we  are  to  buy  California  of  Mexico.  Mexico,  a  youthful  state,  a  youthful 
American  republic,  has  reached  maturity,  and  is  now  declining  to  dissolution. 
The  lesson  is  full  of  instruction. 

General  Oass  has  appropriated  all  the  glory  of  war  and  Oregon.  It  will  in 
spire  his  candidateship  prematurely.  But  that  is  not  all.  These  warlike  demon 
strations  will,  contrary  to  his  expectations,  awaken  no  opposition  among  the 
Whigs  to  the  action  of  the  Administration. 


CHAPTER  LXI. 

1846. 

'Washington  Life.— Causes  in  the  Supreme  Court.— The  Oregon  Question.— Stanley.— 
Washington  Hunt.— The  Adams  Family.— Mrs.  Gaines.— Mrs.  Maury.— John  M.  Clay 
ton. — Judge  McLean. — General  Scott. 

CALLED  by  his  clients  to  argue  their  causes  in  the  Supreme  Court 
at  Washington,  Seward  found  himself  at  the  capital  in  the  midst  of  an 
important  and  interesting  period,  the  session  which  was  to  determine 
the  questions  of  peace  or  war  with  England  and  with  Mexico. 

The  claim  for  "  the  whole  of  Oregon  or  none,"  and  "  54°  40'  or 
fight,"  had  awakened  the  popular  love  of  aggrandizement ;  and,  while 


768  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

there  was  coupled  with  it  the  dread  of  a  war  with  England,  yet  the 
Administration  party  found  it  difficult  to  withdraw  from  their  position 
without  incurring,  possibly  odium,  and  certainly  ridicule.  But  the 
feeling  in  favor  of  Oregon  was,  to  a  great  degree,  a  Northern  one. 
At  the  South  the  Texas  question  was  of  paramount  importance.  The 
Administration  would  be  pardoned  there  for  a  change  of  front,  and 
even  for  humiliation,  in  the  Oregon  matter,  if  that  course  was  proved 
to  be  necessary  to  assure  the  retention  of  Texas,  and  the  maintenance 
of  slavery  there.  The  first  step,  however,  toward  asserting  claim  to 
Oregon,  would  be  to  give  to  Great  Britain  the  required  twelve  months' 
"  notice  "  of  intention  to  discontinue  the  existing  provisional  arrange 
ment.  This  step,  it  was  confidently  expected,  would  be  taken  at  once. 

Among  the  cases  in  the  Supreme  Court  in  which  Seward  was  en 
gaged  were  those  involving  the  patent-rights  of  the  Jethro  Wood 
plough  and  of  the  Woodworth  planing-machine.  Chief  in  public  con 
sequence,  as  well  as  in  interest  to  himself,  was  the  Ohio  slave-case, 
which  had  been  set  down  for  argument  at  this  term. 

Washington  was,  as  usual,  thronged  with  winter  visitors.  Seward 
had  never  previously  remained  there  for  any  lengthened  period,  and 
many  of  the  scenes  around  him  had  the  attraction  of  novelty.  His  let 
ters  home  contained  descriptions  of  his  life  there  almost  minute  enough 
for  a  diary,  especially  when  supplemented  by  his  frequent  notes  to  Mr. 
Weed,  describing  the  progress  of  political  affairs. 

WASHINGTON,  Jawuary  1, 1846. 

All  around  me  I  hear  salutations  of  the  New-Year.  Few  of  them  rest  with 
me,  for  I  am  a  stranger.  I  gather  up  a  thousand  of  these  greetings  and  speed 
them  to  her  whose  joys  and  sorrows  are  mine  own,  who  cannot  be  happy  with 
out  making  me  glad,  who  cannot  be  grieved  without  making  me  disconsolate. 

It  is  only  two  hours  that  I  have  been  awake  at  Washington,  and  therefore  I 
have  little  to  say  of  the  capital.  I  will  begin  back  at  the  commencement  of  my 
long  journey.  Miss  Darling  proved  an  intellectual  and  agreeable  companion ; 
the  weather  was  mild,  and  the  road  so  fine  that  we  scarcely  noticed  the  flight 
of  time  until  the  day  dawned  upon  us  at  Syracuse.  We  found  breakfast  at 
Utica;  and  then  I  discovered  that  in  leaving  Mr.  De  Zeng's,  at  Skaneateles,  the 
night  before,  I  had  brought  away  a  cloak  similar  to  but  not  my  own.  This  is 
somewhat  inconvenient,  for  I  think  the  exchange  an  unequal  one. 

James  Homer,  with  his  broad,  round,  benignant  face,  met  us  at  the  depot  at 
Albany,  and  took  Miss  Darling  to  his  house.  I  repaired  to  the  Eagle.  The  next, 
day  I  did  what  was  needful  to  be  done  at  Albany ;  and  on  Saturday  morning  1 
received  your  note  about  the  lost  carpet-bag,  just  as  we  were  going  to  the  cars. 
I  dispatched  a  hasty  note  to  you,  and  we  left  directions  for  the  lost  bag  to  follow 
us  to  New  York. 

The  snow-storm  delayed  us,  so  that  I  had  not  time  to  visit  Maria  Weed  at 
Springfield.  We  had  three  hours  at  New  Haven.  I  called  upon  Judge  Daggett, 
and,  with  Mr.  King,  visited  the  family  of  Mr.  Ingersoll. 

Mr.  Collier  was  on  board  the  boat  with  us  to  New  York,  loquacious,  com- 


1846.]  JOURNEY  TO   THE   CAPITAL.  769 

placent,  civil,  and  attentive.  It  was  half-past  four  in  the  morning  when  the 
boat  moored  in  Peck  Slip.  At  seven  I  found  myself  snugly  located  in  No.  11  at 
the  Astor  House.  Taylor  Hall  came  to  breakfast  with  me,  and  we  were  soon 
joined  by  Bowen.  We  dined  with  the  latter. 

I  spent  the  afternoon  at  Webb's.  The  hours  passed  very  pleasantly  until 
Mr.  Blatchford  called  for  me,  and  in  an  hour  I  was  surrounded  by  the  shades  of 
night  and  Hell  Gate.  Mrs.  Blatchford  made  me  tea,  gave  me  a  nice  bed  and 
breakfast,  and  I  enjoyed  them  exceedingly.  They  expect  to  take  lodgings  at 
the  Astor  House  before  my  return  to  the  city.  I  saw  Greeley,  Roe,  and  some 
others,  and  left  on  Monday  evening  for  Philadelphia. 

It  was  night  and  lonesome  when  I  arrived  at  Jones's  Hotel,  in  that  city.  At 
eleven  o'clock,  on  glancing  at  the  register,  I  found  the  names  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Edward  Stanley,  of  North  Carolina.  I  saw  them  early  next  morning.  Mr. 
Stanley  accompanied  me  to  dinner  at  Mr.  Josiah  Randall's,  and  to  the  theatre  in 
the  evening,  where  we  had  the  greatest  possible  dramatic  enjoyment,  in  seeing 
Mrs.  Kean  (formerly  Ellen  Tree)  personate  Viola  in  "  Twelfth  Night." 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Marvine  are  staying  at  the  Markoe  House.  He  had  some  of  his 
friends  of  both  sexes  to  receive  me  at  one  of  the  city  assemblies.  I  repaired 
there  at  ten  o'clock,  after  the  play ;  but  there  was  misunderstanding  among  the 
servants,  and  I  was  informed  that  Mr.  Marvine  could  not  be  found.  I  gladly 
availed  myself  of  the  just  apology,  and  returned  wearied  to  my  lodgings.  An 
hour  afterward  Mr.  Marvine  found  me,  in  night-dress  and  slippers,  but  it  was 
too  late  to  go  abroad  in  quest  of  occasions  of  gallantry. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stanley  came  on  to  Baltimore,  where  I  left  them.  He  is  an 
agreeable  and  excellent  man,  modest  and  moderate  in  his  aspirations.  He  gave 
me  a  pamphlet  containing  a  belligerent  correspondence,  in  which  he  has  recently 
won  a  diplomatic  victory  over  his  successor  in  Congress.  I  sent  it  to  you  for 
your  amusement. 

I  am  a  great  misfortune  personified,  and  so  I  never  travel  single.  Mrs. 
Stanley  brought  me  into  communication  with  an  eccentric  English  lady— Mrs. 
Maury — who  is  the  wife  of  Mr.  Maury,  of  Liverpool,  whose  father  was  forty 
years  the  American  consul  there.  Although  the  mother  of  eleven  living  chil 
dren,  she  is  traversing  the  United  States  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Rio 
Grande  as  a  tourist  and  philosopher.  She  is  attended  by  a  lad  of  fourteen 
years ;  is  highly  educated  and  sensible.  The  lady  and  her  son  came,  under  my 
care,  to  Coleman's.  But  I  was  even  more  fortunate  than  this.  There  was  a 
plain,  meek-looking  female  in  the  reception-room  at  Barnum's  Hotel,  Bal 
timore.  When  all  other  persons  had  withdrawn,  she  spoke  to  me,  told  me 
a  story  of  much  truth  and  some  deception,  I  think.  She  was  the  widow 
of  a  merchant,  who  died  years  ago,  at  Utica,  leaving  her  with  an  infant 
child.  She  was  a  dress-maker.  Her  mother-in-law  was  harsh,  and  besides 
was  determined  to  train  up  the  boy  (now  eleven  years  old)  in  the  Presby 
terian  Church,  while  the  mother  was  a  Catholic.  She  fled,  with  little  money. 
Thus  far,  I  think,  she  told  the  truth.  She  lost  what  little  remained  in  the 
car  coming  from  Philadelphia  (you  may  believe  this  or  not,  as  you  please) ; 
she  was  now  destitute,  and  appealed  to  me,  a  stranger,  for  advice.  I  begged  her 
off  at  Barnum's,  paid  her  expenses  to  Washington,  and  her  passage  to  Richmond, 
and  she  left  us  immediately  on  our  arrival  here. 

I  found  Mr.  Hunt,  last  evening,  on  my  arrival ;  he  was  just  going  to  an  assem- 
49 


770  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1948. 

bly.  This  morning,  at  breakfast,  I  found  Mrs.  Saunders  (the  eldest  Miss  Bleecker, 
of  South  Pearl  Street,  Albany),  recently  married,  and  now  with  her  husband  on 
a  bridal  excursion. 

I  attended  Mrs.  Maury  to  the  door  of  General  Yan  Ness's  honse,  and  returned 
to  my  lodgings.  All  the  world  are  abroad,  paying  homage  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Polk, 
to  John  Quincy  Adams,  to  Mrs.  Madison,  and  to  Mrs.  Hamilton.  Although  I 
cherish  just  respect  for  these  illustrious  persons,  I  prefer  the  privilege  of  re 
porting  my  progress  to  you,  above  the  attractions  of  the  court.  I  shall  not  go 
abroad  to-day. 

I  have  not  seen  anybody  from  whom  to  learn  anything  about  the  probable 
length  of  my  stay  here,  but  will  inform  you  on  that  point  to-morrow. 

Ooleman  has  provided  for  me  very  pleasantly,  and  the  dining-hall  and  bar 
rooms  show  me  many  familiar  faces. 

Draper  has  gone  to  New  Orleans.  I  called  at  his  house,  but  for  once  it 
was  cheerless.  I  found  Greeley,  and  had  a  brief  but  satisfactory  interview  with 
him.  He  sent  S.  McC.  Smith  to  me.  I  explained  to  him  where  the  danger  lies, 

engaged  him  to  write  privately  to  A.  S ,  of  Utica,  and  to  prepare  and  publish 

an  appeal,  such  as  that  we  contemplated. 

It  will  be  done,  in  due  time.  He  went  to  L.  T ,  of  New  York,  who  in 
formed  him  that  third  tickets  would  hardly  be  raised  anywhere  but  in  Madison 
County.  I  think  all  this  business  will  be  well  attended  to. 

Mr.  Hunt  and  Mr.  "White,  with  their  families,  are  staying  at  Ooleman's.  I 
have  seen  no  other  New  York  members  in  the  House.  Mr.  Culver  and  Mr. 
Holmes  have  called  upon  me,  as  also  Mr.  E.  Robinson.  These  make  up  the 
extent  of  my  congressional  acquaintance  thus  far.  Of  course  I  have  no  news 
nor  speculations  to  write  you. 

You  will  see  Mr.  Hunt's  speech,  which  was  dignified,  moderate,  and  re 
spectable.  At  Philadelphia  I  saw  Chandler  and  Mr.  Morris.  The  former  was 
looking  about  for  a  candidate  for  President,  to  bring  forward.  He  spoke  of 
General  Scott,  and  discussed  McLean,  without  any  partiality.  There  were  kind 
things  said  to  me  by  the  Quakers,  who  are  abolitionists.  I  promised  to  stay 
there  a  day,  if  I  could,  on  my  return. 

WASHINGTON,  January  2, 1846. 

Time  hurries  on  so  rapidly  here,  amid  civilities  and  excitement,  that  1  am 
obliged  to  economize  it,  even  at  the  expense  of  writing  to  you  less  often  than  I 
wished.  My  letters  must  be  broken  up  into  a  diary. 

Last  evening  I  spent  three  hours  in  the  drawing-room.  There  were  sev 
eral  agreeable  persons,  but  only  one  character.  That  was  Mrs.  General  Gaines, 
a  young,  voluble  woman  of  forty,  wife  of  a  superannuated  field-marshal.  She 
is  literary,  and  lectures  (to  promote  her  husband's  fame)  on  the  arts  of  fortifica 
tion,  as  I  understood.  Besides  this,  she  is  distinguished  for  litigation,  involving 
estates  of  almost  inconceivable  wealth. 

At  eleven  o'clock  this  morning  I  went  into  the  Supreme  Court  room,  and 
found  the  learned  judges  listening  to  a  very  clear  argument ;  but  the  question 
was  not  interesting,  and  there  was  no  audience.  Then  I  passed  into  the  House 
of  Representatives,  where,  in  an  hour,  I  made  acquaintance  with  nearly  all  the 
Whig  members.  Mr.  Adams  received  me  kindly,  and  I  engaged  to  visit  him 
this  evening. 

One  of  the  soundest  and  wisest  men  1  have  found  here,  thus  far,  is  John  M. 


1846.]  CLAYTON— POLK— ADAMS— SCOT!1.  771 

Clayton,  who  has  won  rny  high  respect.  He  was  in  the  library.  I  was  casually- 
passing,  and  was  introduced  to  him  by  Hunt.  He  declared  that  he  was  exceed 
ingly  gratified  at  my  arrival,  wanted  to  see  me  alone,  withdrew  Hunt  and  myself 
to  a  private  apartment,  closed  the  door,  and  then  unfolded  a  web  of  sagacious 
policy,  designed  to  defeat  Calhoun  in  his  purpose  of  making  the  Whigs  extri 
cate  the  Administration  party  from  the  difficulty  into  which  they  were  falling 

in  regard  to  Oregon.     He  apprehended  that  Mr.  W would  be  wrong,  and 

appealed  to  me  to  use  what  he  thought  would  be  effective  influence  with  him. 
Thus  I  found  one  statesman,  of  sound  judgment,  agreeing  with  the  suggestions 
you  so  wisely  made.  But  he  feels  fearful  that  the  Whigs  will  be  impracticable. 
I  need  not  say  1  will  do  what  I  can  to  secure  his  views  in  this  great  emergency. 

From  the  Capitol  I  went  to  the  White  House,  and  was  honored  with  a  pres 
entation  to  the  President.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  fifty,  of  plain,  unassuming 
manners  and  conversation,  and  does  not  at  all  inspire  awe  or  respect.  I  cannot 
describe  the  impression  he  makes  upon  me  better  than  by  saying  that  I  miss  the 
dignity  and  grace  of  our  reception  by  General  Jackson. 

After  visiting  the  President  I  paid  my  respects  to  Governor  Maroy,  now  Sec 
retary  of  War,  and  to  General  Scott.  Both  those  gentlemen  treated  me  with 
much  kindness,  especially  the  latter.  Thus  ends  the  business  of  a  day,  and  now 
to  dinner. 

Saturday  Morning,  January  Bd. 

I  spent  last  evening  most  singularly.  Mr.  Adams  had  made  a  speech,  in 
which  he  demonstrated  that  the  true  way  to  secure  peace  was  to  show  an  undi 
vided  front  of  the  whole  country  in  maintaining  our  claims  to  Oregon,  and  a 
readiness  to  defend  them,  which  would  form  the  proper  ground  on  which  nego 
tiations  could  be  conducted  with  the  aid  and  support,  at  least,  of  the  Whig  party. 
The  Democrats  applauded  him  to  the  echo.  The  Whigs  straggled  from  him, 
stumbled,  and  fell.  The  evening  brought  all  the  New  York  Whigs  to  my  room 
for  consultation.  They  concluded  unanimously  to  sustain  him,  bnt  the  Whigs  of 
the  other  States  are  panic-struck.  Still  the  like  counsels  prevail  in  the  Senate, 
and  will  be  supported  by  all  the  Whigs  except  Mr.  Webster. 

After  that  caucus  I  went  to  Mr.  Adams's  house,  and  had  a  very  delightful 
evening  tete-d-tdte  with  the  venerable  statesman. 

You  will  see  Mr.  Adams's  wise,  sagacious,  and  noble  speech.  You  will  see 
that  the  New  York  Whigs,  in  the  main,  stand  by  him.  They  all  will  do  so. 
But  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Ohio,  and  Kentucky  Whigs  are  as  credulous  as 
all  are  honest.  There  is  great  danger  that  they  may  falter.  The  only  way  to 
secure  peace,  or  save  the  Whig  party,  is  to  show  harmony  and  unanimity  in  as 
serting  our  rights  and  in  readiness  to  defend  them.  The  responsibilities  will 
break  down  those  who  lead  to  danger,  and  we  shall  be  able  to  negotiate  safely. 
Oalhoun  and  Webster  are  trying  to  effect  an  ill-starred  coalition  of  nullifiers 
with  Whigs,  to  save  slavery  and  free  trade. 

WASHINGTON,  January  4£k 

I  rose  at  six  this  morning,  and  commenced  my  studies  in  my  great  slave 
case.  It  is  about  bedtime,  and  I  have  scarcely  withdrawn  from  my  books.  It 
is  a  great  case.  I  shrink  from  it.  Yesterday  I  dined  with  General  Scott.  He 
is  now  in  full  chase  of  the  presidency.  His  "Life  and  Times"  is  in  the  press, 
and  I  have  just  read  the  proof-sheets  of  several  chapters.  The  prevailing  sen- 


772  L™  A**1*   LETTERS.  [1846. 

timent  here  is  that  he  is  to  be  the  candidate,  although  that  opinion  has  no  very 
great  influence  upon  the  result. 

This  evening  I  made  a  call  on  Mrs.  Madison.  That  lady  lives  very  pleas 
antly  near  the  White  House.  She  is  tall,  dignified,  easy,  and  quiet  in  her  car 
riage,  neither  as  handsome  nor  as  intelligent  as  our  dear  grandmother,  who  had 
never  seen  a  court.  I  had  little  opportunity,  however,  to  judge  of  Mrs.  Madi 
son.  But  her  dress,  conversation,  air,  and  everything,  showed  me  that  she  was 
a  woman  to  whom  fashion  was  necessary  in  old  age.  I  go  to  my  books  again. 
So  good-night.  No,  no.  I  forgot  to  say  that  I  called  last  evening  on  Mrs.  Davis 
and  her  husband,  "  Honest  John."  They  inquired  particularly  about  you,  and 
were  very  agreeable. 

WASHINGTON,  January  6, 1846. 

I  have  informed  you  that  General  Scott's  "  Life  "  is  in  the  press.  His  nomi 
nation  for  the  presidency  is  quite  as  near  as  the  publication  of  his  memoirs.  I 
was  solemnly  invited  into  a  council  last  night  to  mature  that  event.  The  mover 
was  Mr.  John  M.  Clayton,  who,  though  the  wisest  man  here,  could  not  see 
that  in  just  that  way  had  been  brought  about  the  ruin  of  his  friend  Mr.  Clay, 
who,  he  now  insisted,  must  be  thrown  overboard. 

Washington  is  full  of  ladies,  and  ladies,  too,  of  Whig  friends.  Yet  I 
scarcely  ever  enter  the  drawing-room  at  our  own  hotel.  Jethro  Wood's  patent- 
papers  have  just  come  on,  and  I  am  becoming  as  fully  occupied  and  as  entirely 
a  recluse  here  as  at  home.  But  I  am  a  fustian  old  fellow,  and  nobody  will  care 
much.  It  amazes  me  to  see  with  how  little  study  and  how  little  learning  men 
who  have  ambition  to  figure  on  this  great  stage  are  content  to  arm  themselves. 
I  paid  my  respects  last  night  to  Mrs.  Davis  again,  and  to  Mr.  John  M.  Clayton ; 
and  sought  to  find  Judge  McLean,  but  he  was  abroad.  Business  carried  me  on 
these  visits,  for  I  had  not  energy  enough  otherwise.  I  met  for  the  first  yes 
terday  Mr.  George  Evans  of  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Winthrop  of  the  House.  They 
are  very  able  and  distinguished  men,  the  latter  an  elegant  man. 

Legislative  bodies  are  all  alike.  It  is  quite  doubtful  whether  the  counsels 
of  Webster  and  Winthrop  will  not  prevail  in  bringing  the  Whig  party  into 
their  lineal  position  as  heirs  of  Federalism  The  majority  are  breaking  down 
before  the  demonstrations  of  support  the  Administration  receives  from  us.  The 
North  and  West  are  already  deserted  by  their  unprincipled  Southern  allies. 

The  Journal  has  little  authority  here,  the  Tribune  still  less.  The  Herald, 
the  Courier  and  Enquirer,  and  the  Commercial  Advertiser,  are  potential. 

The  iciness  has  thawed  off  from  the  members,  and  I  am  now  intrusted  with 
a  partial  insight  into  the  political  arrangements  for  .the  next  four  years.  Under 
the  lead  of  Clayton,  Crittenden,  and  Mangum,  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Clay  is  pro 
nounced  hors  de  combat.  General  Scott  is  the  Whig  congressional  candidate 
for  President,  and  Mr.  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President. 

I  was  invited  into  a  select  circle  last  night,  and  the  question  was  put  on  the 
proposition  to  announce,  in  some  authoritative  way,  the  general  as  the  chosen 
candidate,  with  such  dispatch  and  formality  as  would  quiet  the  public  mind,  and 
prevent  its  being  misled  or  confounded. 

Of  course  I  advised  otherwise,  and  the  gentlemen  were  kind  enough  to  say 
my  reasons,  drawn  from  the  state  of  things  in  New  York,  were  satisfactory.  But 
they  will  not  remain  so  long.  I  have  but  one  rock  of  hope,  which  is  Mr.  Clay 
ton's  confidence  in  my  prudence  and  sagacity.  I  shall  see  him  alone. 


1846.]  McLEAN— BENTON— MANGUM— CRITTENDEN.  773 

How  bitter  will  this  desertion  be  felt  by  Mr.  Olay!  And  how  strange  that 
the  friends  who  forsake  him  so  prematurely  do  not  see  that  he  will  grow  stronger 
by  their  defection ! 

Mr.  Hunt  is  in  the  confidence  of  the  general's  friends,  and  reckoned  as  on« 
of  the  leaders  of  the  movement.  I  told  him  to-day  that  he  had  better  try  the 
effect  of  moderation. 

WASHINGTON,  January  8, 1846. 

Yesterday  morning  I  went  before  the  Supreme  Court,  which  is  a  very  digni 
fied  and  imposing  tribunal.  They  preserve  the  forms  and  ceremonies  of  the 
British  courts,  and  the  judges  wear  robes  of  silk,  not  ermine.  The  crier  pro 
nounced  his  proclamation  with  commendable  solemnity,  giving  great  effect  to 
the  words  "oyez!  oyezl "  and  closing  with  "God  save  the  United  States,  and 
this  honorable  court !  " 

After  being  admitted  and  sworn,  I  made  a  motion  for  leave  to  make  an  oral 
argument  in  the  Woodworth  patent-case,  and  this  is  contrary  to  the  rules  of  the 
court,  from  which  it  was  said  they  never  departed.  The  court  took  time  to  ad 
vise,  and  this  morning,  to  the  surprise  of  everybody,  granted  the  motion. 

We  are  to  make  a  great  case  of  it.  All  the  causes  involving  the  same  ques 
tions  are  to  be  brought  on  together,  and  there  will  be  a  grand  array  of  counsel. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  associated  with  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson,  Mr. 
Latrobe,  Mr.  Henderson,  Senator  Phelps,  etc.  The  day  for  argument  is  to  be 
fixed  this  evening.  I  have  just  begun  to  grasp  the  Ohio  slave-case.  It  is  like  to 
be  reached  in  two  or  three  weeks.  My  old  friend  Senator  Morehead  will  be 
my  antagonist.  I  have  made  a  pleasant  acquaintance  with  Judge  McLean,  who 
is  a  very  agreeable,  high-minded  man.  Last  evening  I  attended  a  party  at  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Pyne's.  It  was  a  crowd  of  finely-dressed  ladies  and  gentlemen.  My 
acquaintance  was  so  limited  that  I  scarcely  enjoyed  it.  On  Monday  next  I  dine 
with  Mr.  Adams.  I  hope  that  you  enjoy  such  balmy  weather  as  we  are  blessed 
with  here. 

WASHINGTON,  January  9th. 

You  have  indeed  had  a  series  of  visitations  from  the  king  of  terrors  in  our 
small  social  circle.  They  must  have  checked  the  joyous  excitement  which  pre 
vailed  when  I  left.  Alas!  I  no  longer  grieve  for  those  who  fall.  I  am  so  sure 
that  rest  is  a  blessing  to  any  mortal  that  I  sorrow  not  greatly  when  friend  or 
neighbor  enters  the  grave. 

Where  did  I  leave  off  with  my  rambling  narrations  ?  I  have  avoided  all 
society  as  far  as  possible,  and  have  been  even  more  secluded  and  more  studious 
here  than  at  home. 

Well,  I  have  told  you  about  Mrs.  Maury,  the  English  traveler,  with  her  little 
boy.  I  attended  her  yesterday,  at  her  request,  to  call  on  Mr.  Packenham,  the 
British  minister,  to  whom  she  had  letters  from  the  ministry  hi  England,  and  I 
introduced  her  also  to  Colonel  Benton.  The  colonel  was  not  displeased.  He 
summoned  his  wife,  a  modest,  venerable  lady,  and  Mrs.  Fremont,  his  daughter. 
She  is  the  wife  of  Lieutenant  Fremont,  whose  expedition  to  Oregon  has  excited 
so  much  attention.  There  was  also  a  Miss  Benton. 

Then  I  had  a  visit  from  Mr.  Mangum,  an  excellent  Whig,  of  the  Senate,  and 
from  Mr.  Crittenden,  who  has  not  remembered  that  he  owed  me  an  explanation 
for  his  leaving  me  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  cabinet  here  about  the  McLeod 
affair. 


774  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846. 

In  the  evening  I  had  a  consultation  with  all  of  Wilson's  counsel  in  that 
patent-case,  including  Mr.  Webster,  Keverdy  Johnson,  Mr.  Latrobe,  Mr.  Hen 
derson,  and  others,  which  closed  with  a  supper,  at  which  Mr.  Webster  was  in 
the  highest  degree  felicitous. 

I  attended  church ;  sat  with  General  Scott,  dined  with  him ;  called  at  Mr. 
Marcy's,  but  Mrs.  Marcy  was  sick ;  called  on  two  members  of  Congress ;  visited 
Senators  Crittenden  and  Corwin,  and  Butler  King,  and  other  members  of  the 
House ;  and  arrived  here  this  evening  at  nine  o'clock  to  receive  your  sorrowing 
letter. 

General  Scott  had  ascertained  that  Augustus  had  passed  his  examination 
safely,  the  general  said  "  very  creditably."  Governor  Marcy,  who  is  now  kind 
to  me,  spoke  of  the  severity  of  the  ordeal  at  West  Point. 

WASHINGTON,  January  12,  1846. 

After  making  two  printed  volumes,  I  am,  at  last,  to  argue  my  patent-case 
orally,  and  to  speak  to  certain  parts  of  the  case  at  large,  leaving  to  others  many 
topics  over  which  I  have  labored.  I  am  studious  as  ever,  and  I  scarcely  get 
time  to  look  abroad.  One  of  our  friends  is  here,  endeavoring  to  persuade  the 
Whigs  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  party,  to  save  the  value  of  stocks  in  Wall 
Street.  He  succeeds  in  showing  the  Whig  members  that  I  am  wise,  but  dishon 
est  (politically),  as  he  thinks,  and  I  am  quite  able  to  prove  that  he  is  unwise, 
however  honest. 

My  patent-case  comes  on  the  26th  of  January.  I  hope  to  be  tolerably  pre 
pared  ;  but  it  is  an  ordeal  to  take  a  part  in  a  debate  with  Phelps,  Henderson, 
Latrobe,  Johnson,  and  Webster.  If  I  do  it  well  it  may  be  useful  to  me.  The 
slave-case  will  come  I  hardly  know  when.  Last  night  I  attended  a  party  at  Mr. 
Seaton's  (the  mayor).  It  was  a  gentlemen's  "  sociable."  All  the  Whigs,  mem 
bers  of  Congress,  judges,  statesmen,  etc.,  were  there;  Mr.  Adams,  General 
Soott,  Judge  McLean,  all  our  friends  but  Mr.  Webster.  The  occasion  was  very 
pleasant.  E.  M.  Blatchford  writes  me  that  he  will  be  here  to-night. 

WASHINGTON,  January  15, 1846. 

My  brief  in  Wilson's  patent-case  is  just  completed.  I  breathe  an  hour  or  two 
before  I  resume  the  herculean  task  of  preparing  the  argument  in  the  slave-cause. 
We  have  reached  that  cause  on  the  calendar,  and  if  Governor  Morehead  were 
here  I  should  begin  it  to-morrow,  although  my  brief  is  in  the  roughest  form. 
He  is  detained  at  Columbus  by  sickness.  I  have  had  the  cause  reserved,  so  that 
it  can  be  argued  when  he  arrives.  On  Monday  I  dined  with  Mr.  Adams.  His 
wife,  his  daughter-in-law  (a  widow),  and  her  daughter,  were  the  ladies.  Mrs. 
Adams  seems  much  younger  than  her  husband,  is  tall,  straight,  lady-like  in  her 
carriage,  and  dignified  and  sensible  in  her  conversation.  All  treated  me  with 
much  respect  and  kindness,  and  repeated  to  me  the  kind  accounts  he  had  given 
them  of  his  stay  at  Auburn.  Mr.  Adams  had  Mr.  Corwin,  Mr.  Winthrop,  and 
several  other  friends  to  meet  me.  Mr.  Corwin  is  apparently  about  forty,  perhaps 
forty -two  or  forty-three,  of  a  very  dark  complexion,  a  free,  generous,  unpolished 
man,  with  a  great  deal  of  gentleness,  and  a  countenance  which  wins  your  trust 
and  confidence.  He  is  regarded  here  as  among  the  competitors  for  President, 
and  is  therefore  adopted  for  Vice-President  by  the  friends  of  General  Scott.  I 
think  I  told  you  I  met  the  Whigs  at  Mr.  Seaton's.  It  was  the  most  intellectual 


1846.]  COR  WIN—  HUNT— SEATON.  775 

social  party  I  ever  met,  and  there  were  a  thousand  delightful  things  about  it. 
There  was,  in  the  centre  of  the  room,  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  cynosure  of  all 
regards.  Every  one  saluted  him  with  respectful  veneration.  I  was  honored 
most  delicately  hy  being  placed  next  him  at  the  supper-table.  "  Come,  sir," 
said  I,  "  you  will  need  rest  when  this  term  of  Congress  shall  end.  Will  you  not 
come  quietly  to  Western  New  York  once  more?  "  "  Why,  my  dear  sir,  a  mem 
ber  of  our  House  to-day,  in  answering  me,  said  the  time  had  come  when  our 
young  men  saw  visions,  and  our  old  men  dreamed  dreams.  It  would  be  a  deli 
cious  dream,  indeed,  if  I  could  dream  that  I  should  ever  come  to  see  you 
again." 

Yesterday  Mr.  Hunt,  of  Lockport,  made  a  dinner  for  me.  He  brought 
together  Senators  Orittenden,  J.  M.  Clayton,  Mangum,  Berrien,  Greene,  and 
others,  and  Butler  King  and  other  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
It  was  a  pleasant  gathering.  We  discussed  "notice"  vehemently,  for  the  edifi 
cation  and  guidance  of  Senators.  R.  M.  Blatchford  arrived  night  before  last 
with  Edward  Curtis.  He  lodges  with  Mr.  Webster.  I  am  to  dine  there  to 
morrow.  This  evening  I  go  to  Mr.  Tayloe's,  who  gives  a  party  to  the  gentle 
men  in  Washington.  I  did  not  attend  Mrs.  Tayloe's  party  last  week.  Mrs. 
Folk's  first  "  drawing-room  "  comes  off  next  week.  I  hear  of  balls  announced 
by  the  ministers  and  secretaries,  but  I  have  avoided  all  those  dignitaries,  and 
shall  probably  keep  out  of  the  way  of  compliments  from  those  in  authority. 

I  can  now  see  to  the  end  of  my  sojourn  here.  My  progress  will  be  rapid 
when  I  once  set  out  for  home.  I  am  already  weary  of  long  absence.  I  wish  I 
could  know  something  of  your  occupations,  your  studies,  your  conversation, 
and  your  thoughts.  Among  the  objects  of  art  just  now  at  Washington  is  a 
picture  copied  from  Titian's  "  Venus  of  the  Bath  "  at  Florence.  I  meant  to  say 
something  of  G-reenough's  "Washington,"  but  Blatchford  and  E.  Curtis  have 
just  come  in.  So  adieu. 

WASHINGTON,  January  16,  1846. 

I  am  going  to-morrow  morning  to  Richmond.  Shall  spend  Sunday  there, 
and  go  to  Baltimore  on  Monday,  and  return  to  this  city  on  Tuesday. 

Last  evening  I  visited  Mrs.  Adams  and  her  children  ;  and,  at  nine,  went  to 
a  large  gentlemen's  party  at  the  Tayloes.  It  was  a  congregation  of  the  distin 
guished  men  of  the  day — Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Oass,  Mr.  Buchanan,  Mr.  Oalhoun, 
General  Scott,  Mr.  Clayton,  Mr.  Crittenden,  Mr.  Benton,  and  others.  Mrs. 
Tayloe  appeared  and  performed  the  honors  in  a  most  graceful  manner. 

The  debate  on  Oregon  has  been  postponed  in  the  Senate  until  there  is  time 
to  hear  from  England.  The  resolution  for  "notice"  will  pass  the  House  by  a 
large  majority.  The  Whigs  approach  it  by  cautious  steps,  each  beginning  with 
modifications ;  but  they  will  go  the  whole  in  the  end. 

In  the  Senate,  I  now  think  that  Mr.  Calhoun,  with  Benton's  aid,  will  try  to 
defeat  the  motion  altogether,  or  pass  a  resolution  so  pusillanimous  as  to  be 
equally  calamitous. 

Crittenden's  resolutions  are  a  ground  of  compromise,  but  the  Southern 
Whigs  won't  come  up  to  them.  They  will  fail  altogether,  and  I  look  to  see 
Calhoun  take  the  Whigs  with  him.  They  all  know  my  dissent,  and  they  con 
fess  it  expedient,  but  they  are  affrighted.  It  is  in  vain  that  I  tell  them  that  if 
"  notice  "  passes  in  the  House,  and  is  defeated  in  the  Senate,  the  Senators  will 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1846 

be  instructed,  and  the  obnoxious  peace-offering  will  be  the  signal  of  a  tempest 
that  will  sweep  them  all  from  their  places. 

You  will  see,  if  our  friends  assume  a  false  and  untenable  position,  within  a 
day  or  two,  a  compromise  that  will  harm  them,  and  do  no  good. 

I  live  like  a  hermit  by  day,  and  am  in  the  fashionable  drawing-rooms  at 
night.  My  patent-case  comes  off  on  the  26th.  At  last  I  am  ready  for  it.  Our 
Ohio  case  is  the  next,  but  Morehead  is  still  detained  on  the  way.  I  hope  to 
argue  it  next  week. 

R.  M.  Blatchford  and  E.  Curtis  are  here.  I  urged  them  both  to  show  Mr. 
Webster  that  he  ought  not  to  let  Mr.  Oalhoun  win  his  prizes.  But — but — Cur 
tis  was  wiser  than  I,  and  Wall  Street  wiser  than  the  sage  of  Quincy,  or  the  new 
apostle  of  Delaware. 

General  Oass  has  sunk  by  being  for  war,  he  being  a  soldier.  General  Scott 
gains  strength  by  being  for  peace. 


CHAPTER  LXII. 

1846. 

Trip  to  Eichmond  and  Norfolk.— The  Happiest  People  in  the  World.— Benjamin  WatMna 
Leigh. — President  and  Mrs.  Polk. — Mr.  Buchanan's  Ball. — Governor  Marcy  and  the 
Diplomats. — Colonel  Benton. — The  Calhouns. — Mrs.  Madison. — Mrs.  Hamilton. — The 
Oregon  "  Notice." 

BABKHM'S  HOTEL,  BALTIMORE,  Wednesday,  January  2lst. 

IP  you  will  take  up  a  map,  you  will  see,  in  tracing  my  course,  that  I  have 
had  scarcely  time  enough,  since  I  left  Washington,  to  send  you  any  words  of 
greeting  on  my  flight.  I  left  Coleman's  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  having 
dined  in  a  very  quiet  way  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Webster.  We  slept,  or  tried  to 
sleep,  on  the  boat  at  the  wharf  until  the  hour  of  departure  (three)  next  morn 
ing.  Whom  should  I  find  on  board,  to  my  surprise,  but  Harvey  Baldwin  with  his 
wife  ?  Others  there  were,  known  to  me,  but  not  to  you.  The  boat  surrendered 
ns  to  the  railroad  at  Fredericksburg — a  place  you  may  recollect  resting  in  when 
we  were  in  the  South.  The  cars  conveyed  us  to  Richmond  across  a  consider 
able  part  of  Old  Virginia.  Here  and  there  I  saw  a  clean,  neat,  and  thrifty- 
looking  plantation,  with  a  large  dwelling  surrounded  by  negro-huts.  But,  gen 
erally,  the  land  was  sterile,  the  fences  mean,  and  a  universal  impress  of  poverty 
stamped  on  all  around  me. 

We  reached  Richmond  at  twelve  o'clock,  and  I  took  a  room  in  the  basement, 
while  Mr.  Wilson  roosted  in  the  attic,  of  an  hotel  apparently  almost  as  spacious 
as  the  Astor.  The  Legislature  and  courts  were  in  session.  There  are  few 
hotels,  and  they,  of  course,  were  crowded.  Without  scarcely  waiting  to  look  at 
my  toilet,  I  set  out  for  the  Capitol  to  see  the  Legislature  of  the  Ancient  Domin 
ion.  On  the  route  I  stopped  at  the  Whig  office,  and  was  told  I  would  find  Mr. 
Gallagher,  the  editor,  at  the  Capitol.  I  repaired  there,  sent  for  and  brought 
him  from  his  reporter's  desk.  He  showed  me  a  seat,  and  soon  after  left  me. 
The  Capitol  at  Richmond  stands  on  a  hill  that  overlooks  a  great  part  of  the 
town,  the  James  River,  and,  beyond  its  banks,  a  long  tract  of  beautiful  country. 


i846.]  VISIT  TO   RICHMOND.  777 

north,  west,  and  south,  highly  cultivated  and  embellished.  I  know  no  situation 
more  decidedly  beautiful  in  America.  The  Capitol  is  a  Grecian  structure,  after 
the  Parthenon,  with  a  porch  and  Ionic  columns,  without  turret,  steeple,  or 
dome.  In  a  rotunda,  which  may  perhaps  be  as  large  in  diameter  as  the  dome 
of  our  Court-House,  was  a  statue  of  Washington;  not  like  Greenough's  and 
others,  dressed  in  Roman  costume,  but  in  the  dress  of  a  Virginia  gentleman. 
The  House  of  Delegates  consists  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  members,  who 
are  crowded  into  a  room  not  so  large,  I  think,  as  our  court-room  at  Auburn, 
with  a  small  gallery,  and  without  ventilation.  Across  the  rotunda,  I  found  the 
Senate-chamber  in  a  hall  of  dimensions  contracted  in  an  equal  degree.  The 
Senate  consists  of  thirty-two  members;  and  I  thought  that  the  intelligence, 
capacity,  manners,  and  tone  of  the  debates,  as  well  as  the  dress  and  carriage  of 
the  members  generally,  were  quite  similar  to  those  in  the  New  York  Legis 
lature.  Indeed,  I  thought  they  rather  excelled  our  own.  Yet  the  House  of 
Delegates  was  engaged  in  debating  the  foundation  of  a  system  of  common 
schools  for  white  children,  leaving  the  African  race  excluded,  of  course ;  while 
the  Senate  was  discussing  the  construction  of  a  Macadam  road  as  a  great  work 
of  internal  improvement.  I  soon  became  satisfied  that,  in  a  country  where 
nearly  half  of  the  population  are  doomed  to  ignorance,  it  is  not  possible  for  the 
privileged  class  to  m.sintain  common  schools. 

I  entered  the  Execntive-ch amber  without  finding  a  porter  to  introduce 
rne,  and  I  had  no  letters.  Three  gentlemen  were  sitting  in  an  apartment  as 
large  as  the  hall  of  the  Capitol  at  Albany.  I  selected  and  addressed  the 
more  prominent  person  as  Governor  Smith,  saying  that  my  name  was  Sew- 
ard.  I  was  of  "New  York,  and,  being  in  the  city,  had  called  to  pay  my 
respects.  The  person  thus  selected  introduced  me  to  a  man  of  rather  shabby 
exterior  as  the  Governor.  He  genially  asked  me  to  be  seated,  and  treated 
me  with  marked  respect.  He  argued  with  me  the  danger  of  amalgamation 
at  the  North ;  and  when  I  told  him  that  commerce  of  the  races  was  less  fre 
quent  there  than  in  the  South,  he  forgot  the  question.  Yet  he  was  sagacious. 
In  defending  myself,  I  said  we  had  learned  what  abolition  we  had  from  Wash 
ington  and  Jefferson.  He  replied,  "No;  they  did  not  teach  it."  I  in 
sisted.  "  Oh,  yes,"  said  he,  "  but  it  was  all  kept  within  the  covers  of  a  book, 
then." 

On  the  way  I  visited  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh,  to  whom  I  took  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Webster.  Mr.  Leigh  is  upward  of  sixty.  He  seemed  to  me  to  look  like 
Abbott  Lawrence,  and  to  be  a  man  of  capacity  and  sincerity.  But  he  had 
learned  to  look  unfavorably  on  everything,  because  everything  worked  contrari 
wise.  He  spoke  despondingly  about  the  dangers  of  war,  and  the  decline  of 
freedom.  Of  course,  we  might  have  debated  such  questions,  but  I  deferred, 
and  acquiesced  when  I  could  without  sacrifice  of  principle.  He  showed  that 
he  had  read  the  entire  history  of  the  masonic  outrages  on  William  Morgan,  and 
solemnly  argued  that,  although  there  was  such  a  man  as  Morgan,  he  was  never 
imprisoned,  nor  even  abducted,  and  of  course  was  never  murdered.  He  did  not 
answer  where  he  thought  Morgan  was.  Mrs.  Leigh  was  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Wick- 
ham,  one  of  the  counsel  of  Aaron  Burr.  She  is  graceful  and  lady-like,  and  her 
children  appeared  very  well — there  were  seven  or  eight  of  them.  The  evening 
wore  away  rapidly  during  the  pleasant  hours  I  spent  in  this  intellectual  and 
agreeable  society. 


778  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1846. 

The  next  morning  I  went  to  church,  and  afterward  surveyed  the  town. 
Richmond  is  situated  on  the  rapids  of  the  James  River,  at  the  head  of  sloop- 
navigation.  It  is  built  on  the  summits  and  the  declivities  of  several  hills.  The 
buildings  are  of  brick,  substantial  and  elegant.  There  are  many  very  tasteful 
and  handsome  dwellings  and  gardens.  The  population  is  about  twenty-five 
thousand.  There  are  many  flouring-mills,  and  several  factories.  The  city  re 
sembles  Rochester  in  bustle,  spirits,  and  activity.  It  is  a  Northern  hive  trans 
ferred  to  a  Southern  clime.  I  noted  one  flouring-mill  that  manufactured  one 
thousand  barrels  of  flour  daily.  The  operatives  in  the  mills  are  negro  children. 
"What  wonder  that  Virginians  think  the  manufacturing  system  at  the  North  is 
a  slave  system?  I  spent  the  evening  with  James  Lyons,  Esq.,  a  lawyer  of  Rich 
mond,  and  member  of  the  Legislature,  a  clever,  excellent  man,  who  had  a  wife 
and  five  children,  all  very  agreeable  and  sensible.  Occasionally  they  would 
require  me  to  censure  the  agitation  about  slavery  in  the  North.  But  I  told 
them  frankly  I  owed  it  to  consistency  and  truth  to  declare  myself  an  agitator, 
though  not  of  the  third  party.  Gradually  we  learned  to  forbear  discussing 
topics  on  which  we  could  not  agree.  Several  other  gentlemen  of  consideration 
visited  me  at  Richmond. 

On  Monday  morning  we  bade  adieu  to  the  city  at  an  early  hour,  and  it  was 
soon  my  good-fortune  to  discover  the  happiest  people  in  the  world.  You  will 
be  surprised  to  learn  that,  after  traversing  so  many  regions,  I  should  have  found 
the  happiest  people  in  the  world  inhabiting  Old  Virginia,  so  long  forsaken,  as 
she  has  been,  by  the  spirit  of  her  ancestors.  It  was  in  this  wise :  There  were 
a  dozen,  more  or  less,  cabin-passengers.  I  saw  a  well-dressed  white  man  lead 
on  board,  from  the  wharf,  into  the  steerage-cabin,  a  long  retinue  of  young  men, 
young  women,  and  small  children  of  both  sexes.  They  appeared  neat,  in  shabby, 
second-hand  clothing.  All  seemed  smart,  and  each  had  a  bag,  bundle,  chest,  or 
bandbox,  containing  evidently  all  their  worldly  gear.  I  heard  a  gentleman  in 
the  cabin  observe,  to  a  modest  and  pretty  young  lady  under  his  care,  that 
u  we  have  seventy-five  negroes  on  board ; "  and  she  replied  that  they  were 
"not  pleasant  fellow-travelers."  As  the  boat  left  the  wharf,  and  the  cab 
men,  porters,  and  others,  returned  to  the  town,  I  saw  persons  adjusting  and 
carrying  away  handcuffs,  which  had  been  worn  by  some  of  those  "  unpleasant " 
people. 

The  seventy-five  wretches,  huddled  together  on  the  lower  deck,  looked  with 
puerile  curiosity  and  gratification  at  all  that  surrounded  them.  They  saw  a 
steamboat  und  trod  its  deck  for  the  first  time.  They  were  traveling,  and  had 
the  excitement  of  novelty,  of  change,  of  knowledge  newly  acquired.  We 
floated  many  miles  down  the  river,  till  we  reached  the  port  of  entry,  where 
ships  anchor.  There  lay  a  broad,  capacious  ship  waiting  to  receive  our  "un 
pleasant  "  fellow-passengers,  and  carry  them  to  New  Orleans,  there  to  be  held 
in  the  slave-market  until  sold  out  to  such  purchasers  as  their  well-trained,  vig 
orous  limbs,  and  meek  and  gentle  countenances,  might  attract.  There  were 
already  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  on  board  the  infernal  barge,  which,  lashed 
to  ours,  received  its  contribution.  A  man  of  fair  complexion  and  fashionable 
exterior  now  left  us,  and,  assuming  the  office  of  captain  of  the  ship,  gathered  in 
its  cargo.  As  I  stood  looking  at  this  strange  scene,  a  gentleman  stepped  up  to 
my  side  and  said : 

"  You  see  the  curse  that  our  forefathers  bequeathed  to  us." 


1846.]  "THE   HAPPIEST   PEOPLE   IN   THE   WORLD."  779 

I  replied,  "Yes,"  and  turned  away  to  conceal  manifestations  of  sympathy  I 
might  not  express. 

"  Oh,"  said  my  friend,  "they  don't  mind  it;  they  are  cheerful ;  they  enjoy 
this  transportation  and  travel  as  much  as  you  do." 

"  I  am  glad  they  do,"  said  I ;  "  poor  wretches  1 '' 

The  lengthened  file  at  last  had  all  reached  the  deck  of  the  slaver,  and  we  cut 
loose.  The  captain  of  our  boat,  seeing  me  intensely  interested,  turned  to  me 
and  said :  "  Oh,  sir,  do  not  be  concerned  about  them ;  they  are  the  happiest 
people  in  the  world !  "  I  looked,  and  there  they  were — slaves,  ill  protected 
from  the  cold,  fed  capriciously  on  the  commonest  food — going  from  all  that  was 
dear  to  all  that  was  terrible,  and  still  they  wept  not.  I  thanked  God  that  he 
had  made  them  insensible.  And  these  were  "  the  happiest  people  in  the  world !  " 

The  sable  procession  was  followed  by  a  woman,  a  white  woman,  dressed  in 
silk,  and  furs,  and  feathers.  She  seemed  the  captain's  wife.  She  carried  in  her 
hand  a  Bible  !  Whether  she  was  partner  in  the  accursed  traffic,  I  knew  not ; 
but  I  hoped,  for  her  sake,  for  humanity's  sake,  for  woman's  sake,  that  she  was  a 

volunteer  minister  of  consolation. 

WASHINGTON,  Friday,  January  2Sd. 

My  last  epistle  took  a  sudden  flight  from  Baltimore.  I  had  told  you  already 
all  I  had  to  say  about  my  excursion  in  Virginia.  But  I  must  not  omit  to  say 
that  far  down  the  river,  below  the  place  where  I  found  "  the  happiest  people  in 
the  world,"  the  river  wound  round  toward  the  east,  presenting  directly  before 
ns  a  bold  shore.  On  the  right,  quite  near  the  bank,  was  a  modern,  substantial, 
brick  farm-house,  of  respectable  dimensions ;  on  the  left  was  an  antique  brick 
cottage,  weather-beaten  and  dilapidated.  Midway  between  them  was  an  arched 
doorway,  the  ruin  of  the  church  built  by  the  English  colonists,  the  life  of 
•whose  chivalrous  captain  was  saved  by  Pocahontas — the  church,  for  aught  I 
now  know,  that  witnessed  the  baptism  of  the  Indian  maiden.  This  is  James 
town.  This  is  all  that  remains  of  the  first  settlement  of  Virginia. 

When  we  had  passed  this,  a  Democratic  Virginia  Senator  on  board  in 
vited  me  to  go  home  with  him.  And  where  do  you  think  was  his  home  ?  At 
Yorktown !  I  was  within  ten  miles  of  Yorktown,  offered  a  ride  there,  enter 
tainment  there,  conveyance  away  from  there — and  yet  I  oould  not  go.  We 
passed  on  until  we  entered  the  broad  basin  of  Hampton  Roads,  formed  by  the 
junction  of  the  James,  Elizabeth,  and  Nansemond  Rivers.  And  these  roads 
have  a  gate.  The  "Rip  Raps"  and  "Old  Point  Comfort"  are  the  lintels 
which  contract  the  passage,  and  they  are  fortified.  Passing  up  the  Elizabeth 
River  we  landed  at  Norfolk,  a  thriving  town  of  fifteen  thousand  people.  Ports 
mouth  lies  on  the  opposite  bank.  It  is  about  as  large  as  Auburn,  bnt  is  de 
clining.  The  navy-yard  is  at  this  place.  I  found  the  officers  hospitable  and 
civil.  They  showed  me  everything,  and  sent  me  back  to  Norfolk  in  their  boat. 
One-fifth  of  the  navy  of  the  United  States  was  lying  at  Norfolk,  needing  re 
pairs,  but  neglected,  while  Congress  was  discussing  the  expediency  of  seizing 
the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  defying  the  whole  world ! 

"James  Grey's  Private  Jail"  was  ostentatiously  spread  out  in  large  letters, 
on  an  edifice  as  large  as  the  jail  at  Auburn.  This  was  the  dungeon  for  offend 
ing  slaves,  for  whom  there  is  no  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  no  jail-delivery,  but 
the  cupidity  of  their  masters.  Time  would  fail  me  to  tell  of  hospitalities  at 
Norfolk.  We  left  that  city  at  five  o'clock ;  were  overtaken  by  a  snow-storm  in 


780  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [184ft 

Chesapeake  Bay ;  lost  our  way,  and  got  on  soundings ;  bnt  accidentally  regained 
our  course,  and  reached  Baltimore  at  nine,  the  next  day. 

I  am  again  at  home  at  Coleman's.  It  has  been  a  profitable  and  instructive 
excursion. 

There  is  a  judicial  blindness  concerning  slavery  throughout  Virginia.  But 
the  subject  is  too  broad  for  discussion  here.  The  South  is  panic-struck  concern 
ing  war  with  England ;  and  boldness  is  regarded  as  madness  and  guilt. 

The  commercial  influences  are  prevalent  here,  and  I  hope  little  from  the 
wisdom  of  our  friends.  You  will  have  seen  Mr.  Eockwell's  speech.  Our  excel 
lent  friend  G has  been  made  to  write  to  me ;  and  he  has  written,  of  course, 

an  ill-tempered  letter,  charging  me  with  supporting  Allen,  of  Ohio,  and  war.  I 
suppose  this  letter  the  opening  of  a  large  correspondence,  got  up  by  our  friends 
here  to  control  me.  Hunt  says  he  thinks  Crittenden's  resolution  will  pass  the 
Senate.  But  while  our  own  friends  are  acting  so  unwisely,  there  is,  thank 
Heaven,  some  indication  of  fluttering  on  the  part  of  the  Administration. 
Brother  Jonathan  can  threaten  Bull,  when  he  is  held  by  a  Tory  premier.  But  a 
Whig  premier  can  safely  give  the  ferocious  animal  rope  enough  to  let  him  take 
an  assailant  upon  his  horns.  Since  the  arrival  of  the  unexpected  intelligence 
from  Europe,  the  President's  counselors  are  understood  to  whisper  caution  and 
apprehension.  u  Notice  "  was  peace  before.  Now  they  fear  it  may  be  war. 

The  Western  "  Oregon  men  "  are  easily  excited,  and  have  been  very  suspi 
cious  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet. 

They  gave  me  a  princely  welcome  at  Norfolk.  I  did  not  remember,  until  I 
arrived  there,  that  it  was  the  scene  of  the  abduction  of  the  poor,  shivering 
slave,  by  his  three  freed  brethren,  which  produced  the  sad  breach  between 
the  State  of  New  York  and  the  Old  Commonwealth.  The  people  there  seemed 
to  believe  I  had  been  wrong,  but  firm  and  honest. 

It  is  now  probable  that  the  Van  Zandt  fugitive-slave  case  will  go  over  until 
next  year,  because  of  the  sickness  of  Governor  Morehead,  who  is  of  counsel 
for  the  plaintiff.  My  great  patent-cause  comes  off  on  Monday  next,  and  will 
continue  a  week. 

Duer's  vindication  brings  up  fresh  to  my  mind  the  laborious  arguments  I 
held,  to  convince  him  of  positions  which  he  now  maintains  with  ability  and 

grace. 

WASHINGTON,  Saturday,  January  24ZA. 

I  have  spent  the  day  in  walking  and  driving  about  town,  leaving  cards  in  re 
turn  for  the  civilities  bestowed  upon  me  by  the  l)eau  monde.  There  is  half  an 
hour  before  dinner.  I  give  it  to  you,  since  it  is  the  only  way  of  dividing  with 
you  what  pleasurable  excitement  I  find  here.  On  Thursday,  the  day  after  my 
return  from  the  South,  I  dined  with  Governor  Marcy.  His  guests  were  Mr. 
Packenham,  the  British;  Mr.  Bodisco,  the  Russian ;  Don  Calderon  tie  la  Barca, 
the  Spanish  ;  M.  Paget,  the  French  minister  ;  with  some  other  diplomats.  The 
ladies  were  Mrs.  Marcy,  Mrs.  Walker,  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
Mrs.  Tayloe,  and  I  must  not  forget  the  presence  of  Mr.  Secretary  Walker,  Sec 
retary  Bancroft,  and  Mr.  Tayloe.  It  was  a  pleasant  party  for  me.  Governor 
Marcy  entertained  the  company  with  reminiscences  of  passages  in  New  York 
politics.  He  lives  in  the  past  already,  and  evidently  feels  that  he  is  descending 
the  ladder  on  which  he  mounted  so  rapidly,  so  high.  The  party  will  follow  its 
Southern,  not  its  Northern  leaders.  "  See,  my  son,"  said  Oxenstiern,  "  with  how 


1846.]  MR.   BUCHANAN'S  BALL.  781 

little  wisdom  mankind  are  governed."  The  foreign  ministers  were  all  amiable, 
polite,  respectable  gentlemen.  Mr.  Bodisco  is  a  very  general  favorite  in  the 
fashionable  circles. 

These  representatives  of  the  chief  states  in  the  world  rose  at  no  time  during 
dinner  to  the  discussion  of  a  question  higher  than  the  great  ball  to  be  given  by 
Mr.  Buchanan,  except  an  aside  conversation  between  Mr.  Bancroft  and  Don 
Calderon,  in  which  the  latter  asserted  the  despotism  of  public  opinion  in  Amer 
ica,  and  the  former  admitted  the  soft  impeachment. 

Yesterday  was  signalized  by  Mr.  Buchanan's  party.  It  was  on  a  new  prin 
ciple,  or  new  at  least  here.  He  is  a  bachelor  of  sixty,  and  keeps  house ;  but,  on 
this  occasion,  he  hired  Carusi's  saloon — the  assembly-room  of  the  city — and  gave 
a  general  ball.  It  was  given  by,  and  in  the  name  of,  the  Secretary  of  State 
alone.  He  sent  out  thirteen  hundred  cards  of  invitation,  and  denied  applica 
tions,  direct  and  indirect,  for  two  hundred  more.  Ever  since  I  came  here  every 
body  that  arrived  in  town  seemed  to  be  engaged,  directly  or  indirectly,  in 
soliciting  the  honor  of  an  invitation.  And  so  the  great  affair  came  off  at  last. 
I  thought  there  were  seven  hundred  persons  present,  but  others  estimated  the 
crowd  at  a  thousand.  And  a  brilliant  scene  it  was.  Most  of  the  ladies  I  thought 
overdressed.  I  am  sure  I  see  more  beauty  in  a  village  dancing-school  than  was 
permitted  by  fashion  to  reveal  itself  here.  But  the  celebrities  of  toilet  and 
character  were  there  in  great  force.  Bancroft,  the  historian,  and  even  Web 
ster,  the  orator,  wandered  at  times  unknown  and  undistinguished  in  the  multi 
tude.  I  attended  Mrs.  Marcy  to  the  ball,  and  acted  as  her  constant  cavalier 
until  she  retired.  I  thought  this  disposition  of  myself  most  proper  and  becom 
ing.  You  often  jest  me  for  my  great  reverence  of  the  sex.  I  must  confess  my 
faith  in  them  was  tried  on  this  occasion.  There  was  a  stage,  or  elevated  plat 
form,  at  one  end  of  the  hall,  upon  which  fifty  or  sixty  persons  might  stand.  I 
attained  this  eminence  with  Mrs.  Marcy ;  and  the  presiding  divinity  there  was 
Mrs.  Madison,  who  cannot  be  less  than  eighty  years  old,  a  widow,  relict  of  a 
founder  of  the  Constitution,  of  a  President  of  the  United  States.  All  the  world 
paid  homage  to  her,  saying  that  she  was  dignified  and  attractive.  It  is  the 
fashion  to  say  so.  But,  I  confess,  I  thought  that  more  true  dignity  would  have 
been  displayed  by  her  remaining,  in  her  widowhood,  in  the  ancient  country 
mansion  of  her  illustrious  husband.  Descending  from  the  stage  which  I  have 
described,  and  passing  toward  the  porch,  midway,  on  a  sofa  elevated  so  as  to 
lift  its  occupant  somewhat  above  the  crowd,  was  the  widow  of  Alexander 
Hamilton,  the  daughter  of  Philip  Schuyler,  mother  of  many  children,  ninety 
years  old,  they  say  ;  dressed — Heaven  be  praised ! — not  with  plumes,  but  with 
antiquated  starched  ruff  and  cap — receiving  the  salutations  of  a  crowd  of  friv 
olous  persons  whom  curiosity  brought  around  her.  Mrs.  Webster  appeared 
admirably.  She  has  under  her  care  Miss  Jaudon,  of  New  York.  Mr.  Bodisco 
presented  me  to  madame.  He  is  a  Russian,  of  fifty  or  more.  He  found  her  a 
child  at  Georgetown,  very  beautiful,  and  married  her  as  soon  as  she  was  mar 
riageable.  This  was,  perhaps,  four  years  ago.  She  has  grown  large,  but  some 
youthful  sweetness  and  beauty  remain.  She  visited  Russia  with  him,  and  now 
excites  the  envy  of  her  sex  by  appearing  with  brilliant  necklace,  bracelets,  etc., 
of  diamonds.  From  this  lady  and  her  suite  I  turned  to  Mrs.  John  Adams,  a 
widow,  and  daughter-in-law  of  John  Quincy  Adams.  I  attended  her  to  the 
table ;  she  is  a  diffident,  amiable  lady.  My  arm  was  then  taken  by  Mrs.  Walker, 


782  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [184ft 

wife  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  I  led  Mrs.  London,  of  Charlestown,  from 
the  room,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hunt  brought  me  home.  Thus  ends  the  account  of 
the  ball — the  grand  ball  of  the  season. 

Sunday,  January  25th. 

I  paid  my  respects  yesterday  to  about  all  my  acquaintances  in  the  city, 
chiefly,  however,  by  pasteboard,  for  it  was  a  sunny  day  after  the  snow-storm. 
I  had  the  honor  to  make  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Calhoun,  his  wife,  and  nieoe. 
They  are  kind,  plain,  well-disposed  persons.  Greatness  like  his  is  seldom  more 
full  of  condescension.  Honest  John  Davis  has  been  quite  sick ;  Mrs.  Davis  was 
out  when  I  called  there.  I  hope  to  bring  on  my  cause  to-morrow ;  it  will  last 
some  days. 

The  opposition  of  the  Whigs  to  Woodward  was  effectual.  I  did  not  care 
that  it  should  be  so,  because  I  know  no  reason  to  hope  that  any  better  man  will 
be  presented  by  the  President.  The  injunction  of  secrecy  will  be  taken  off.  It 
will  appear  that  every  Whig  voted  against  the  confirmation,  while  twenty  Demo 
crats  voted  for  it.  Even  Archer  voted  against  it. 

The  news  from  England  is  so  unexpectedly  indicative  of  a  pacific  disposition 
on  the  part  of  John  Bull  that  our  managers  here  will  wax  bold  enough  to  dis 
gust  sensible  men  everywhere.  But,  unhappily,  just  by  so  much  as  they  bluster 
will  they  fail  to  excite  Bull,  while  they  will  terrify  our  commercial  city  friends, 
and  the  few  allies  we  have  in  the  South.  Look  out,  then,  for  boldness  on  the 
Democratic  side,  and  for  pusillanimity  on  ours.  Our  New  York  friends  here 
have  shaken  the  Whigs  of  the  Senate  much.  Orittenden's  resolutions  will  hardly 
be  acceptable  to  the  Democrats  now,  while  our  Southern  and  some  of  our  New 
England  friends  will  stick  a  white  feather  into  them,  pacific  as  they  are.  You 
see  that  the  General  Committee  of  New  York  are  instructing  the  Whig  mem 
bers  of  the  Legislature  to  vote  down  the  resolutions  of  instruction. 

The  heart  of  the  Whigs  here  is  good,  but  the  flesh  is  weak.  Webster  and  the 
National  Intelligencer  both  talk  peace.  When  I  go  away,  the  foundation  of  all 
the  firmness  of  our  few  wise  friends  may  be  shaken.  Let  the  New  York  instruc 
tions  come !  If  the  legislative  Regency  refuse  to  pass  them,  let  the  Whigs  send 
them.  I  have  suggested  to  Hunt  to  take  them  and  offer  them  as  an  amend 
ment.  I  think  he  will  adopt  this  course. 

I  trust  I  have  done  something  to  arrest  the  folly  of  premature  nominations 
for  the  presidency.  I  have  shown  the  old  body-guard  of  Clay  that  their  leader 
was  at  Elba,  not  at  St.  Helena.  I  dined  a  few  days  since  with  Governor  Marcy. 
He  speaks  of  the  blunders  of  Wright,  and  predicts  his  fall  and  total  overthrow. 
He  hears  much  of  Scott,  and  sees  the  mistake  he  is  making,  for  he  said  to  me 
without  prompting,  "  Clay  will  be  your  candidate  next  time."  The  people  say 
that  what  I  have  said  has  strengthened  Mr.  Clay  very  much,  which  is  not  very 
much  liked  by  the  Scott  men.  It  has  only  shown  that  he  had  strength,  when 
they  thought  him  powerless. 

S.  McOune  Smith  hardly  caught  the  one  thought  to  which  all  others  pre 
sented  in  his  address  are  auxiliary.  But  the  question  is  going  very  well.  I  wish 
I  had  been  able  to  prepare  a  report  of  rny  speech  here.  It  would  have  answered 
every  purpose  at  home.  The  audience  seemed  to  understand  and  concede  my 
position,  not  as  a  favorer  or  flatterer  of  Ireland,  but  as  an  advocate  of  universal 
emancipation  and  suffrage. 

Since  I  wrote  you  I  have  extended  my  acquaintance,  chiefly  among  Demo- 


1846.]  CALHOUN— WEBSTER— BENTON.  783 

crate,  who,  strange  to  say,  show  me  more  respect  than  my  own  friends.     I  have 
met  Buchanan,  Oalhoun,  Ingersoll,  Walker,  Bancroft,  etc. 

Our  slave-cause  is  like  to  go  over.  I  regret  this.  It  was  a  fair  case  for  argu 
ment  that  would  tell  on  the  country.  Our  patent-cause  is  expected  to  come  on 
to-morrow. 

Monday  Morning,  January  2WA. 

Stevens  is  here,  and  we  are  ready  for  our  argument  in  the  patent-cause ; 
but  the  court  has  let  in  a  privileged  State  cause  before  us.  We  may  get  it  to 
morrow  or  next  day. 

An  amendment  to  Orittenden's  resolution  was  offered  by  Mangum,  and,  pro 
voking  opposition  to  negotiation  by  arbitration,  will  close  up  this  best  avenue  to 
peace.  Fatal  mistake!  Butler  King  is  to  introduce  it  in  the  House.  Ash- 
mun  and  all  our  friends  are  to  go  for  it,  except  the  New-Yorkers — it  is  said. 
The  Oalhoun  men  are  to  go  for  it,  and  then  we  are  to  make  the  ill-starred 
coalition,  and  be  beaten  on  it;  for  the  Administration  " notice "  will  pass  in 
both  Houses. 

WASHINGTON,  January  %lth. 

The  court  still  keeps  before  me,  but  my  time  is  fixed.  I  shall  have  a  hear 
ing  next  Tuesday.  There  is  little  to  be  said  that  would  interest  you,  although 
the  city  is  full  of  excitement.  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  Secretary  of  State,  retires  to 
the  bench,  which  renders  a  reorganization  of  the  cabinet  needful.  It  is  sup 
posed  that  a  Southern  statesman  will  take  the  cabinet;  and  so  we  come  to  a 
pacific  state.  Mr.  Oalhoun  is  a  frank,  unsuspecting  man.  He  has  no  secrets. 
He  sat  down  by  me  to-day,  and  in  twenty  minutes  told,  without  reserve,  all 
his  thoughts  and  speculations,  about  Texas  and  Oregon,  as  if  I  had  been  of  his 
party.  I  went  last  night  to  call  upon  Mrs.  Polk,  who  is  praised  by  all  people 
here  as  a  fine  person,  of  unobjectionable  ways,  and  excellent  deportment  and 
manners.  She  is  rather  quiet,  and  she  is  certainly  handsome. 

Colonel  Benton  made  a  very  able,  and  another  Senator  a  very  ridiculous, 
speech  to-day. 

The  political  situation  is  becoming  infinitely  complex;  Woodward's  rejection 
brings  Buchanan  on  the  bench.  He  was  to  be  nominated  to-day,  and  I  suppose 
has  been,  but  I  am  not  advised. 

I  am  told  that  this  is  a  very  agreeable  way  of  getting  rid  of  a  Northern  man 
who  is  for  54°  40',  and  no  less.  Mason,  now  Attorney-General,  or  some  other 
Southern  peace  man,  will  be  appointed  Secretary  of  State — at  which  the  North 
west  will  be  angered. 

I  am  able  to  say  to  you,  but  to  no  one  else,  that  the  British  ministry  may 
be  expected  to  offer  (have  done  so)  arbitration,  by  crowned  or  uncrowned  heads 
as  an  alternative. 

Mangum  and  Butler  King  block  up  the  way,  by  offering  an  amendment 
instructing  the  President  to  arbitrate ;  which  the  majority  will  regard  as  a 
Whig  "Hartford  Convention"  measure,  and  vote  down.  Voting  for  "no 
tice"  with  such  an  alternative  is  voting  against  "notice."  Yet  it  is  beyond  my 
power  to  hold  our  friends  from  committing  themselves  to  it,  at  least  many  of 
them.  Clayton,  Cor  win,  and  Orittenden,  stand  firm,  and  are  much  out  of  pa 
tience  with  Mangum.  I  believe  that  I  have  satisfied  Mr.  Webster  that  he  has 
a  duty.  He  has  engaged  to  bring  Ashmun,  Truman  Smith,  and  Huntington,  to 
see  the  arbitration  as  I  do.  If  he  keeps  right  on,  as  now,  all  will  be  very 


784  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

right.  But  peace-partyism  doth  readily  beset  him,  and  the  bankers  in  Wall 
Street  hold  him  by  strong  sympathies.  Benton  is  a  great  man.  He  made  a 
sensible  and  effective  speech  to-day,  against  a  war-equipment  of  the  navy. 

Judge  McLean  spent  last  evening  with  me,  talking  wisely.  He  specially 
desired  me  to  go  to  him  to  renew  it,  as  I  shall  do  to-morrow. 

Be  sure  that  now  the  Oregon  question  is  iu  a  way  of  being  settled.  Gree- 
ley  fails  once  again  about  this  "notice."  Why  cannot  any  sensible  man  see 
that  if  the  President  wishes  to  arbitrate,  and  must  arbitrate,  he  can  do  so 
easier  without  congressional  dictation  than  with  it ;  that  Whigs  voting  for  it 
oblige  Democrats  to  vote  against  it,  and  thus  we  lose  everything? 

Thursday,  29z5A. 

The  case  of  Rhode  Island  vs.  Massachusetts  was  begun  in  Supreme  Court 
to-day,  and  it  was  half  opened.  The  counsel  agree,  with  a  majority  of  the 
judges,  to  let  me  in  to  deliver  my  speech  before  Massachusetts  replies. 

Here  is  trouble  about  Buchanan's  appointment !  It  is  said  that  Vroom,  of 
New  Jersey,  and  Green,  of  Pennsylvania,  are  candidates. 

HOUSE  OF  KEPRESENTATIVES,  January  30, 1846. 

Of  all  uncertainties,  that  of  attending  the  court  here  is  the  most  perplexing. 
The  letter  I  have  sent  to  Morgan  and  Blatchf  ord  will  inform  you  of  the  deci 
sion  of  the  court  which  keeps  me  here  until  Thursday.  Mrs.  Davis  made  a 
nice  little  sociable  last  night.  I  believe  it  was  for  myself.  It  was  a  very  pleas 
ant  evening.  Mrs.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  of  the  party.  She  told  me  she 
was  eighty-eight  years  and  upward.  She  talked  sensibly  of  her  husband  and  her 
papers ;  but  her  memory  of  current  events  and  contemporaneous  persons  has 
ceased  altogether.  She  forgets  in  a  minute  what  is  said  to  her. 

I  am  listening,  as  well  as  any  member,  to  a  speech  by  Mr.  Hague,  of  Illinois, 
for  Oregon,  and  "  all  of  Oregon." 

The  Oregon  question  begins  to  drag.  The  panic  of  Wall  Street  has  begun 
to  wear  off  there.  It  will  appall  some  of  our  friends  here  a  while  longer, 
but  I  think  we  are  safe  from  the  peace-party  attitude  being  forced  upon  us  by 
the  Democratic  gamblers. 

President-making  is  the  business  of  both  parties  here,  and  there  is  a  con 
venient  number  of  candidates.  Mr.  Buchanan  expects  to  go  on  the  bench,  and 
renounce  the  field. 

The  "Hunker  "  party  are  here  from  New  York,  in  the  persons  of  Seymour* 
Bosworth,  McVean,  and  others. 

John  Davis  is  right  about  Oregon.     So  is  our  excellent  friend  Dixon. 

WASHINGTON,  February  2d,  Monday,  p.  M. 

The  Rhode  Island  cause  was  not  finished  on  Friday.  The  Chief-Justice  was 
iick  this  morning.  The  counsel  in  that  cause  were  not  willing  to  go  on  in  his 
absence.  We  were  ;  so  the  court  heard  me.  I  have  opened  on  the  first  three 
points  in  our  cause,  and  then  the  court  adjourned.  I  am  to  resume  and  close 
to-morrow,  and  leave  here  so  as  to  be  at  Auburn  on  Saturday  night. 

As  soon  as  his  argument  in  the  patent-case  had  been  concluded, 
he  returned  home — the  Ohio  slave-case  having  been  postponed.  At 
Auburn  fresh  responsibilities  awaited  him. 


1846.1  WYATT'S   CASE.  785 

CHAPTER  LXIII. 
1846. 

Wyatt's  Case.-— Winter  Journey  to  Florida.— The  Van  Nest  Murder.— A  31oody  Mystery.— 
Popular  Excitement. — Attempt  to  lynoh  Freeman. — A  Solemi  Appeal. 

THERE  was  a  convict  in  the  State-prison  at  Auburn,  named  Wyatt, 
who,  since  his  imprisonment,  had  killed  a  fellow-convict,  and  was  lying 
under  indictment  for  murder.  Without  friends  or  money,  he  was  un 
able  to  procure  counsel  to  defend  him  on  the  trial,  which  was  to  take 
place  in  February.  Two  days  before  the  appointed  time,  he  sent  a 
message  to  Governor  Seward,  imploring  his  aid.  Seward  went  over  to 
the  prison,  found  the  manacled  man  lying  upon  the  floor,  and  asked 
what  he  could  do  for  him.  "  Only  to  see,  Governor,  that  I  get  a  fair 
trial  for  this,"  said  Wyatt,  holding  up  his  fettered  hands. 

Seward  conversed  with  him  about  his  life,  the  details  of  his  crime, 
and  his  own  crude  notions  about  its  justification,  and  finally  promised 
to  see  that  he  had  competent  counsel.  Returning  home,  and  thinking 
over  the  case,  he  decided  to  undertake  it  himself.  About  the  homicide 
there  was  no  question  ;  the  facts  were  admitted,  and  the  evidence  was 
clear.  But  various  incidents  of  his  prison-life,  as  narrated  by  keepers 
and  fellow-convicts,  seemed  to  warrant  the  belief  that  the  morbid  state 
of  mind  which  led  to  the  commission  of  the  deed  was  actually  insanity. 
Careful  study  of  this  phase  of  the  matter  satisfied  Seward  that  Wyatt 
ought  to  be  examined  by  medical  experts,  and  their  testimony  as  to  his 
sanity  would  probably  determine  his  fate.  But  the  prisoner  had  no 
means,  and  the  law  provided  none  for  this  purpose.  Seward  wrote  to 
physicians  at  the  Utica  Lunatic  Asylum  and  elsewhere,  and  at  his  own 
expense  secured  the  attendance  of  the  necessary  scientific  witnesses. 
The  trial  occupied  eight  days,  Seward  conducting  it  to  the  best  of  his 
ability  in  behalf  of  the  accused.  The  jury  went  out,  but  were  divided 
in  opinion,  and  could  not  agree  upon  a  verdict.  They  were  discharged, 
and  Wyatt  was  remanded  to  prison  to  await  another  trial. 

In  response  to  a  summons  from  his  father,  who  desired  his  aid  in 
business  matters,  Seward  left  Auburn  immediately  after  the  Wyatt 
trial,  to  go  to  Orange  County.  It  was  a  tedious'  winter  journey,  the 
most  available  route  being  a  circuitous  one  through  New  England. 
He  wrote  after  his  arrival  : 

FLOBIDA,  February  24,  1846. 

Alter  perils  by  storms  and  calms,  by  snow  on  the  earth,  and  by  snow  in  the 
air,  we  arrived  here  just  in  time.  We  left  Albany  on  Friday  morning  in  a  severe 
snow-storm.  By  dint  of  perseverance  wo  reached  Pittsfield  at  midnight,  after 
being  fifteen  hours  on  the  road.  The  next  morning  found  us  fifteen  miles  farther 
OB  our  way.  We  arrived  at  Springfield  at  noon,  and  at  New  York  at  six,  on 
50 


786  LIFE   ANI>   LETTERS.  [1346. 

Sunday  morning,  having  lost  just  twenty-eight  hours.  We  crossed  to  Jersey 
Oity,  and  went  to  Paterson  by  railroad.  Then,  at  the  cost  of  twenty-two  dol 
lars,  I  took  a  sleigh  to  bring  us  to  this  place ;  but  the  horses  gave  out,  and  left 
me  at  Polidore's  at  eleven  o'clock  that  night.  I  arrived  here  at  an  early  hour 
yesterday  morning.  My  father  is  as  well  as  usual,  but  he  is  very  infirm.  The 
school  flourishes,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  all  parties  This  is  the  day  of  sale  of 
the  real  estate.  It  is  cold  and  clear,  with  a  bright  sky. 

He  remained  at  Florida  until  about  the  14th  of  March,  when  he 
went  up  to  Albany.  On  that  day  he  read  in  the  papers  a  brief  an 
nouncement  of  horrible  and  unaccountable  murders,  said  to  have  been 
committed  near  Auburn,  by  a  negro,  named  Freeman.  Apparently 
without  any  provocation,  or  any  desire  for  plunder,  he  had  killed  Mr. 
Van  Nest,  a  respected  farmer,  living  on  the  shore  of  the  Owasco  Lake, 
and  several,  if  not  all,  of  his  family.  In  the  course  of  a  few  days  came 
further  details.  The  newspapers  described  the  bloody  scene,  the  fright 
ful  wounds  of  the  victims  ;  gave  a  diagram  of  the  house,  and  a  picture 
of  the  murderer ;  narrated  his  flight,  pursuit,  and  capture,  and  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  coroner's  inquest ;  but  could  give  no  explanation  of  the 
motives  that  led  to  the  deed.  He  had  been  wounded  in  the  bloody 
struggle ;  had  stolen  a  horse  to  escape,  stabbed  him,  and  stolen  another; 
had  stopped  at  the  house  of  a  relative  thirty  miles  from  Auburn  ;  was 
easily  traced,  captured,  carried  back  to  the  house  where  the  crime  was 
committed,  and  confronted  with  the  wounded  survivors  ;  had  not  only 
acknowledged  the  crime,  apparently  without  remorse  or  compunction, 
but  had  even  laughed  in  the  faces  of  his  captors  and  his  victims.  The 
sight  of  the  murderer,  and  the  story  of  his  cold-blooded  indifference, 
had  inflamed  the  popular  indignation  to  the  highest  pitch.  When  the 
sheriff  had  undertaken  to  bring  him  down  to  the  village,  and  through 
its  streets  to  the  jail,  the  gathering  throng  in  wagons,  on  horseback, 
and  on  foot,  had  pursued  him  with  cries  for  vengeance.  Some  had 
hastily  prepared  a  rope  to  hang  him  to  the  nearest  tree,  and  all  had 
clamored  for  his  instant  execution  without  waiting  for  the  tedious 
forms  of  law.  Only  the  sheriff's  swift  horse  and  prompt  dexterity  had 
been  able  to  elude  the  mob,  and  lodge  Freeman  safely  behind  the  bars 
of  the  jail.  Such  was  the  startling  tale  from  Auburn  that  reached 
Seward  at  Albany. 

A  day  or  two  later  came  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Seward,  saying  : 

The  occurrence  of  that  fearful  murder  has  made  me  feel  very  much  alone 
with  the  little  ones.  You  have,  of  course,  read  all  that  the  newspapers  can  tell 
about  the  frightful  affair ;  nothing  else  has  been  thought  or  talked  of  here  fcr  a 
week. 

There  is  still  something  incomprehensible  about  it,  to  my  mind.  I  cannot 
conceive  it  possible  for  a  human  being  to  commit  a  crime  so  awful  without  a 
rtrong  motive,  either  real  or  imaginary,  for  the  act.  In  this  case  no  such  motive 


1846.]  A  BLOODY   MYSTERY.  787 

has  been  discovered.  Bill  Freeman  is  a  miserable,  half-witted  iiegio,  but  re 
cently  emancipated  from  the  State-prison,  and  did  not  know  by  sight  the  mem 
bers  of  the  family  he  has  murdered.  It  is  supposed  that  some  one  by  the  name  of 
Van  Nest  was  instrumental  in  sending  him  to  prison ;  but  this  does  not  appear 
at  all  certain,  though  his  imprisonment  is  all  the  reason  he  assigns  for  the  com 
mission  of  the  horrible  deed.  He  says  he  should  have  murdered  others,  had  he 
not  been  disabled ;  and,  also,  that  it  was  his  intention  to  set  fire  to  the  house. 
He  manifests  no  remorse  or  fear  of  punishment.  If  it  was  an  act  of  revenge 
alone,  why  so  long  delayed?  He  sought  no  peculiar  opportunity,  but  walked 
into  the  house  in  the  evening,  while  most  of  the  inmates  were  still  up  and  all 
awake !  He  has  been  out  of  prison  six  months,  and  has  had  the  same  oppor 
tunity  every  night ;  and  then,  when  he  first  left  the  prison,  would  have  been 
the  time  that  any  other  man,  believing  himself  the  object  of  an  aggravated  in 
justice,  would  have  chosen  to  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  an  enemy — then,  while 
smarting  with  the  severity  of  prison  discipline.  No  1  I  believe  he  must  have 
been  impelled  by  some  motive  not  yet  revealed.  There  was  a  terrible  commo 
tion  in  the  village  as  he  was  carried  through ;  it  is  a  matter  of  wonder  to  me 
now  that,  in  that  excited  state  of  popular  feeling,  the  creature  was  not  mur 
dered  on  the  spot.  Fortunately,  the  law  triumphed ;  and  he  is  in  prison  await 
ing  his  trial,  condemnation,  and  execution — which  so  many  felt  unwilling  to 
defer  for  an  hour.  I  trust  in  the  mercy  of  God  that  I  shall  never  again  be  a 
witness  to  such  an  outburst  of  the  spirit  of  vengeance  as  I  saw  while  they  were 
carrying  the  murderer  past  our  door. 

Rumors  now  came  thick  and  fast  to  explain  the  tragedy.  It  was 
said  that  Freeman  had  an  enmity  against  the  Van  Nest  family  ;  that 
they  were  witnesses  against  him  at  the  time  he  had  been  sent  to 
prison  ;  that  he  had  received  former  injuries  from  them,  etc.  But 
each  of  these,  when  carefully  sifted,  proved  to  be  utterly  without  foun 
dation,  and  the  mystery  grew  deeper  instead  of  clearer.  That  he  was 
not  in  his  right  mind  few  were  willing  to  believe,  especially  when  they 
remembered  how  methodical  was  his  action,  both  in  planning  and  ex 
ecuting  his  crime,  and  how  eager  he  seemed  to  be  to  escape  from  its 
consequences.  Then,  too,  came  into  play  that  instinct  of  self-preser 
vation  which  thrills  through  every  community  where  a  murder  is  com 
mitted  ;  bringing,  as  it  does,  to  every  household  the  appalling  thought 
that  the  crime  may  next  be  repeated  in  their  midst.  Of  such  feelings 
were  born  the  impatient  exclamations,  heard  everywhere  in  Auburn, 
that  "  the  brute  ought  not  to  live  another  hour  ! "  Furthermore,  he 
was  a  negro,  and  a  degraded  one,  a  convicted  thief.  Why  prolong 
his  worthless  life,  and  endanger  the  safety  of  the  community?  If  he 
was  crazy,  it  only  made  the  danger  greater  ;  and,  whether  crazy  or  not, 
"hanging  was  too  good  for  him."  Nobody  dreamed  that  he  would 
escape  prompt  conviction  and  execution  ;  but  people  chafed  to  think 
that  the  law  interposed  any  delay  before  that  desired  consummation. 

The  funeral  of  the  victims  at  the  "  Sand-Beach  Church,"  on  the 
shore  of  the  Owasco  Lake,  was  an  occasion  of  deep  and  thrilling  inter- 


783  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1846. 

est.  A  multitude  of  people  flocked  thither  from  Aulurn,  and  from  the 
surrounding  farms.  Four  coffins  were  ranged  side  by  side  in  front 
of  the  pulpit,  and  over  them  the  clergyman  preached  a  sermon  which 
closed  with  an  appeal  : 

If  ever  there  was  a  just  rebuke  upon  the  falsely  so-called  sympathy  of  the 
day,  here  it  is !  Let  any  man  in  his  senses  look  at  this  horrible  sight,  and  then 
think  of  the  spirit  with  which  it  was  perpetrated,  and.  unless  he  loves  the  mur 
derer  more  than  his  murdered  victims,  he  will — he  must — confess  that  the  law 
of  God  which  requires  that  "  he  that  sheddeth  man's  blood  by  man  shall  his 
blood  be  shed,"  is  right,  is  just,  is  reasonable.  .  .  . 

The  wretch  who  committed  this  horrid  deed  has  been  in  the  school  of  a 
State-prison  for  five  years,  and  yet  comes  out  a  murderer !  Besides,  it  is  an 
undeniable  fact  that  murder  has  increased  with  the  increase  of  this  anti- 
capital-punishment  spirit.  It  awakens  a  hope  in  the  wretch  that,  by  adroit 
counsel,  law  may  be  perverted,  and  jurors  bewildered,  or  melted  by  sympathy; 
that,  by  judges  infected  with  it,  their  whole  charges  may  be  in  favor  of  the  ac 
cused  ;  that,  by  the  lavishment  of  money,  appeals  might  be  multiplied,  and,  by 
putting  off  the  trial,  witnesses  may  die. 

Why,  none  of  us  are  safe  under  such  a  false  sympathy  as  this!  ...  I  appeal 
to  this  vast  assembly  to  maintain  the  laws  of  then:  country  inviolate,  and  cause 
the  murderer  to  be  punished ! 

Every  word  of  this  appeal,  made  under  such  solemn  and  mournful 
circumstances,  fell  upon  the  ears  of  the  excited  gathering  like  words 
of  inspiration.  It  was  fervently  responded  to,  talked  over,  and  praised 
— was  printed,  and  thousands  of  copies  scattered  gratuitously  far  and 
wide. 


CHAPTER  LXIV. 

1846. 

St.  Patrick  and  Ms  People.— Convention  Delegates.— General  Taylor  marching  to  the  Rio 
Grande.— Oregon  Compromise.— Webster  and  Adams.—"  54°  40',  or  Fight  I " 

BEFOEE  Seward  had  concluded  his  business  in  Albany,  St.  Patrick's 
day  came  round,  and  nothing  would  satisfy  his  warm-hearted  friends 
among  the  Irishmen  but  that  he  should  attend  their  national  festival. 
He  went  to  the  dinner,  and  proposed  to  remain  a  quiet  spectator  of 
the  proceedings  ;  but  presently  a  toast  was  offered  recounting  his 
praises,  and  thereupon  the  impulsive  and  enthusiastic  company  broke 
into  round  after  round  of  applause,  and  rose  to  give  cheer  after  cheer. 
The  din  grew  greater  until,  with  a  smile,  he  rose  and  said  : 

"  It  is  manifest,  Mr.  President,  that  I  shall  be  allowed  to  be  silent 
no  longer."  Then,  alluding  to  the  toast,  he  remarked  they  had  exer- 


1846.]  SILAS   WRIGHT.  789 

cised  their  "  national  privilege  to  flatter  and  mistake,"  and  that  at 
least  he  was  "fortunate  in  his  misfortunes."  Then,  turning  to  the 
Governor,  Silas  Wright,  who  was  also  one  of  the  guests,  he  asked  him 
whether  the  most  fortunate  event  in  the  life  of  a  Governor  of  New 
York  was  not  his  retirement,  and  "  whether  I  am  not  more  fortunate 
than  himself,  in  having  earlier  passed  through  the  storms  with  which 
he  is  buffeting,  and  in  having  found  a  calm  and  secure  harbor  ?  " 

To  this  Governor  Wright,  smiling,  bowed  assent.  Seward  then 
alluded  to  the  history  of  Ireland,  from  the  time  when  St.  Patrick  found 
its  people  heathens  and  barbarians.  He  referred  to  its  hundred  years 
of  struggles  ;  its  five  ancient  kingdoms — Leinster,  Munster,  Ulster, 
Connaught,  and  Meath;  its  divisions  of  the  people  into  tribes;  its  con 
quest  by  Henry  II.;  its  Parliament;  and  its  devastation  by  the  Lords 
Lieutenants,  who,  as  Queen  Elizabeth  was  assured,  "  had  left  little  to 
reign  over  but  ashes  and  carcasses."  He  described  the  code  inter 
dicting  religious  faith  under  penalty  of  disfranchisement ;  its  mere 
shadow  of  a  constitutional  legislature,  and  the  final  subversion  of  that ; 
its  trade,  so  poor  that  "  even  now,  when  the  country  is  visited  by  a 
famine,  not  a  cargo  of  corn  from  America  can  reach  that  unhappy 
country,  except  it  be  unloaded  on  the  docks  of  England;"  and  its 
laborers,  "  whose  landlords  are  in  England  or  in  Italy."  Avowing  his 
desire  that  the  Irish  people  should  have  free  and  equal  suffrage,  in  the 
choice  of  representatives  in  Parliament,  he  said  : 

I  may  be  told  that  Irishmen  are  incompetent  to  govern  themselves.  Let 
them  try.  It  is  certain  they  could  not  govern  themselves  worse  than  England 
governs  them.  .  .  .  But  I  am  asked,  "  Would  you  give  the  ballot  to  every  man 
learned  or  unlearned,  bond  or  free  ? "  Yes.  ...  I  would  indeed  prefer  that  the 
school-master  should  precede  the  ballot-box ;  but  universal  education  is  sure  to 
follow  universal  suffrage. 

He  closed  by  giving  as  his  toast,  "  Suffrage  and  education." 
Toward  the  close  of  the  month,  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  in  favor  of  his  client,  Wilson,  in  the  suit  in 
regard  to  the  planing-machine  patent,  was  announced.  It  was  an  au 
gury  of  success,  as  well  as  an  encouragement  to  perseverance  in  that 
branch  of  legal  practice.  His  professional  occupations  kept  him  closely 
engaged  in  his  room  or  in  the  courts,  and  he  had  but  little  time  to 
look  in  upon  the  Legislature,  now  in  session  at  the  Capitol.  The  chief 
subject  of  legislative  debate,  this  year,  was  the  question  of  constitu 
tional  amendment.  The  longer  the  debate  went  on,  the  more  the 
breach  between  the  two  Democratic  factions  seemed  to  widen.  Gov 
ernor  Wright,  anxious  to  preserve  the  unity  of  his  party,  had  endeav 
ored  to  pursue  a  middle  course,  and  avoid  becoming  identified  with 
either  " Hunkers "  or  "Barnburners."  But  the  drift  of  events  drew 


790  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1840 

him  gradually  toward  the  side  of  the  radicals,  or,  as  they  now  named 
themselves,  the  "  Progressive  Democracy." 

The  Whig  minority,  though  apparently  powerless,  during  these 
years  of  Democratic  discord  gave  their  support  alternately  to  which 
ever  faction  most  nearly  accorded  with  their  own  views.  Thus,  in 
regard  to  internal  improvements  and  finance,  they  and  the  "  Hunkers  " 
acted  together ;  while  in  regard  to  slavery,  popular  rights,  and  reforms, 
they  were  frequently  combined  with  the  "  Barnburners."  There  was 
no  formal  coalition  at  any  time,  but  by  concert  of  action  any  two  out 
of  the  three  parties  could  for  a  time  sway  the  Legislature.  Occasion 
ally,  the  two  Democratic  factions  would  combine,  especially  upon  ques 
tions  of  patronage. 

The  Constitutional  Convention,  which  had  received  the  popular 
sanction  at  the  fall  election,  was  to  assemble  during  the  coming  sum 
mer.  Already  the  politicians  in  the  various  counties  were  discussing 
their  candidates  for  delegates,  and  projects  of  amendment  which  they 
should  be  instructed  to  support.  Seward's  Whig  friends  naturally 
came  to  him,  both  in  Albany  and  in  Auburn,  for  advice  upon  these 
subjects.  He  counseled  them  to  adhere  to  the  ground  they  had  advo 
cated  in  regard  to  internal  improvements  and  State  finances  ;  to  aid  in 
reforming  the  judiciary  system,  in  diminishing  official  patronage,  in 
modifying  and  ultimately  doing  away  with  the  feudal  tenures  ;  and 
especially  to  labor  for  free  schools  and  universal  suffrage. 

Personal  friends  urged  that  he  and  Mr.  Weed  should  take  part  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  convention  in  person,  and  offered  to  nominate 
both  for  seats.  They  claimed  that  they  could  elect  Mr.  Weed  a  dele 
gate,  even  in  Albany  ;  and  that  Seward  could  be  chosen  from  some 
locality  in  the  western  part  of  the  State.  Yet,  while  such  action 
would  give  an  opportunity  to  place  himself  again  on  record  in  behalf 
of  constitutional  reforms,  that  would  be  all.  It  would  be  unavailing, 
so  far  as  achieving  those  reforms  was  concerned,  for  those  sharing  his 
views  in  regard  to  the  canals  and  free  suffrage  would  evidently  be  in  a 
minority  in  the  convention.  But  a  more  fatal  objection  still  was  the 
probability  that  the  presence  of  "  Weed  and  Seward  "  in  the  conven 
tion  would  stimulate  fresh  discords  among  the  Whigs,  discordant 
enough  already.  Writing  to  Alvah  Worden  about  this,  he  said  : 

AUBURN,  March  28,  1846. 

The  demonstration  in  favor  of  Weed,  which  you  speak  of,  would  indeed  be 
useful ;  and  if  the  triumph  at  the  polls  could  end  the  consequences,  it  would  be 
wise.  But  the  convention  must  follow,  and  the  appearance  there  of  the  person 
referred  to  would  be  the  signal,  I  fear,  for  organizing  a  faction  against  him  and 
us,  that  would  defeat  the  great  purposes  of  that  august  assemblage.  It  does  not 
seem  necessary  that  he  should  have  his  vindication  in  that  way,  or  that  it  should 
come  now. 


1846.]  THE  NATIONAL   FUTURE.  791 

And  a  few  days  later,  writing  to  Weed,  he  said  : 

AUBURN,  March  28,  1846. 

Buggies  writes  me,  offering  a  nomination  from  Ohautauqua  to  the  conven 
tion.  I  shall  of  course  decline,  as  soon  as  I  get  time. 

The  world  are  all  mad  with  me  here,  because  I  defended  Wyatt  too  faithfully. 
God  help  them  to  a  better  morality !  The  prejudice  against  me  grows,  by  reason 
of  the  Van  Neat  murder. 

He  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  give,  in  his  letter  declining 
the  Chautauqua  nomination,  his  views  in  regard  to  free  suffrage  and 
the  national  future  : 

A  part  of  the  community  hesitate  to  adopt  the  principle  of  universal  suf 
frage,  and  weakly  imagine  that  democracy  in  the  State  of  New  York  can  be 
wisely  clogged  a  little  longer.  The  opponents  of  universal  suffrage  have  fallen 
back  upon  the  plea  of  the  hopeless  debasement  of  the  African  rats.  With  the 
aid  of  mistaken  philanthropists,  they  hope  to  defeat  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
colored  man,  by  the  artifice  of  submitting  an  article  for  that  purpose  to  the 
people,  separately  from  all  other  amendments  to  the  Constitution.  .  .  . 

We  have  reached  a  new  stage  in  our  national  career.  It  is  that  of  territorial 
aggrandizement.  The  people  have  instructed  the  President  to  maintain  the 
American  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon. 

The  President  thereupon  requires  the  consent  of  Congress  for  the  proper 
notice  to  Great  Britain.  Congress  debates  and  hesitates  until  the  effect  of  the 
notice  is  altogether  lost.  It  is  slavery  that  "  doth  make  cowards  of  us  all," 
and  justly  so.  New  York,  without  a  discontented  citizen  or  subject  within  her 
borders,  would  be  stronger  alone  than  all  the  twenty-eight  States.  Massachu 
setts  defied  England  seventy  years  ago.  She  has  only  one  statesman  who  would 
dare  to  commit  her  to  such  a  conflict  now,  and  he  belongs  to  the  Revolutionary 
age  rather  than  to  this. 

I  want  no  war.  I  want  no  enlargement  of  territory,  sooner  than  it  would 
come  if  we  were  contented  with  "  a  masterly  inactivity."  I  abhor  war  as  I 
detest  slavery.  I  would  not  give  one  human  life  for  all  the  continent  that  re 
mains  to  be  "  annexed."  But  our  population  is  destined  to  roll  its  resistless 
waves  to  the  icy  barriers  of  the  north,  and  to  encounter  Oriental  civilization  on 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  The  monarchs  of  Europe  are  to  have  no  rest  while 
they  have  a  colony  remaining  on  this  continent.  France  has  already  sold  out. 
Spain  has  sold  out.  We  shall  see  how  long  before  England  inclines  to  follow 
their  example. 

It  behooves  us,  then,  to  qualify  ourselves  for  our  mission.  We  must  dare 
our  destiny.  We  can  do  this,  and  can  only  do  it  by  early  measures  which  shall 
effect  the  abolition  of  slavery  without  precipitancy,  without  oppression,  without 
injustice  to  slaveholders,  without  civil  war,  with  the  consent  of  mankind,  and 
the  approbation  of  Heaven.  The  restoration  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to  freemen 
is  the  first  act,  and  will  draw  after  it,  in  due  time,  the  sublime  catastrophe  of 
emancipation. 

Meanwhile,  intelligence  from  Washington  showed  that  the  Texas 
question  was  rapidly  coming  to  a  crisis.  The  Administration,  in  Jan- 


792  LIFE   ^D   LETTERS.  [1848 

uary,  had  ordered  General  Taylor  to  cross  the  river  Nueces,  which 
had  been  understood  to  be  the  Texan  boundary,  and  to  march  to  the 
Rio  Grande,  thus  occupying  the  broad  strip  of  territory  between  the 
two  rivers,  which,  even  in  Texas,  had  been  regarded  as  debatable 
ground.  In  obedience  to  these  orders,  General  Taylor  had  promptly 
marched  from  Corpus  Christi  to  the  Rio  Grande,  a  distance  of  a 
hundred  miles  or  more,  and  his  army  was  now  called  the  "  Army  of 
Occupation."  Mexico  had  protested  against  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
as  a  hostile  act.  This  seizure  of  two  thousand  square  miles  more  of 
Mexican  territory,  it  was  at  once  felt,  must  provoke  war,  unless  the 
Mexicans  were  ready  to  surrender  their  whole  country  piecemeal.  As 
the  head  of  the  column  of  the  "  Army  of  Occupation "  pressed  for 
ward,  the  Mexican  garrisons  hastily  fled  across  the  Rio  Grande.  Gen 
eral  Taylor's  troops  at  once  erected  batteries  to  defend  their  position, 
which  commanded  the  public  square  in  Matamoras  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river. 

General  Ampudia,  the  commander  of  the  Mexican  fprces,  requested 
General  Taylor  to  return  to  his  former  position  on  the  Nueces,  "  while 
our  Governments  are  regulating  pending  questions  relative  to  Texas." 
Of  course,  General  Taylor  replied  that  he  was  acting  under  the  orders 
of  his  Government.  Among  other  news  came  reports  that  the  Ameri 
can  consul  at  Matamoras  had  been  imprisoned  ;  that  the  American 
squadron  in  the  Gulf,  under  Commodore  Conner,  had  orders  to  co5perate 
with  Taylor  in  the  struggle  ;  and,  further,  that  John  Slidell  had  been 
sent  by  the  President  on  a  special  mission  to  Mexico,  to  endeavor  to 
adjust  the  national  differences,  maintain  peace,  and  hold  Texas. 

As  to  Oregon,  the  Government  was  committed  apparently  to  a  simi 
lar  course,  and,  if  consistent,  would  now  order  troops  to  march  to  the 
parallel  of  54°  40'.  The  debate  on  the  proposal  to  give  notice  to 
Great  Britain  of  the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon 
resulted  at  first  in  a  disagreement  between  the  two  Houses.  A 
conference  committee,  however,  adjusted  a  form  of  compromise  of 
the  "notice,"  which  was  adopted  by  Congress,  and  approved  by  the 
President,  toward  the  close  of  April.  But  it  had  already  become  mani 
fest  that  the  Administration,  while  intent  upon  securing  Texas  for  the 
extension  of  slavery,  even  at  the  cost  of  war,  was  by  no  means  so  tena 
cious  of  the  northern  territory,  where  slavery  was  not  likely  to  go.  It 
began  to  be  rumored  that  the  Administration  was  willing  to  recede 
from  "  54°  40'  or  fight,"  and  take,  instead,  a  compromise-line  on  the 
forty-ninth  parallel. 

In  April  a  letter  to  Weed  announced  a  proposed  Western  tour  : 

AUBURN,  April  5th — Sunday. 

Wilson  ha8  summoned  me  to  meet  him  at  New  York,  or  Washington,  to  at 
tend  him  to  Cincinnati.  I  am  crowded  for  time,  weary  of  waiting  in  Albany 


1846.]  THE   OREGON  QUESTION.  793 

and  the  East,  and  have  concluded  to  go  westward  from  this  point.  Thus  is  one 
of  the  dreams  of  my  life  realized — a  visit  to  the  Mississippi.  I  have  now  an 
opportunity  of  securing  its  -accomplishment.  I  wish  that  you  could  he  with  me ; 
but  we  are  buckets — one  drops  into  the  well  as  the  other  rises  to  the  earth's  sur 
face.  The  nomination  of  you  by  the  Albany  County  Convention  was  fortunate 
and  honorable.  I  am  glad  that  you  declined.  We  must  bring  the  Whig  party 
into  complete  ascendency  before  they  will  forgive  us. 

The  convention  has  been  precipitated  by  the  feuds  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  finds  us  not  quite  prepared  for  the  suffrage  question.  It  will  ripen  soon, 
however.  I  am  alarmed  by  the  fear  of  the  Oregon  question  coming  back  upon 
us,  and  finding  us  unable  to  resist  its  weight.  If  I  know  anything  aright,  I  can 
not  be  mistaken  in  supposing  that  it  is  right,  as  it  is  wise,  to  cement  an  alliance 
with  the  West.  You  may  think  me  poetical  or  imaginative,  but  I  believe  time 
will  rapidly  vindicate  my  notions.  I  think  it  needful  to  make,  now,  our  separa 
tion  from  the  Webster  and  Southern  Whigs  on  this  head.  It  seems  necessary 
for  us,  to  protect  ourselves  against  responsibility  for  our  allies. 

I  shall  probably  land  at  Erie,  take  stage-coach  ninety  miles  to  Beaver  on  the 
Ohio,  thirty  miles  below  Pittsburg,  ascend  to  that  place,  descend  then  five  hun 
dred  miles  by  steamboat  on  the  Ohio  to  Cincinnati,  appear  there  in  court  before 
McLean,  and  then  descend  to  Lexington,  and,  I  hope,  to  New  Orleans.  I  go 
to-morrow  evening  at  nine.  I  hope  to  manage  so  that  no  notaries  public  will 
resume  correspondence  with  you,  on  my  account,  during  my  absence.  But,  if 
they  do,  you  need  not  fear  them. 

The  Oregon  question  was  approaching  its  conclusion,  through  the 
evident  determination  of  Congress  to  make  the  "notice"  a  prelimi 
nary  to  negotiation,  instead  of  a  step  toward  hostilities.  The  will 
ingness  of  the  Administration  to  compromise  with  Great  Britain  upon 
the  forty-ninth  parallel  was  now  apparent.  Great  Britain  having 
claimed  to  the  Columbia  River,  and  the  United  States  to  54°  40',  this 
line  of  49°,  it  was  now  urged,  was  about  midway  between  their  respec 
tive  demands,  and  therefore  might  be  accepted  by  both.  At  the  opening 
of  the  Administration,  the  Democratic  party  had  asserted  the  title  of 
the  United  States  up  to  54°  40'  to  be  clear  and  unquestionable.  Mr. 
Webster,  Mr.  Crittenden,  and  Mr.  Benton,  in  their  speeches  on  the 
question,  counseled  avoidance  of  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  inclined 
toward  a  peaceable  solution  by  concession.  In  this  they  gained  favor 
at  the  South,  and  among  conservatives  at  the  North.  But  Mr.  Adams, 
and  the  antislavery  Whigs,  had  preferred  to  offer  no  opposition  to 
an  effort  to  secure  free  territory.  They  said  that  if  the  Administra 
tion  was  sincere,  and  its  claim  was  just,  then  it  was  entitled  to  patri 
otic  support  by  men  of  every  party.  If  its  claim  of  54°  40'  was  a 
mere  pretense,  it  was  right  that  the  responsibility  of  backing  down 
from  it  should  rest  upon  the  Administration,  rather  than  be  thrown 
upon  the  Whigs. 


794  J^E  AND  LETTERS.  [1848 

CHAPTER  LXV. 

1846. 

Western  Tour.— Pittsburg.— The  Ohio  River.— Wheeling.— Cincinnati— Louisville.— Lex 
ington.— Cassius  M.  Clay.— Henry  Clay  at  Ashland.— Southern  Indiana  and  Illinois.— 
Vincennes. — Vandalia. — The  Prairies. — Butler  Seward. — St.  Louis. — Steamboat-Life  on 
the  Mississippi. — Memphis. — New  Orleans. — Volunteers  for  Mexico. — War  proclaimed. 
—Palo  Alto  and  Eesaoa  de  la  Palma.— The  Future. 

A  PEW  days  later  Seward  was  on  his  way  to  the  West.  His  letters 
home,  as  usual,  described  the  journey  and  its  incidents. 

EBIE,  PA.,  Wednesday,  April  8,  1846. 

Thus  far  my  route  is  familiar  to  even  your  untraveled  eyes.  Hawley  will 
accompany  me  to  Pittsburg.  Franklin  is  situated  sixty  miles  from  this  place, 
on  the  Alleghany  River — Pittsburg  seventy  miles  lower  down,  as  you  know. 
We  have  information,  not  altogether  reliable,  that  steamboats  at  this  early 
season  ascend  to  Franklin.  The  road  to  both  places  is  one,  until  you  reach 
Meadville.  I  should  be  very  glad  to  take  a  trip  down  the  Alleghany,  as  the 
country  is  nearly  connected  with  Western  New  York,  and  is  comparatively 
unknown  to  me.  With  this  view  we  leave  this  place,  reserving  a  decision  as 
to  our  route  from  Meadville  until  we  shall  have  more  accurate  information  con 
cerning  the  condition  of  navigation.  The  voyage  from  Buffalo  here  was  ob 
structed  somewhat  by  ice  in  the  harbor,  and  a  high  wind,  which  arose  as  we 
approached  this  port.  The  boat  was  small,  and  I  was  glad  to  part  with  the 
capricious  god  of  the  shallow  sea. 

PITTSBUEG,  April  11,  1846— Saturday. 

The  route  from  Erie  brought  us  comfortably  along  the  turnpike-road  through 
a  country  quite  new,  and  marked  with  no  extraordinary  evidence  of  enterprise. 
A  ridge  of  less  than  ten  miles'  extent  intervenes  between  the  valley  of  the  Alle 
ghany  and  the  lake.  Meadville  is  a  large,  well-constructed  town.  We  hurried 
through  that  place  and  Mercer,  an  old  shire-town  in  a  thinly-inhabited  region; 
thence  through  a  still  more  quaint-looking  place,  called  Harmony,  in  Butler 
County,  where  our  road  clambered  continually  across,  and  along,  and  around, 
stupendous  hills,  the  uneasy  cradle  of  the  Alleghany  River.  These  elevations, 
not  unlike  those  in  the  southern  part  of  Onondaga  County,  were  more  frequent 
and  confused  until  we  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  this  extraordinary  place. 
It  was  nightfall ;  we  rose  on  an  eminence  of  three  hundred  feet.  Before  us,  at 
that  depth,  lay  Pittsburg,  wrapped  in  a  cloud  of  dense  smoke,  through  which 
streams  of  fire  broke  forth  irregularly,  marking  the  site  of  the  "  Iron  City." 
With  all  caution  in  the  application  of  the  brake  to  the  wheels  of  our  ponderous 
carriage,  we  rattled  down  the  steep  declivity,  entered  a  covered  bridge,  passed 
over  the  Alleghany  River,  and  through  long  streets  filled  with  forges  and  shops, 
and  brought  up  at  the  St.  Charles  Hotel.  Our  journey  had  been  thirty-six 
hours ;  we  slept  five  at  Mercer  on  buffalo-robes  spread  upon  the  floor,  all  the 
beds  being  occupied  by  persons  attending  the  County  Court.  Mr.  Wilson  ar 
rived  at  the  same  house,  after  a  journey  of  four  days  on  the  Southern  route,  and 
met  me  at  breakfast. 


1846.]  PITTSBURG  AND   ITS   MANUFACTURES.  795 

Pittsburg  and  the  adjacent  country  are  inhabited  by  a  population  unlike  that 
of  New  York  or  New  England.  They  are  colonized  by  people  from  Eastern 
Pennsylvania  (mostly  Germans),  and  from  Southwestern  New  York.  When  you 
arrive  within  five  miles  of  the  city,  you  discover  excavations  in  the  hill-sides  a 
hundred  or  more  feet  above  the  town.  These  are  the  entrances  to  coal-mines. 
They  bring  that  valuable  mineral  from  any  hill-side  down  into  the  valley.  The 
Alleghany  comes  in  a  southwesterly  course  at  the  foot  of  a  high,  abrupt  ridge; 
its  waters  transparent  and  wholesome.  The  Monongahela,  drawing  its  floods 
from  a  more  southerly  ridge  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  pours  a  turbid  stream 
into  the  Alleghany.  The  two  are  the  long  arms  with  which  the  Ohio  grasps  the 
States  of  New  York  and  Virginia,  and,  in  spite  of  all  political  obstructions,  binds 
them  together  in  an  indissoluble  union,  if  not  of  affection,  at  least  of  interest. 
The  calamity  which  fell  upon  Pittsburg  a  year  ago,  when  a  large  part  of  the 
city  was  reduced  to  ashes,  is  yet  fresh  in  the  memory  of  its  citizens.  But  the 
town  has  repaired  its  losses  in  a  good  degree.  There  are  only  ruins  enough  re 
maining  to  indicate  the  locality,  though  not  the  extent,  of  the  desolation. 

The  friend  of  national  industry  can  find  no  place  on  the  continent,  I  think, 
more  full  of  interest.  There  are  eleven  large  founderies  where  iron  is  cast  in 
every  form  of  utensil,  or  is  rolled  and  manufactured.  I  have  spent  hours  in 
visiting  these  great  establishments.  I  saw  them  yesterday  prepare  the  mould 
and  cast  a  Paixhan  gun  of  seventy -pound  shot.  The  mould  is  contained  in  two 
iron  covers,  each  of  the  shape  of  half  a  cannon  cut  longitudinally.  Each  of  these 
is  filled  with  wet  sand.  A  wooden  frame  of  wood  is  impressed  in  this  sand,  and 
thus  it  is  made  to  take  a  hollow  form  of  the  shape  of  the  ordnance.  When  these 
moulds  are  thus  prepared  they  are  nicely  adjusted,  and  clasped  with  strong  iron 
bands.  The  whole  is  then  lifted  by  a  crane,  and  let  down  endwise  into  a  pit  in 
the  f  oundery,  the  largest  end  downward.  Then  an  iron  tube,  coated  with  sand 
on  the  inside,  is  stretched  along  from  the  furnace  to  the  mould;  the  liquid 
metal  is  admitted  into  this  tube,  and,  passed  into  the  mould,  fills  up  the  entire 
space,  and  remains  cooling  there  four  days.  Then  the  mould,  and  the  iron  con 
tained  within  it,  are  lifted  by  the  crane  from  the  pit.  The  solid  iron  mass,  un 
covered  from  the  mould,  is  transferred  to  an  iron  bed.  An  auger  is  applied  to 
the  small  end  of  the  casting,  and  this,  constantly  propelled  by  steam-power, 
bores  the  cannon.  This  boring  operation  requires  a  week,  and  is  done  with  the 
use  of  two  augers,  the  last  larger  than  the  first.  After  this  process,  the  opera 
tion  of  smoothing  and  finishing  the  cannon  takes  place.  Then  it  is  tested,  and 
is  ready  for  delivery. 

Among  other  curious  things  here  are  a  wire  suspension  bridge  over  the  Mo 
nongahela,  and  a  wire  suspension  aqueduct  across  the  Alleghany.  The  wire  is 
small,  but  is  formed  into  a  strand  of  perhaps  a  thousand  threads,  and  thus  is 
made  to  resist  any  conceivable  pressure.  The  whole  is  painted  and  protected 
from  the  weather. 

I  went  through  an  extensive  glass-manufactory  yesterday.  The  operation  of 
blowing  glass  is  familiar  to  us  all,  but  we  are  not  so  well  acquainted  with  that 
of  pressing  the  glass  into  the  shapes  it  assumes  on  our  table.  This  is  done  by 
iron  moulds,  applied  while  the  glass  is  yet  fluid.  You  know  that  the  cutting  ia 
performed  by  the  grindstone.  I  no  longer  wonder  at  the  expense  of  cut-glass 
after  seeing  the  labor  of  bringing  it  to  perfection. 

Since  I  began  this  desultory  letter,  I  have  had  a  walk  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile 


796  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

through  subterranean  coal-fields.  The  vein  is  horizontal.  It  opens  into  a  side- 
hill,  and  an  aperture  is  made  about  six  feet  high  and  six  feet  square.  This  is 
drained  by  a  ditch  that  leads  the  water  to  the  surface.  Planks  are  laid  down 
over  the  drain.  The  collier  has  a  small,  low  car,  which  will  hold  about  twenty 
bushels.  He  harnesses  two  stout  mastiff  dogs  to  this  car,  puts  a  lamp  into  his 
hat,  whistles  to  his  team,  and  they  draw  the  car  along  the  subterranean  railroad 
until  he  comes  to  the  diggers.  There  they  blast  the  coal  from  its  bed,  shovel  it 
into  the  car,  and  the  dogs  draw  it  out  again,  and  then  claim  their  well-deserved 
meal.  The  dogs,  always  docile,  resented  the  intrusion  of  strangers  into  their 
horrid  den.  We  leave  this  place  on  Monday  morning  for  Wheeling.  I  have 
found  collegiate  friends  here,  who  have  made  my  visit  very  agreeable.  But  I 
must  arrest  my  pen. 

STEAMBOAT  HIBEBNIA,  ON  THE  OHIO,  | 

Wednesday,  April  15, 1846.  \ 

If  you  will  look  upon  the  map,  I  think  you  will  find  a  place  named  Gallipolis, 
about  three  hundred  miles  below  Pittsburg,  which  will  indicate  my  route.  We 
left  Pittsburg  on  Monday  afternoon,  in  a  small  boat  that  trades  between  that 
place  and  Wheeling.  It  delivered  us  at  the  latter  place  at  daylight  on  Tuesday 
morning.  The  Ohio  is  a  clear,  shallow  stream,  flowing  between  high  banks,  and 
is  scarcely  wider  than  the  Mohawk  at  Schenectady.  The  banks  are  well  culti 
vated,  and  you  can  scarcely  imagine,  as  you  glide  past  the  pretty  farm-houses 
and  brick  villages,  that  you  are  nearer  the  Mississippi  than  the  ocean.  There 
are  many  islands,  but  none  so  beautiful  as  the  gems  of  the  Mohawk.  Wheeling 
contains  about  ten  thousand  people,  is  ambitiously  built,  and  is,  I  think,  more 
prosperous  than  any  town  in  Virginia,  except  Richmond.  Several  citizens, 
among  whom  was  the  mayor,  called  upon  us,  and  spared  no  effort  to  make  our 
visit  agreeable.  We  visited  the  iron-manufactories,  glass-furnaces,  and  other 
establishments,  and  were  amazed  by  the  exhibition  of  so  much  capital  so  effectu 
ally  employed. 

The  boat  Hibernia,  descending  from  Pittsburg,  received  us  last  evening  at 
sunset  in  a  rain-storm.  Night  soon  closed  in  upon  us;  and,  when  I  awaked 
this  morning,  we  had  passed  Blennerhassett's  famed  island,  and  Marietta,  the 
cradle,  if  I  remember  rightly,  of  Ohio.  I  have  heard  much  of  the  splendor  of 
steamboats  on  the  Western  rivers,  but  my  experience  thus  far  does  not  justify 
their  praises.  Here  is  a  vessel  of  eighty  feet ;  all  the  lower  deck  is  devoted  to 
machinery,  freight,  fuel,  and  a  steerage-cabin.  Ascending  a  flight  of  stairs,  you 
enter  a  saloon,  sixty  feet  long,  at  the  forward  end  of  which  is  a  baggage-room, 
and  at  the  aft  end  a  ladies'  cabin.  The  sides  of  the  saloon  are  occupied  by 
state-rooms,  with  a  promenade  on  the  outside.  There'  is  a  dry  deck-roof.  In 
this  small  space  are  crowded  a  hundred  passengers.  The  rooms  are  badly  ven 
tilated,  and  the  table  defies  description. 

We  are  now  below  latitude  39°,  lower  than  Cape  Henlopen.  The  weather  is 
damp  and  uncomfortable.  The  forest  is  yet  dreary ;  but  the  elms,  willows,  and 
sycamores,  are  green  ;  the  peach-trees  and  cherry-trees  are  in  full  blossom.  One 
may  easily  see  how  "snags"  and  "sawyers"  are  multiplied  in  the  Western 
rivers.  The  banks  are  composed  of  a  sandy  soil,  without  rocks,  or  even  clay. 
This  river  rises  twenty-five  feet  high,  and  washes  the  earth  away  from  the  roots 
of  huge  trees.  The  subsiding  flood  leaves  the  base  of  a  tree  exposed.  Every 
year  removes  the  earth  between  it  and  low-water  mark;  and  at  last  it  falle 


1846.]  CINCINNATI  AND   THE   OHIO   RIVER.  797 

into  the  river,  and  is  carried  down  toward  the  sea.  Perhaps  it  fixes  its  rooti 
in  the  muddy  basin  of  the  river,  while  it  lifts  its  head  almost  to  the  water's  edge. 
Boats,  passing  it,  sharpen  its  branches,  and  at  length  it  becomes  a  pointed  stake, 
which  penetrates  the  hull  of  some  passing  boat,  and  then  there  are  affliction  and 
mourning.  We  are  promised  that  we  shall  reach  Cincinnati  to-morrow  morn 
ing  in  time  for  breakfast. 

I  hope  you  read  the  passages  in  the  Senate  between  Mr.  Ingersoll  and  Mr. 
Webster.    I  think  Congress  hardly  excels  the  Legislature  of  New  York. 


April  19,  1846. 

My  last  letter  was  an  attempt  at  one,  committed  on  board  of  the  steamer 
descending  the  Ohio  from  Wheeling.  We  lost  much  of  the  pleasure,  or  the 
"luxury  of  the  voyage,"  as  tourists  describe  it,  by  reason  of  the  cold  weather, 
which  drove  us  into  the  crowded  cabin,  with  its  monotony  of  feeding  the  pas 
sengers. 

It  was  at  Pittsburg  that  I  first  observed  a  peculiarity  in  the  Western  towns 
as  to  their  appearance  from  the  river.  It  was  not  until  we  came  to  Gallipolis 
that  this  peculiarity  became  distinctly  understood.  Instead  of  finding  the  town 
brought  down  close  to  the  river,  and  crowding  its  channels,  you  see  a  wide, 
long,  open  space,  paved,  extending  one-third  or  one-half  the  length  of  the  city  ; 
and  the  stores  and  houses  are  built  on  the  aides  of  this  area.  As  the  Ohio  flows 
between  high  banks,  and  is  now  twenty  feet  lower  than  high-water  mark,  this 
space  is  much  wider  at  this  season.  This  is  the  "  Levee  "  of  which  we  read  in 
descriptions  of  New  Orleans,  St.  Louis,  and  Cincinnati.  In  the  busy  season  it 
is  crowded  with  merchandise  waiting  delivery  from  or  to  the  steamboats. 

There  are  no  sailing-vessels  on  this  river.  Commerce  is  carried  on  exclu 
sively  in  steamboats.  With  an  immense  manufacturing  population,  in  Pittsburg, 
Wheeling,  and  Cincinnati,  there  is  not  one  mill  operating  with  water-power. 
Bituminous  coal  supplies  steam  at  a  cheaper  cost  than  water-power  is  obtained 
in  our  towns. 

There  was  a  story  about  a  locality  called  "Hanging  Rock,"  on  the  Ohio  side, 
which  called  us  all  up  from  the  tea-table.  There  was  a  neat,  spacious  dwelling- 
house,  with  buildings  appurtenant.  The  story  ran  that,  fifteen  or  even  more 
years  ago,  the  owner,  being  about  to  die,  appealed  to  his  wife  to  promise  him 
that  she  would  not  marry  after  his  death,  which  she  refused.  He  made  his  will, 
that  he  should  be  placed  in  a  stone  coffin  above-ground,  so  that  his  presence 
might  deter  her  from  giving  her  hand  to  a  second  lord.  This  was  executed. 
He  remained  thus,  sleeping  in  the  garden,  until  last  year,  when  the  coffin  was 
lowered  into  the  earth,  and  a  monument  is  now  being  erected  over  the  grave. 
The  wife  is  still  a  widow.  The  wild  mountain  scenery  nicely  adjusts  itself  to 
this  queer  little  romance. 

Cincinnati  is  a  great  town,  a  beautiful  city.  It  is  Rochester  tripled  in  popu 
lation  and  in  proportions.  I  think  it  numbers  eighty  thousand  people,  and  swells 
every  year.  It  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  high  hills.  One-fourth  of  the  peo 
ple  are  Germans  ;  nearly  all  the  servants  and  laborers  are  so.  The  business-men 
in  all  professions  are,  in  large  proportion,  natives  of  New  York.  Colleges,  acad 
emies,  and  theological  institutions,  meet  you  on  every  side,  and  there  are  sixty 
or  seventy  churches.  Sandford  is  a  druggist  here.  He  joined  fortunes  with 
Park,  from  Oneida  County.  They  set  up  their  shop  here  four  or  five  years  ago, 


798  LTFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

and  have  been  successful.  They  bought  a  farm  of  three  hundred  acres  in  Ken 
tucky,  five  miles  from  this  city.  There  they  have  erected  a  beautiful  brick 
cottage,  and  fitted  and  furnished  it  tastefully.  They  have  employed  any  number 
of  Germans,  who  are  converting  its  declivities  into  vineyards,  of  which  they  will 
have  a  hundred  acres ;  and  there  they  are  engaged  in  making  the  Catawba  wine, 
and  raising  peaches  and  strawberries  for  this  market.  I  spent  a  night  there 
pleasantly.  I  found  Frankenstein  completing  your  bust.  He  is  a  very  accom 
plished  artist,  and  his  landscapes  are  in  high  estimation.  My  room  is  so  full  of 
company  that  I  have  scarcely  a  moment's  leisure. 

I  have  seen  many  of  the  gentlemen  of  all  parties  here,  and  they  are  very 
civil.  I  am,  moreover,  engaged  in  "Wilson's  patent-business,  which  exacts  much 
time.  Mr.  Garniss  is  one  of  the  men  of  wealth  and  fashion  here.  He  has  been 
very  civil  to  me.  So  has  Judge  McLean.  And  whom  should  I  meet  here  but 
Mrs.  Maury,  who  is  engaged  in  her  ambitious  pursuits,  and  visits  clergy,  laity, 
and  all  public  institutions?  I  have  to  argue  a  motion  for  an  injunction  for 
Mr.  Wilson  some  day  this  week.  That  matter  disposed  of,  I  shall  go  to  Lexing 
ton,  then  to  St.  Louis,  and  then  to  New  Orleans. 

LOUISVILLE,  Sunday,  April  26th. 

Hurried  as  I  am  when  separated  from  Mr.  Wilson,  and  engrossed  with  his 
business  when  with  him,  I  cannot  even  write  to  you  without  the  utmost  diffi 
culty.  The  people  of  Cincinnati  were  exceedingly  kind  to  me.  A  public  dinner 
was  offered  and  declined. 

I  took  passage  in  a  steamboat,  with  Hawley  and  Smith,  for  Maysville,  a 
small  city  on  the  south  side  of  the  river.  It  was  a  balmy,  beautiful  day.  Civil 
friends,  of  whom  the  elder  favored  me  for  my  support  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  the 
younger  for  principles  that  are  working  deeply  in  the  public  mind,  made  the 
voyage  agreeable.  I  was  displaced  from  my  seat  at  the  dinner-table,  on  board 
the  boat,  to  make  room  for  a  "lady,"  who  had  been  overlooked.  When  she 
came  forth,  lo !  it  was  a  chamber-maid  of  the  hotel  where  I  lodged  at  Cincin 
nati.  I  resigned  cheerfully,  and  rejoiced  inwardly  at  the  tendency  of  civiliza 
tion,  which,  beginning  with  the  gallantry  of  the  chivalric  age,  may  be  expected 
to  promote,  by-and-by,  the  courtesy  which  can  spring  only  from  a  due  estima 
tion  of  the  natural  rights  of  man.  Maysville  is  half  as  large  as  Auburn,  but  it 
is  a  town  where  slave-labor  excludes  the  voluntary  system  that  is  building  up 
great  towns  in  Ohio.  I  visited  a  manufactory  of  hemp,  which  is  there  con 
verted  into  bagging  and  ropes. 

On  Thursday  morning  we  set  out  for  Lexington,  sixty-three  miles  distant. 
We  traversed  a  land  of  unequaled  fertility,  over  a  road  of  great  smoothness  and 
beautiful  curves.  We  all  rode  on  the  outside  of  the  coach.  The  planters  near 
the  Ohio  cultivated  hemp  and  tobacco;  farther  on,  wheat  and  maize;  and,  near 
Lexington,  hemp  chiefly.  Paris,  in  Bourbon  County,  is  a  fine,  substantial,  and 
pleasant  town,  founded  during  the  Revolution.  The  town  and  county  received 
their  now  unmeaning  names  as  an  expression  of  gratitude  to  France  and  Louis 
XVI.  for  their  aid  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  The  name  of  Lexington  was  bor 
rowed  by  Virginians,  about  the  same  time,  from  the  scene  of  the  first  strife  for 
liberty  in  Massachusetts.  Having  heard  so  much  of  the  beauty  of  the  environs 
of  Lexington,  I  persevered  in  keeping  my  outside  place  through  a  heavy  rain, 
which  greeted  us  as  we  entered  the  town. 


1846.]  AT   LEXINGTON  AND   ASHLAND.  799 

Immediately  after  passing  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  the  echoes  of  freedom 
and  emancipation  died  away ;  the  praises  of  Cassius  M.  Clay  were  lost ;  and 
civilities  and  kindness  attended  us  everywhere  only  because  we  are  recognized 
as  pilgrims  to  Ashland.  I  heard  no  mention  of  the  young  reformer  until  we 
were  driving  down  the  turnpike  into  Lexington,  when  the  driver  said  to  me : 

"I  reckon  you  have  heard  of  Oassius  M.  Clay  ?  " 

"Yes,"  I  answered. 

u  That  is  his  house,"  said  he. 

As  soon  as  I  had  breakfasted  I  strolled  up  the  street.  The  negroes,  with 
evident  alacrity,  pointed  out  the  way,  and  the  gate  of  their  friend.  I  entered  a 
beautiful  park,  in  the  centre  of  which  was  an  elegant  stone  cottage  embowered 
with  shade-trees  and  shrubbery.  A  gentleman  of  thirty-five,  fine,  straight,  and 
respectable  in  his  look,  came  forth  in  a  wrapper  when  I  rang  the  bell. 

u  Have  I  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Mr.  Olay  ? " 

"  That  is  my  name." 

"  Mine  is  Seward,  from  New  York.     I  have  come  to  see  yon." 

"Not  William  H.  Seward?" 

"  Yes,  sir.     I  expected  to  see  an  older  person." 

*'  And  I  expected  to  find  one  of  more  youthful  aspect." 

We  were  soon  "well  acquent."  I  had  not  much  misconceived  him.  My 
visit  seemed  very  grateful  to  him.  I  found  him  sensitive,  and  not  a  little 
grieved  by  the  alienation  of  friend*,  neighbors,  and  virtually  the  whole  com 
munity.  He  accompanied  me  to  town  to  find  Hawley  and  Smith,  to  invite  them 
with  me  to  spend  all  the  time  we  could  here  at  his  house.  We  found  them 
riding  out  with  Mr.  Smith.  That  gentleman  was  one  of  the  mob  that  over 
threw  the  press;  and  he,  with  his  polite  neighbors,  finding  that  this  means 
had  not  been  successful  in  converting  Mr.  Clay  to  the  peaceful  way  in  which 
he  should  walk,  had  concluded  to  taboo  the  advocate  of  emancipation.  Thus 
it  soon  became  apparent  that,  in  Lexington,  there  was  no  neutral  or  common 
ground.  I  must  either  drop  Cassius  M.  Olay,  or  elevate  him,  in  my  demonstra 
tions  of  respect,  to  an  equality  with  the  sage  of  Ashland.  You  will  readily 
believe  that  I  did  not  hesitate.  I  closed  gladly  up  to  his  side,  rode  with  him, 
walked  with  him,  dined  with  him,  and  made  my  visit  to  Ashland  under  his 
auspices. 

We  found  Henry  Olay,  just  arrived  from  the  South,  healthy,  vigorous,  gra 
cious,  and  impressive.  He  is  evidently  looking  forward  again  to  another  trial 
for  the  presidency,  and  yet,  by  habits  of  thought,  action,  and  association,  in 
creasing  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  ambition.  Ashland  is  a  fine  old  manor, 
and  the  mansion  is  one  of  easy  and  graceful  hospitality.  We  did  not  see  Mrs. 
Clay.  There  is  no  communication  between  0.  M.  Clay  and  J.  B.  Olay.  I  saw 
nothing  of  that  young  gentleman,  and,  indeed,  received  no  calls  from  any  per 
son  but  his  father  and  General  Coombs.  It  was  evident  that  I  was  no  very 
welcome  guest  at  Lexington ;  nor  did  I  need  anybody  to  explain  to  me  that  I 
am  regarded  with  distrust,  or  a  more  unkindly  feeling,  by  those  who  are  inter 
ested  in  defending  slavery.  But  I  am  not  seeking  praise  of  men,  and  certainly 
not  theirs. 

I  wish  you  could  see  the  forests  of  this  county  at  this  season.  There  is  a 
heavy  growth  of  beech  and  maple ;  but  the  woods  are  embellished  with  flower 
ing  trees,  the  white  blossoms  of  the  buckeye  and  the  dogwood,  of  the  wild- 


800  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

cherry  and  the  wild-plum,  mingling  with  the  brilliant  purple  clusters  of  the 
Judas-tree.  I  leave  to-morrow  morning  for  St.  Louis,  and  break  off  here  to 
consult  about  the  route.  From  that  place  I  descend  to  New  Orleans,  and  return 
home  by  the  .way  of  Washington. 

VINOENNES,  LNDIAHA,  April  29th. 

I  arrived  here  this  afternoon  at  half-past  one,  and  am  sitting  on  the  bank  of 
the  Wabash,  waiting  for  the  stage,  which,  at  five,  will  carry  me  over  the  prairie 
to  St.  Louis,  with  a  digression  of  fifty  miles  to  the  home  of  the  Sewards,  in  the 
centre  of  Illinois. 

I  left  Louisville  yesterday  morning  at  five,  and  have  traveled  through  the 
southern  part  of  Indiana.  The  country  is  new,  and  more  than  half  the  way 
the  roads  are  indescribably  bad.  Indiana,  at  least  the  part  of  it  I  have  seen, 
has  a  medium  soil  and  genial  climate,  a  population  dense,  but  very  poor.  The 
stage  is  at  the  door,  and  I  am  off. 

VANDALIA,  ILLINOIS,  Thursday,  May,  1846. 

There  is  a  blank  in  the  date  which  I  cannot  fill  without  an  almanac,  or  an 
arithmetical  calculation  too  severe  for  a  wearied  traveler.  I  let  fly  a  hurried 
note  from  Vincennes,  but  gave  you  only  information  of  my  route.  The  portion 
of  Kentucky  that  I  saw  excels  in  fertility  and  improvement  any  region  in  the 
West.  Louisville  is  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio.  The  larger  class  of  vessels  never 
ascend  beyond  that  place;  but  there  is  a  broad,  deep  canal,  two  miles  long, 
which  admits  the  mass  of  vessels  into  the  Upper  Ohio,  and,  in  very  high  water, 
boats  descend,  and  perhaps  ascend,  through  the  natural  channel.  Crossing  the 
river  by  a  ferry,  you  land  at  New  Albany,  a  county-town  in  Indiana.  You 
climb  wearily  up  a  long,  winding  road  until,  at  the  distance  of  three  miles  from 
the  river,  you  reach  the  summit.  A  turnpike-road  has  been  constructed  through 
the  country  for  forty  miles.  The  resources  and  credit  of  the  State  failed  to 
complete  the  road  farther,  although  it  is  mostly  graded  to  near  Vincennes. 
Seneca  County,  New  York,  or  rather  Romulus,  at  the  date  of  your  earliest 
memory,  was  more  populous  and  highly  cultivated  than  any  part  of  the  region 
through  which  I  have  passed  after  leaving  New  Albany.  Greenville  is  a  poor, 
small  village.  Paoli,  fifty  miles  on  the  way,  is  a  little  more  respectable.  The 
country  is  what  is  called  "rolling,"  and  the  roads  horrible  from  that  place  to 
Vincennes.  The  farmers  are  chiefly  from  Kentucky  and  the  Carolinas,  unable 
to  work  well  without  slaves,  and  deprived  of  that  resource.  The  houses  are 
rude  log  cabins,  old  and  comfortless.  For  three  hundred  miles  I  have  scarcely 
seen  a  new  house,  or  cabin,  or  farm.  The  church  has  log  edifices  for  worship, 
and,  as  for  school-houses,  I  have  been  able  to  distinguish  but  two.  A  county 
is  twenty-four  miles  square,  and  has  one  central  village,  with  here  and  there 
another  settlement.  A  whole  county,  if  populous,  has  as  many  inhabitants  as 
the  village  of  Auburn.  The  soil  is  a  light  loam,  underlaid  by  metamorphic  lime 
stone.  Southern  Indiana  is  pronounced  very  poor,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  the  inferiority  of  the  region  results  from  the  character  of  its  inhabitants 
chiefly.  The  rain  overtook  me,  a  solitary  passenger  in  the  stage-coach,  half-way 
on  my  route  to  Vincennes,  and  has  followed  me  ever  since. 

The  journey  has  left  no  point  in  Indiana  impressed  on  my  memory  but  Vin 
cennes,  situated  on  the  Wabash,  which  is  navigable  to  that  place  for  small  steam 
boats  in  quite  high  water.  We  are  told  that  Vincennes  was  built  in  a  prairie, 


1846.]  ON   THE  PRAIRIES. 

the  first  of  those  wonderful  formations  that  you  reach.  But  long  cultivation 
has  given  to  the  locality  the  aspect  common  to  all  towns  built  on  plains.  Vin- 
oennes  may  have  five  or  six  hundred  inhabitants.  An  ambitious  school,  two 
banks,  and  few  pleasant  and  tasteful  dwellings,  contrast  with  spacious  streets 
vacant  of  people.  The  Wabash  flows  between  low  banks,  which,  on  the  west 
•ide,  are  quite  inundated  by  the  early  and  the  latter  rains. 

The  coach-boy,  abandoning  the  ponderous  and  top-heavy  stage-coach,  drove 
up  a  wagon,  roomy,  and  covered  with  Russian  duck,  well  oiled.  I  was  the  only 
passenger;  the  hour  of  departure  was  four.  The  weather  was  sultry.  I  was 
heated  with  the  exercise  of  traveling  the  streets  of  the  "city,"  and  took  an  out 
side  seat  for  coolness,  and  to  catch  the  first  possible  glimpse  of  the  prairie.  Our 
way  lay,  for  a  mile,  over  an  embankment  raised  above  the  floods,  with  frequent 
•luice-ways  covered  with  dilapidated  and  dangerous  bridges.  My  driver,  a  young, 
married  man,  was  born  in  Goshen,  and  graduated  as  a  stage-driver  under  Sher 
wood.  He  had  never  seen  nor  heard  of  me ;  but  he  was  an  exile,  mourning  to 
return  to  his  native  land.  My  heart  went  out  to  him,  and  he  drove  me,  Jehu- 
like,  in  return.  The  prairie  in  April,  and  near  Vincennes,  was  the  very  oppo 
site  of  all  that  I  had  dreamed.  The  last  year's  grass  was  standing  in  stubble ; 
the  new  crop  was  just  above  the  ground  ;  the  rain  had  filled  the  whole  ground 
with  standing  water ;  the  "  timber "  crowded  the  great  meadows  on  all  sides, 
and  they  were  fenced  into  lots,  and  disfigured  with  the  dried  corn-stalks  of  last 
year.  I  gave  the  driver  a  douceur  at  parting,  and  walked  on.  He  replenished 
himself  and  the  next  driver  with  rum ;  and  when  the  latter  overtook  me, 
although  a  native  of  New  York  and  a  pupil  of  Sherwood,  he  was  too  drunk,  out 
of  regard  for  me,  to  be  able  to  tell  me  his  story.  The  wind  changed.  I  rode 
until  nightfall;  went  into  the  wagon,  shivering  with  ague,  which  was  followed 
by  a  fever.  I  borrowed  a  buffalo-skin,  and  stretched  myself  under  it,  and  so 
slept  away  my  first  night  on  the  prairies.  When  I  awoke  in  the  morning  I  was 
at  sea  on  a  vast  meadow  of  stunted  grass  filled  with  water,  which  also  filled  the 
road.  Here  and  there  a  few  miniature  flowers  were  seen.  At  length  we  reached 
a  "timber."  The  habitations  there  were  mean,  and  the  women  mourned  their 
destiny,  which  had  sent  them  there  to  suffer  themselves,  and  to  bring  up  weak 
and  sickly  children  in  a  far-off  and  unwholesome  climate.  Such  as  this  was, 
with  one  exception,  the  story  of  every  woman  I  have  met.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  either  they  were  thriftless,  or  their  husbands  were,  and  lost  their  homes 
in  their  native  lands.  They  come  to  Illinois,  where  the  farm  lies  subdued  and 
prepared  to  receive  them.  A  month's  labor  supports  a  family  well  during  the 
whole  year.  The  men  become  indolent,  listless,  slovenly,  careless.  There  is 
neither  excitement  for  them,  nor  society.  They  lose  ambition,  pride,  self-respect, 
and  become  mere  drones. 

We  passed  no  town  worthy  of  mention  until  we  arrived  at  Salem,  half-way 
from  Vincennes  to  St.  Louis ;  I  stopped  there,  and  the  stage  went  on.  I  inquired 
for  my  cousins,  Butler  Seward  and  Israel  Seward,  whom  I  have  not  seen  since 
1812  or  1814.  Everybody  knew  them,  spoke  highly  of  them;  but,  sad  to  say, 
everybody  spoke  of  the  former  as  "  the  old  man."  and  told  me  of  the  endless 
multiplication  of  my  cousins  of  other  generations,  until  I  was  fatigued  with  an 
effort  to  remember  the  branches  of  this  very  recent  shoot  from  the  genealogical 
tree  of  the  Sewards.  My  extremest  energy  and  liberality  procured  a  wagon,  to 
bring  me  from  Salem  to  this  place  to-day ;  and  here  they  failed.  To-morrow 
51 


§02  LIFE  AND   LETTERS. 

morning  I  take  Butler  Seward's  stage  to  Hillsborougb,  where  the  family  live, 
distant  twenty-eight  miles  from  here,  as  this  place  is  distant  twenty-eight  miles 
from  Salem. 

To-day  I  have  traversed  the  Grand  Prairie.  Its  expanse  and  its  greenness, 
its  scattered  "timber"  (small  groves)  looking  like  islands,  and  its  solitary  trees 
looming  up  like  ships  on  the  sea,  have  filled  me  with  delightful  amazement.  The 
carpet,  though  now  too  wet  to  tread,  is  beautifully  fresh  and  verdant.  It  is  covered 
with  flowers  of  various  hues ;  but,  like  those  which  are  known  to  us  at  this 
season  at  home,  they  are  low  and  delicate.  I  counted  twenty  kinds  in  blossom, 
and  many  more,  which  these  copious  rains,  with  sunshine  following,  will  call  out 
from  their  hiding  to-morrow.  Cattle  and  horses  roam  the  praries  with  apparent 
freedom ;  the  dove,  the  sparrow,  the  clamorous  jay,  the  shrill  lark,  the  wren, 
the  blackbird,  the  oriole,  the  prairie-hen,  the  quail,  the  pheasant,  the  wild-goose, 
the  turkey,  the  buzzard,  and  how  many  more  I  cannot  remember,  dwell  peace 
fully  on  this  broad  expanse.  The  common  idea  of  the  prairies  is — or,  at  least, 
mine  was — that  they  are  lowlands,  and  that  the  small  groves  which  they  encircle 
are  elevated,  and  like  islands.  The  reverse  of  this  is  true.  Rivers,  and  streams 
of  smaller  note,  traverse  the  prairies,  and  of  course  seek  their  lowest  levels.  The 
forest  clusters  on  the  banks  of  the  rivers. 

Here  I  must  close  this  long  epistle.  I  go  to-morrow  to  the  home  of  the 
Sewards.  After  one  day,  I  pass  to  St.  Louis,  sixty  miles  thence ;  and,  within 
one  or  two  days,  I  shall  be  floating  downward  on  the  great  Mississippi.  Heaven 
bless  you  and  Fred,  and  Clarence  and  Willie,  and  the  wee  one,  and  grandpa, 
and  preserve  you  and  me,  until  I  meet  you  and  recount  the  wonders  of  "my 
journey ! " 

ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI,   BELOW  MEMPHIS,   TENNESSEE,  ? 

STEAMBOAT  WHITE  CLOUD,  May  8,  1846.         i 

If  I  remember  aright,  my  last  was  from  Vandalia.  I  left  that  town,  on  the 
first  day  of  May,  and  passed  on  to  Hillsborough,  at  which  place  I  arrived  in  the 
•vening.  My  cousin  Nancy,  who  was  of  Jenning's  age,  and  my  cousin  Jane, 
who  is  only  one  year  my  elder,  live  there.  I  found  Hillsborough  a  pretty, 
flourishing,  country  village,  as  large  as  Ovid,  and  a  pleasant  contrast  to  all  that 
I  had  seen  in  Indiana  and  Illinois.  I  presented  myself  at  the  door  of  a 
respectable  dwelling,  and  was  met  there  by  a  lady  looking  and  speaking,  for 
all  the  world,  so  like  Mary  Evans  that  I  knew  she  was  my  cousin,  although  I 
had  not  seen  her  since  1814.  She  brought  me  to  the  acquaintance  of  her  hus 
band,  Mr.  Glen,  a  very  sensible,  affectionate  man. 

My  fever  and  ague  being  exorcised  by  brandy-and-coffee,  I  went  with  my 
cousin  Glen  to  see  Mrs.  Nancy.  She  had  brick  house  and  "things  to  suit,"  all 
her  own,  and  enough  to  attract  another  husband.  When  told  who  I  was,  she 
embraced  me,  and  said :  "  Why,  my  dear  cousin !  How  you  have  grown !  "  I 
spent  the  evening  pleasantly  with  these  friends ;  and  next  day  we  all  set  out 
on  a  family  ride,  in  a  nice  covered  carriage,  drawn  by  mules.  Two  miles  from 
Hillsborough  we  found  my  cousin  Maria  (now  Mrs.  Burnap)  delightfully  situated 
on  a  farm,  with  a  husband  and  six  children.  Mr.  Burnap  harnessed  his  mules, 
and  overtook  us  at  Israel  Seward's,  a  short  distance  ahead.  Here  our  party, 
taking  in  Miss  Burnap,  **  Uncle  John,"  and  "  Cousin  Israel "  and  his  wife,  pro 
ceeded  to  Butler  Seward's,  where  we  found  that  person  with  a  wife  and  eight 


1846.]  RIDE   TO   ST.   LOUIS.  803 

children,  a  farmer  of  great  enterprise  and  notorious  wealth.     We   lined  there, 
made  arrangements  for  my  journey  to  St.  Louis,  and  then  returned. 

I  remained  that  night  at  Israel  Seward's.  He  and  Butler  severally  own  whafc 
is  called  a  "  mound  "  or  eminence,  on  which  they  have  erected  very  respectable 
dwellings,  and  extended  their  farms  into  the  prairies  at  pleasure.  Their  children 
have  been  coming  to  manhood  successively,  and  each  plants  his  dwelling  on  the 
side  of  the  mound,  and  runs  his  fences  as  far  as  he  sees  fit  into  the  prairies. 
This  is  the  whole  operation  of  making  a  farm  in  that  country,  except  the  labor 
of  first  breaking  the  prairie  soil,  which  is  not  severe.  Indian-corn,  and  horses 
and  cattle,  are  the  chief  products.  The  country  is  fertile,  and  the  climate  agree 
able.  But  the  same  complaints  of  fever  and  ague  prevail  everywhere.  Quack 
doctors  and  quack  medicines  figure  in  all  conversations.  The  market  of  this 
region  and  Hillsborough  is  at  St.  Louis,  and  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  prices  are 
exceedingly  low.  A  bushel  of  corn  is  worth  a  "  bit "  (twelve  and  a  half  cents), 
and  a  horse  which  in  Auburn  would  be  worth  one  hundred  and  twenty  dollars 
is  worth  sixty. 

On  Monday  morning,  at  eleven,  I  took  leave  of  all  these  affectionate  kinsmen 
and  kinswomen,  and,  departing  with  Butler  Seward,  in  his  great  market- wagon, 
filled  with  brooms,  deer-skins,  and  dried  beef,  not  forgetting  supplies  for  our 
selves  and  horses,  I  set  out  for  St.  Louis.  Our  ride  was  chiefly  over  the  prairies, 
and  nothing  could  be  more  beautiful.  These  great  meadows  were  of  various 
widths.  The  broadest  was  fourteen  miles.  They  were  enameled  witn  flowers, 
and  their  wild  inhabitants  started  continually  from  before  us  as  we  drove  along. 
The  mystery  of  this  extraordinary  formation  of  smooth  meadow-land  is,  that 
from  a  period  earlier  than  the  settlement  of  the  country  by  white  men,  or  even 
the  memory  of  Indians,  great  fires  occurred,  which  swept  off  whatever  of  wood 
or  timber  was  growing  on  these  plains,  and  left  only  the  trees  standing  on  the 
banks  of  the  rivers.  These  fires  have  annually  recurred,  and  have  prevented 
trees  and  shrubs  from  taking  root.  I  am  satisfied  that  this  is  a  true  explanation, 
because  the  fires  still  continue  to  recur.  If  a  hillock,  or  other  space,  is  spared 
by  the  fire,  as  sometimes  happens  on  a  change  of  wind,  oaks  and  walnut-trees 
spring  up,  and  grow  until  the  next  annual  conflagration  destroys  them.  The 
farmers  fence  in  their  lands,  and,  earlier  in  the  season,  burn  a  space  around  them, 
which  prevents  the  fire  of  the  autumn  from  entering  their  inclosures.  The 
forest  appears  spontaneously  and  luxuriantly  when  the  farmer  permits  and  saves 
it.  I  need  not  detain  you  with  an  account  of  the  rain-storm,  and  the  abominable 
roads  which  delivered  me  on  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi. 

I  approached  it  through  a  long  vista  on  the  very  level  of  the  river,  and  often 
overflowed  by  it.  The  river  was  a  mile  wide,  turbid,  even  muddy,  strewed 
with  misshapen  trunks  and  fragments  of  trees,  and  flowing  with  a  rapid  current. 
On  the  opposite  side,  on  an  eminence  of  forty  feet  (here  called  a  "  bluff"),  the 
city  of  St.  Louis  lifted  its  towers  and  spires.  It  was  just  at  sunset  as  this  vision 
extended  itself  before  me,  and  I  thought  I  was  satisfied  with  it;  but  far  off  in 
the  horizon  there  arose  a  cloud,  the  last  of  those  which  had  spent  their  wrath 
upon  me.  It  gathered  itself  into  the  shape  of  a  castle,  with  dome  and  turrets. 
The  setting  sun  lent  them  his  glorious  gilding,  and  I  imagined  that  this  gorgeous 
scene  lay  beyond  the  Kocky  Mountains. 

"  How  do  you  do,  Governor  Seward  ? "  said  half  a  dozen  not  unfamiliar 
voices,  as  soon  as  I  appeared  in  the  Planter's  Hotel.  St.  Louis,  it  was  clear,  was 


8Q4-  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

an  Eastern  colony,  in  which  New  York  had  a  full  representation.  Among  those 
whom  I  found  here  was  Dr.  Morgan.  The  doctor  has  a  practice,  a  fashionable 
and  reasonably  profitable  one.  His  daughter  is  just  verging  to  womanhood ; 
his  son  a  student  in  college. 

St.  Louis  has  about  thirty-five  thousand  people,  and  seems,  at  length,  begin 
ning  to  realize  the  glowing  anticipations  which  have  attracted  immigrants  for 
nearly  a  hundred  years.  The  imagination  lags  when  you  attempt  to  conceive 
the  greatness  and  capacity  of  the  region  tributary  to  its  trade.  At  the  "  Levee" 
or  wharf  lay,  perhaps,  forty  or  fifty  steamboats.  Lead,  cotton,  corn,  beef, 
whiskey,  sugar,  and  tropical  fruits,  covered  the  wharf,  and  a  more  discordant 
mass  of  human  figures  was  never  seen  than  the  boatmen  and  draymen.  No 
boat  from  below  passes  St.  Louis.  So  it  is  a  place  of  universal  transshipment. 
You  would  think  yourself  in  a  seaport  to  see  and  hear  the  bustle  of  trade : 
steamboats  departing,  not  merely  for  New  Orleans,  but  for  the  Ohio  Eiver,  the 
Illinois,  the  Upper  Mississippi,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  the  Missouri,  and  the  Yellow 
stone.  Here,  as  one  is  accustomed  to  suppose,  at  the  head  of  navigation  on  the 
Mississippi,  you  see,  with  wonder  and  amazement,  steamboats  arriving  from 
voyages  on  this  river  and  its  tributaries  of  one  to  eight  or  nine  hundred  miles ; 
and  yet  Iowa  and  Wisconsin  are  Territories,  Illinois  a  thinly-settled  State,  Mis 
souri  but  partially  colonized,  while  none  but  adventurers  have  entered  the 
Western  Territories.  What  a  change  will  a  century  bring  over  this  bewildering 
scene ! 

ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  Saturday,  May  QtTi. 

The  distance  from  St.  Louis  to  New  Orleans  is  something  over  twelve  hun 
dred  miles.  There  are  no  regular  packets  exclusively  for  passengers.  Boats 
are  continually  passing.  They  carry  vast  freights  on  the  lower  deck,  while  the 
passengers  have  a  saloon,  surrounded  by  comfortable  state-rooms,  on  the  upper 
deck.  The  boats  arrive  and  depart  without  regularity  or  precision.  I  left 
St.  Louis  on  Wednesday  at  4  p.  M.  It  is  now  Saturday  at  nine.  We  have 
floated  at  the  rate  of  ten  miles  an  hour  down  the  river,  which  is  attaining  its 
height,  being  more  than  twenty-five  feet  above  low-water  mark.  We  have  left 
the  State  of  Missouri  far  behind  us,  bid  adieu  to  Kentucky,  and  are  passing  be 
tween  the  banks  of  Arkansas  and  Mississippi.  The  river  is  unlike  anything  I 
have  ever  seen.  The  waters  are  turbid,  strewed  in  all  directions  with  logs  and 
driftwood,  green  as  well  as  dry.  The  banks  are  alluvial,  and  there  are  more 
than  one  hundred  islands  of  various  sizes.  The  current  of  the  river  is  four  or 
five  miles  an  hour,  and  the  channel  is  irregular.  You  seldom  find  it  in  the 
centre,  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  flood  is  continually  wearing  off  one  bank,  and 
carrying  earth,  timber,  trees,  and  sometimes  houses,  to  the  other.  In  August 
and  September,  when  the  river  falls  twenty  or  thirty  feet,  the  water  is  deficient, 
and  boats  often  fasten  upon  "  snags  "  and  "  sawyers,"  and  are  ingulfed  in  the 
river.  But  at  this  season  the  navigation  is  quite  safe. 

The  banks  of  the  river  are  generally  low,  and  often  overflowed.  At  the  dis 
tance  of  one  to  twelve  miles  you  may  find  natural  embankments,  and  where  these 
do  not  exist  artificial  dikes  are  thrown  up  to  save  the  low  country  from  devasta 
tion.  Occasionally  the  natural  embankments  crowd  the  river,  and  then  you  have 
a  precipitous  "bluff"  rising  fifty,  sixty,  or  eighty  feet  above  the  water.  All  In 
diana  is  covered  with  beech,  maple,  and  trees  generally  like  our  own.  Illinois  and 
Missouri,  as  far  as  I  saw  them,  produce  chiefly  oak  of  many  species,  and  walnut 


1846.]  ON   THE   MISSISSIPPI.  g05 

of  various  kinds,  black  hickory,  and  pecan  trees.  Descending  into  Tennessee  and 
Arkansas,  the  hanks  of  the  river  exhibit  everywhere  a  growth  chiefly  of  "  cot- 
tonwood,"  a  species  of  poplar,  and  cypress,  a  lovely  evergreen.  The  precarious 
condition  of  the  bottom-lands  prevents,  generally,  any  considerable  improvement 
of  them,  and  so  the  voyage  is  mostly  through  a  forest,  broken  only  by  clearings 
made  in  procuring  wood  for  the  steamboats. 

But  when  you  get  a  glimpse  of  a  plantation  on  higher  ground,  you  find  that 
it  is  oftener  surrounded  by  the  tall  canebrake  or  reeds,  and  the  ground  is  covered 
with  crops  of  corn,  cotton,  and  tobacco.  The  planter's  house  is  a  low,  neat, 
white,  wooden  edifice,  spacious,  with  outer  kitchens  and  other  offices  detached ; 
and,  at  a  distance,  small  buildings  of  framed  timber,  or  logs,  neatly  constructed 
for  the  slaves.  In  the  county  through  which  we  are  passing  in  Mississippi,  the 
slaves  are  almost  as  numerous  as  the  free  inhabitants. 

On  all  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries,  there  is  not  a  vessel  driven  by  the 
wind ;  steam  is  the  only  agent.  From  St.  Louis  you  descend  about  three  hundred 
miles  before  reaching  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  That  river,  comparatively  clear 
and  free,  pours  its  flood  into  the  Mississippi  through  a  broad  channel,  and  the 
contest  for  mastery  is  kept  up  for  many  miles,  when  the  turbid  flood  prevails. 
At  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  there  is  an  attempt  to  build  a  city,  named  Cairo. 
But  the  floods,  and  the  poverty  of  Lower  Illinois,  prevent  its  success.  Nothing 
appears  on  the  voyage,  thus  far,  to  relieve  the  monotony,  except  that,  on  a  high 
bluff,  in  the  State  of  Tennessee,  rises  up  before  you  an  infant  city  at  Memphis. 
It  presents  an  imposing  aspect,  and  is  the  emporium  of  the  cotton-trade  of  that 
State. 

We  are  now  below  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Francis,  and  I  leave  this  dull  record 
to  look  out  for  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas.  Our  voyage,  at  the  present  rate,  will 
end  Tuesday  next,  when,  after  a  single  day  in  New  Orleans,  I  shall  proceed 
with  all  dispatch  to  rejoin  you,  profited  by  my  survey  of  the  great  central  region 
of  the  country,  and  hoping  to  compensate  for  long  absence  by  renewed  assiduity. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  May  13,  184t>. 

Our  little  boat  was  by  no  means  so  swift  as  the  name  imported.  The  Bal 
loon  would  have  beaten  it,  and  the  White  and  even  the  Black  Cloud  left  it  out 
of  sight.  We  arrived  here  at  three  o'clock  yesterday,  having  been  five  days  and 
twenty-three  hours  on  the  voyage.  Here,  at  length,  I  am  on  the  thirtieth  par 
allel  of  latitude,  lamenting  that  the  season  of  strawberries  has  passed,  and  con 
soling  myself  with  green  peas,  new  potatoes,  fresh  oranges,  and  other  luxuries 
of  the  climate.  It  is  all  well ;  but  sickness  is  in  every  exhalation  that  rises  from 
the  earth,  and  at  night  I  creep  under  my  mosquito-bar,  and  adjust  it  tightly  to 
exclude  the  insects  that  assert  their  title  so  clamorously  to  all  the  land  around 
me ;  while  here  and  there  an  alligator  is  seen  in  the  river  contesting  the  dominion 
of  the  waters. 

I  can  add  little  of  interest  to  my  description  of  the  Mississippi.  The  excur 
sion  I  have  made  has  been  only  a  creeping  along  the  trunk,  with  a  pause  at  each 
of  its  mighty  branches  to  look  indistinctly  at  the  ramification  of  the  tree.  My 
voyage  was  twelve  hundred  miles  long,  but  the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  extend  the 
navigation  imperfectly  twelve  hundred  miles  eastward.  The  Wabash,  the  Kas- 
kaskia,  and  the  Illinois,  reach  to  the  very  rim  of  the  basin  of  Lake  Michigan. 
The  Mississippi  stretches  its  arm  to  the  borders  of  Superior,  while  the  Missouri 


LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

receives  the  floods  which  descend  from  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Then  there  is 
the  Arkansas,  little  thought  of  among  us,  navigable,  and  approaching  Mexico. 
Of  the  capacity  of  this  vast  region  I  can  give  no  just  idea.  Its  climate  is  mild, 
its  soil  everywhere  fertile ;  a  horse  or  a  mule  draws  the  plough  for  the  deepest 
furrow,  and  a  woman  or  a  child  may  guide  him. 

This  would  seem  to  assure  New  Orleans  of  the  commercial,  and  Louisiana  of 
the  political,  ascendency  of  the  continent.  Yet  the  city  is  secondary,  and  the 
State  unimportant.  For  reasons — why?  The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and 
its  branches  is  hazardous  and  expensive,  and  can  never  be  rendered  otherwise. 
New  Orleans  is  unhealthy,  and  not  likely  to  be  made  salubrious  ;  but,  above  all, 
commerce  and  political  power,  as  well  as  military  strength,  can  never  perma- 
aently  reside,  on  this  continent,  in  a  community  where  slavery  exists. 

The  Mississippi  flows  through  a  channel  worn  in  upon  a  ridge  elevated  above 
the  surrounding  country.  This  mysterious  formation  was  described  to  me,  but 
J  could  not  realize  it.  The  evidence  here  is  irresistible.  The  river  is  diked 
here.  The  city  is  built  upon  lands  reclaimed  from  swamps.  Every  drain  and 
sewer  in  the  town  conducts  its  filthy  waters  not  to  the  river,  but  to  the  surround 
ing  swamps.  The  city  seems  as  flat  as  a  meadow  or  thrashing-floor. 

Memphis  is  a  large  town  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  and  very  prosperous. 
They  describe  Nashville  and  Baton  Rouge  as  very  beautiful,  but  I  passed  them 
in  the  night. 

New  Orleans  and  all  Louisiana  are  filled  with  martial  excitement,  arising 
from  the  breaking  out  of  war  in  Texas.  Everywhere  trade  seems  at  a  stand-still. 
Huge  flags,  suspended  from  the  windows,  sweep  the  ground  with  a  proud  defi 
ance  of  the  Mexicans.  The  Exchange  is  nightly  crowded  with  mass-meetings, 
inflamed  by  the  oratory  of  patriots,  who  seldom  forget  to  stimulate  volunteers 
through  the  lust  of  conquest  and  of  spoils.  Companies  of  volunteers  parade  the 
streets.  You  wake  to  the  music  of  the  drum  and  fife,  and  are  put  to  rest  at 
midnight  by  the  undying  notes  of  the  same  clamorous  instruments. 

I  shall  follow  this  letter  within  two  days,  straight  and  fast. 

Events  had  been  hurrying  on  the  Mexican  War.  Slidell's  mission 
had  proved  a  failure.  He  had  been  refused  a  reception,  and  had  re 
turned.  The  Army  of  Occupation  had  trained  its  guns  to  bear  on 
Matamoras  ;  the  fleet  was  assembling  in  the  Gulf.  Then  came  the  cor 
respondence  between  General  Ampudia  and  General  Taylor ;  the 
stealthy  attacks  upon  American  outlying  parties  ;  the  death  of  Colonel 
Cross,  and  presently  the  requisition  of  the  American  commander  upon 
Louisiana  for  four  regiments  of  infantry.  It  was  in  answer  to  this  call 
that  New  Orleans  was  in  a  fever  of  military  excitement  when  Seward 
arrived  there.  On  his  journey  homeward  he  read  in  the  papers  the 
news  that  war  with  Mexico  had  actually  commenced  ;  that  President 
Polk  had  sent  in  a  special  message  announcing  that  fact,  and  asking 
Congress  to  provide  men  and  money  ;  that  Congress  had  responded,  and 
that,  in  the  debate,  Clayton,  Crittenden,  Morehead,  and  other  leading 
Whigs,  while  deploring  the  war,  declared  their  determination  to  "  stand 
by  their  country,  right  or  wrong." 


1846.]  THE   MEXICAN   WAR.  807 

Every  nation  that  goes  to  war  feels  its  position  stronger  if  it  can 
show  itself  to  be  the  party  attacked.  The  President  claimed  that 
"  Mexico  had  invaded  our  territory,  and  shed  the  blood  of  our  citizens 
on  our  own  soil ; "  and  Congress  indorsed  this  view  of  the  case  by 
almost  unanimously  agreeing  to  the  declaration  that,  "  by  the  act  of 
the  Republic  of  Mexico,  a  state  of  war  exists  between  that  Govern 
ment  and  the  United  States."  Men  and  money  were  freely  voted ; 
and  it  was  evident  that  even  at  the  North,  where  the  opposition  to  the 
war  and  the  extension  of  slavery  was  strongest,  there  was  a  general 
feeling  that  it  would  be  unpatriotic  to  thwart  or  defeat  the  Govern 
ment  when  engaged  in  actual  conflict  with  a  foreign  power. 

Then,  too,  the  love  of  military  triumph,  of  victory  and  conquest, 
and  the  natural  sympathy  with  friends  and  neighbors  going  out  to 
battle,  under  their  country's  flag,  strengthened  the  war-feeling,  and 
made  the  country,  for  the  time  at  least,  practically  unanimous.  The 
few  men  of  advanced  opinions,  in  behalf  of  peace  or  freedom,  who 
expressed  dissent  or  proposed  action  to  embarrass  the  Administration, 
were  charged  with  being  "  Mexican  sympathizers,  and  aiders  and  abet 
tors  of  the  public  enemy." 

In  all  the  Southern  cities  through  which  Seward  was  now  traveling 
the  war-fever  ran  high.  Volunteers  were  flocking  to  places  of  rendez 
vous;  flags  were  stretched  across  the  streets,  and  impassioned  oratory 
stimulated  the  populace.  The  air  was  full  of  thick-coming  rumors  of 
skirmishes  on  the  frontier — of  the  dangers  to  which  Taylor's  little  army 
was  exposed  in  its  advanced  position.  There  were  reports  that  sick 
ness  was  decimating  them  ;  that  Mexican  armies  were  outnumbering 
and  surrounding  them;  that  their  supplies  were  cut  off;  that  they  were 
driven  back  and  in  need  of  succor — all  of  which  tended  to  in 
flame  the  popular  excitement  and  hasten  the  organization  of  reinforce 
ments. 

From  the  Mexican  side  came  Ampudia's  proclamation,  accepting 
battle,  but  insisting  that  Mexico  was  invaded  and  assailed,  quite  as 
earnestly  as  Congress  had  insisted  on  the  contrary  opinion. 

On  the  night  that  Seward  arrived  at  Auburn,  extra  editions  of  the 
newspapers  brought  intelligence  of  actual  engagements  and  victory  at 
Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma.  The  community  were  divided 
between  exultations  over  the  success  of  American  arms  and  anxiety 
for  the  fate  of  individuals,  as  they  scanned  a  long  list  of  killed  and 
wounded.  Taylor's  dispatches,  a  few  days  later,  were  pronounced 
models  of  military  clearness,  brevity,  and  modesty  ;  and  the  Mexican 
accounts,  which  came  still  later  and  claimed  partial  successes,  were 
pronounced  utterly  unreliable  and  untrustworthy.  At  West  Point  the 
<jlass  about  to  graduate  felicitated  themselves  that  they  were  at  once 
to  have  an  opportunity  for  active  service,  and  the  succeeding  class  were 


80S  LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

hoping  that  the  war  might  last  a  year,  to  give  them  a  like  opportunity. 
Civilians,  ambitious  of  military  glory,  found  even  a  shorter  road  to  it, 
by  obtaining,  through  political  influence,  commissions  at  Washington, 
or  earning  them  by  active  efforts  to  organize  regiments. 

There  was  still  some  uneasiness  about  the  possibility  of  trouble  with 
England  ;  but  these  apprehensions  diminished  as  it  became  manifest 
that  the  cabinet  would  compromise.  The  Whig  papers  seized  the 
opportunity  for  jest  and  ridicule  at  the  expense  of  their  adversaries, 
who  had  so  boldly  and  defiantly  declared  "  Fifty-four,  forty,  or  fight  ! " 
and  who  were  now  content  to  step  back  to  "  Forty-nine,"  expressly  to 
avoid  the  "  fight."  But  public  sentiment  was  lenient.  It  saw  that  dis 
cretion  was  the  better  part  of  valor  in  such  an  emergency,  and  had  no 
disposition  to  demand  so  Quixotic  a  policy  of  the  Administration  as  two 
foreign  wars  at  once.  Mr.  Webster's  course  and  his  speeches  on  the 
subject  had  gained  great  popular  favor,  and  a  public  dinner  was  given 
to  him  at  Philadelphia. 

The  returns  were  now  in  from  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Con 
stitutional  Convention.  The  Democrats  had  a  large  majority.  The 
list  was  published,  and  showed  that  among  those  chosen  were  many 
who  had  before  been  prominent  in  the  councils  of  the  State  :  Ex- 
Governor  Bouck  ;  John  Tracy,  of  Chenango  ;  George  W.  Patterson  and 
Richard  P.  Marvin,  of  Chautauqua  ;  Ambrose  L.  Jordan,  of  Columbia; 
George  A.  Simmons,  of  Essex;  Michael  Hoffman,  of  Herkimer;  Charles 
O'Conor,  Robert  H.  Morris,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  and  John  A.  Kennedy, 
of  New  York  ;  Charles  S.  Kirkland,  of  Oneida  ;  Robert  C.  Nicholas  and 
Alvah  Worden,  of  Ontario;  Gouverneur  Kemble,  of  Putnam;  James  M. 
Cook  and  John  K.  Porter,  of  Saratoga  ;  James  C.  Forsyth,  of  Ulster  ; 
William  B.  Wright,  of  Sullivan  ;  and  Edward  Dodd,  of  Washington. 
Altogether  it  was  a  public  body  containing  an  unusually  large  number 
of  experienced  men.  The  convention  was  to  meet  on  the  1st  of  June, 
and  the  journals  were  filled  with  discussions  of  what  would  or  ought 
to  be  its  action. 

That  action,  it  was  plain,  would  be  chiefly  swayed  by  Democratic 
theories.  Indeed,  the  Democrats,  both  in  the  State  and  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  felt  that  the  declaration  of  war  had  given  new  strength  to 
their  party,  now  identified  with  the  cause  of  the  country.  Its  members 
were  elated,  and  the  Whigs  correspondingly  depressed,  for  they  saw 
themselves  obliged  to  support  and  aid  a  war  they  had  done  their  best 
to  avert,  and  one  which,  if  successful,  would  be  claimed  as  the  tri 
umph  of  Democracy  and  of  pro-slavery  men.  It  was  felt  that  the 
slaveholders  had  gained  an  advantage,  which  would  protract  for  years, 
perhaps  indefinitely,  any  efforts  in  the  direction  of  emancipation. 
"  This  war  has  put  the  country  back  twenty  years,  materially  and  mor 
ally,"  was  a  common  expression  of  feeling.  Seward's  letters  after  his 


1846.]  RETURN  TO   AUBURN.  809 

arrival  at  home  reflected  his  views  in  this  season  of  depression  and  dis 
aster  to  the  cause  with  which  he  was  identified. 

AUBURN,  May  88, 1846. 

I  thank  you  sincerely  and  earnestly  for  the  frankness  and  candor  with  which 
you  exposed  to  me  the  adverse  aspects  of  my  political  position.  I  doubt  not 
the  accuracy  of  the  picture  you  have  drawn.  Why  should  I  ?  The  emancipa 
tion  question  has  not  ripened ;  I  saw  that.  I  saw  the  Whig  party,  as  well  as 
the  abolitionists,  would  be  unfaithful,  while  the  Democratic  party  would  be 
boldly  base.  I  wanted  to  stand  before  the  country  and  the  future  faithful.  Of 
course  I  expected  and  strove  for  the  denunciation  of  the  faithless.  If  that  ques 
tion  shall  have  no  day  in  my  lifetime,  then  I  am  to  have  none,  as  I  certainly 
want  none.  If  there  be  a  day  for  the  rights  of  man,  then  all  is  safe ;  while,  in 
any  event,  I  am  sure  that  I  have  written  and  reasoned  as  was  due  to  the  con 
sistency  of  my  own  character. 

I  do  not  expect  to  see  the  Whig  party  successful  hi  overthrowing  an  Admin 
istration  carrying  on  a  war,  although  only  against  Mexico,  and  a  negotiation  for 
Oregon,  in  which  the  Whig  party  and  its  statesmen  are  found  apologizing  for 
our  national  adversaries. 

I  cannot  go  with  such  friends,  for  my  sense  of  patriotism  forbids,  even  more 
than  policy.  If  they  will  go  their  way,  I  certainly  must  follow  mine.  I  do  not 
want  more  preferment ;  but  I  am  determined  to  live  and  die  faithful  to  all  my 
past  life  and  opinions.  I  cannot,  I  will  not  change,  to  win  the  highest  honors 
of  the  republic. 


CHAPTER  LXVI. 

1846. 

The  Trials  for  Murder. — Public  Feeling. — Wyatt. — Arraignment  of  Freeman. — His  Counsel. 
— His  Story. — Sane  or  insane  ? — Witnesses. — John  Van  Buren. — The  Argument. — Con 
viction  and  Sentence.— Seward's  Epitaph. 

GRAVE  and  stern  duties  now  required  immediate  attention.  A  spe 
cial  term  of  the  Court  of  Oyer  and  Tenniner,  ordered  by  the  Governor, 
was  to  be  held  by  Judge  Bowen  Whiting,  to  dispose  of  the  cases  of 
both  Wyatt  and  Freeman. 

Shortly  after  the  first  trial  of  Wyatt,  and  during  Seward's  absence 
at  Albany,  the  Freeman  murder  had  been  committed,  and  now  on  his 
return  from  his  Southern  trip  he  found  that  the  excited  state  of  popu 
lar  feeling  had  taken  on  new  phases.  The  public  mind,  unbalanced  by 
the  second  and  more  horrible  crime,  was  no  longer  able  to  reason  im 
partially  about  either  criminal.  Instead  of  the  doubt  about  Wyatt's 
mental  condition,  reflected  in  the  verdict  of  the  February  jury,  there 
was  now  an  almost  universal  belief  that  he  was  sane,  and  his  offense 
willful,  wicked,  and  deliberate.  His  counsel  had  come  in  for  a  share 
of  the  popular  animadversion.  It  was  pronounced  a  wanton  and  wicked 


810  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846. 

misuse  of  his  intellectual  powers  by  Governor  Seward  that  he  should 
have  tried  to  screen  such  a  murderer  from  the  gallows.  It  was  freely 
stated  that  he  was  in  one  sense  to  blame  for  the  crime  of  Freeman  ; 
that  Freeman  had  been  one  of  the  auditors  in  the  court-room  during 
Wyatt's  trial,  and  had  learned  there  how  easily  he  might  commit  mur 
der  and  escape  punishment.  Of  course,  this  story  was  not  only  false, 
but  impossible  ;  yet  it  served  its  purpose  of  arousing  public  indigna 
tion  against  Seward  to  the  highest  pitch,  when  it  was  rumored  that, 
besides  continuing  in  his  defense  of  Wyatt,  he  was  also  intending  to 
take  charge  of  that  of  Freeman.  Threats  of  personal  violence  against 
him  were  freely  indulged  in  ;  and  the  friends  who  met  him  at  the  rail 
way-station  on  his  return  from  New  Orleans  were  apprehensive  that 
he  might  not  be  able  to  reach  his  home  in  safety. 

Arriving  there,  he  learned  that  the  feeling  against  him  had  been 
temporarily  appeased  by  the  assurance  of  his  law-partners  that  he 
would  not  engage  in  the  defense.  No  one  else  was  likely  to  undertake 
that  task,  in  the  face  of  a  storm  of  public  opposition  ;  and  the  negro 
would  be  hurried  to  the  gallows  as  swiftly  as  the  merest  forms  of  law 
would  allow. 

When  he  at  once  declined  to  yield  to  the  popular  demand,  and  ex 
pressed  his  sorrow  to  find  the  city  of  his  residence  hurried  away  by 
such  mad  unreasoning  passion,  the  storm  broke  out  afresh.  There  was 
but  one  topic  in  the  streets.  He  was  denounced  in  public  and  in  pri 
vate.  He  was  declared  to  deserve  to  share  the  fate  of  those  whom  he 
defended.  His  friends  remonstrated  with  him,  pointing  out  that  the 
task  was  thankless,  and  hopeless.  Even  if  Freeman  were  insane,  they 
said,  nothing  could  save  him  ;  and  to  attempt  his  defense  was  only  to 
incur  popular  odium.  In  a  letter  to  Weed,  he  remarked  : 

AUBURN,  May  29, 1846. 

There  is  a  busy  war  around  me,  to  drive  me  from  defending  and  securing  a 
fair  trial  for  the  negro  Freeman.  People  now  rejoice  that  they  did  not  lynch 
him ;  but  they  have  all  things  prepared  for  an  auto-da-fe,  with  the  solemnities 
of  a  mock  trial.  No  priest  (except  one  Universalist),  no  Levite,  no  lawyer,  no 
man,  no  woman,  has  visited  him.  He  is  deaf,  deserted,  ignorant,  and  his  con 
duct  is  unexplainable  on  any  principle  of  sanity.  It  is  natural  that  he  should 
turn  to  me  to  defend  him.  If  he  does,  I  shall  do  so.  This  will  raise  a  storm  of 
prejudice  and  passion,  which  will  try  the  fortitude  of  ray  friends.  But  I  shall 
do  my  duty.  I  care  not  whether  I  am  to  be  ever  forgiven  for  it  or  not. 

It  is  not  likely  that  I  shall  be  asked  for  advice  about  the  convention,  and  I 
certainly  shall  not  volunteer  it.  If  I  were  to  advise,  I  should  insist  on  the 
Whigs  going  for  universal  suffrage ;  and  I  am  satisfied  a  large  number  of  the 
Whig  delegates  will  not.  I  should  the  more  strenuously  insist  on  doing  so  myself 
if  I  had  a  seat  there,  though  I  should  vote  alone. 

On  the  1st  of  June,  when  the  special  term  opened,  Judge  Whiting 


1846.]  ARRAIGNMENT   OF   FHEEMAN.  811 

and  the  associate  judges  took  their  seats.  The  court-house  was  dense 
ly  packed  with  an  eager  and  excited  auditory.  The  crier  made  procla 
mation  in  the  usual  form,  and  the  judge  directed  the  sheriff  to  bring  in 
William  Freeman  for  arraignment.  When  he  obeyed,  bringing  up  to 
the  bar  the  stolid-looking  negro,  spectators  leaned  forward  and  jostled 
against  each  other  in  their  eagerness  to  get  a  glimpse  of  so  brutal  an 
assassin.  District-Attorney  Sherwood  arraigned  him,  in  the  usual  form, 
upon  the  several  indictments  for  murder.  There  was  a  pause.  Then 
Seward  rose,  and  tendered  in  his  behalf  a  plea  of  insanity.  Judge 
Whiting,  after  listening  to  remarks  pro  and  con,  by  Seward  and  Sher 
wood,  reserved  his  decision  as  to  the  proper  method  of  determining 
whether  he  was  insane  or  not.  The  district  attorney  had  urged  that 
he  was  sane,  and  that  the  court  would  probably  be  satisfied  of  that 
fact,  as  he  was,  by  personal  examination.  Seward  suggested  a  trial 
by  jury.  He,  like  the  district  attorney,  had  made  personal  examina 
tion  of  the  prisoner,  and  had  been  convinced  by  it  of  Freeman's  in 
sanity. 

The  judge  remanded  Freeman,  who  apparently  had  heard  nothing 
that  had  been  said,  back  to  jail ;  and  so  the  question,  for  the  present, 
went  over.  As  yet,  Freeman  had  no  counsel.  Should  the  court  de 
cide  that  he  was  insane,  he  would  need  none,  for  he  would  not  be  tried. 

Seward  had  taken  such  steps  as  it  seemed  necessary  that  some  one 
should  take  in  such  a  case,  and  which,  it  was  evident,  no  one  else 
would.  He  visited  Freeman  in  his  cell,  endeavored  to  converse  with 
him,  and  found  him  hardly  more  than  idiotic.  Unwilling  to  rely  solely 
upon  his  own  impressions,  he  asked  his  friends  to  go  to  Freeman's  cell 
and  bring  him  a  report  of  such  conversation  as  they  found  they  could 
have  with  him.  They  did  so,  and  their  experience  confirmed  his  own. 
Freeman  was  deaf,  was  stupid,  was  unable  to  talk  connectedly,  or  to 
any  sensible  purpose  ;  had  an  idiotic  laugh  upon  his  face  ;  and,  ap 
parently,  was  ignorant  of,  or  indifferent  to,  his  own  situation. 

Pursuing  his  investigations  among  those,  white  and  black,  who  had 
met  or  known  Freeman,  and  among  his  family  and  friends,  Seward  grad 
ually  learned,  little  by  little,  the  whole  of  the  poor  wretch's  miserable 
history.  He  had  been  a  few  years  before  a  bright,  intelligent  boy,  had 
worked  as  a  laborer  for  various  people,  had  been  arrested  on  suspicion 
of  stealing  a  horse,  thrown  into  jail,  tried,  and  sent  to  State-prison  for 
the  offense,  upon  the  testimony  of  a  negro,  who  afterward  turned  out 
to  be  himself  the  thief.  Overwhelmed  with  grief,  astonishment,  and 
indignation,  at  his  unjust  conviction,  Freeman  had  asserted  his  inno 
cence  to  constables,  justice,  jailer,  and  keepers,  and  to  whoever  else 
would  listen  to  him,  begging,  of  course  vainly,  for  release  from  prison. 
So  persistent  was  he  in  his  declarations  that  he  "  had  done  nothing," 
and  "  didn't  want  to  be  punished,"  that  the  keepers  deemed  him  insub- 


812  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  [1846. 

ordinate,  shirking,  or  quarrelsome.  One  of  them,  in  an  altercation, 
struck  him  on  the  head  with  a  board.  The  blow  split  the  board,  and 
left  him  deaf  ever  afterward,  or,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  knocked  all  the 
hearing  off,  so  it  never  came  back  again."  Thenceforward,  he  ap 
peared  downcast,  sad,  sullen,  and  stolid.  Repeated  scoldings  and  flog 
gings  failed  to  arouse  him  to  either  mental  or  bodily  activity  ;  and 
when  his  brother-in-law  and  mother  took  him  home  from  prison,  at  the 
expiration  of  his  sentence,  in  September,  1845,  they  found  him  weak, 
foolish,  and  deranged.  Brooding  over  his  unjust  imprisonment,  how  to 
obtain  redress  for  it  became  his  besetting  idea — his  monomania.  He 
went  about,  seeking,  as  he  said,  "  to  get  his  pay." 

He  went  to  the  justice's  office  for  a  warrant,  but  was  unable  to  co 
herently  explain  his  errand.  He  went  to  Mrs.  Godfrey,  whose  horse 
he  had  been  accused  of  stealing,  but,  forgetting  his  grievance,  was  ap 
peased  by  a  morsel  of  cake  that  she  gave  him.  Finally,  as  the  mania 
grew  upon  him,  he  sought  reparation  in  a  way  that  could  find  lodg 
ment  in  no  brain  but  a  lunatic's.  He  had  been  wrongfully  imprisoned 
five  years  by  the  State.  The  State  would  not  pay  him,  and  so  he 
would  "kill  them  all."  He  stealthily  set  out  to  commence  this  wild 
massacre  by  killing  an  innocent  family  of  utter  strangers  to  him,  and, 
after  his  capture  and  imprisonment,  explained  with  difficulty  to  his  in 
terrogators  that  he  had  only  just  "  begun  his  work,"  that  he  meant  to 
kill  more,  had  not  his  hand  been  disabled.  Perhaps  the  most  appalling 
feature  of  the  ghastly  deed  at  Van  Nest's  was,  that,  instead  of  its  be 
ing  the  end  he  was  seeking,  it  was  but  the  beginning. 

Wyatt's  trial  now  commenced.  All  the  past  doubts  in  his  favor 
seemed  to  have  been  supplanted  by  positive  belief  in  his  guilt.  Each 
of  the  two  cases  reacted  upon  the  other.  Wyatt  was  guilty,  because 
Freeman  had  imitated  him.  Freeman  was  guilty,  because  he  imitated 
Wyatt. 

As  Wyatt's  counsel,  Seward  saw  that  an  impartial  trial  there  was  no 
longer  possible.  He  sought  postponement  and  change  of  venue,  with 
out  effect.  The  Attorney-General,  John  Van  Buren,  had  been  sum 
moned  to  aid  the  district  attorney,  and  the  impaneling  of  a  jury- 
began.  The  process  was  long  and  tedious.  Up  to  the  15th  of  June 
only  two  jurors  had  been  obtained,  and  more  than  half  the  peremptory 
challenges  were  exhausted.  At  last  the  court  decided  to  permit  jurora 
to  be  sworn,  even  though  they  confessed  an  opinion  in  regard  to  the 
prisoner's  guilt ;  and,  by  this  process,  at  the  end  of  the  third  week,  a 
jury  was  obtained.  In  a  hasty  note,  Seward  said  : 

CouBT-HousE,  Wednesday  Morning. 

In  this  court  I  am  fighting  a  battle  in  which  I  ask  no  sympathy  or  sup 
port. 

The  court  will  convict  Wyatt,  by  breaking  down  rules  established  by  the 


1846.]  WYATT  FOUND   GUILTY.  81  £ 

Supreme  Court,  and  the  conviction  may  ultimately  be  reversed.  Freeman  i* 
a  demented  idiot,  made  so  by  blows,  which  extinguished  everything  in  his 
breast  but  a  blind  passion  of  revenge.  He  should  be  acquitted  at  onoe,  and 
with  the  public  consent. 

Meanwhile  the  doctors  came,  whom  Seward  had  invited  to  examine 
Freeman's  condition,  and  to  testify  what  they  thought  of  his  case. 
Among  them  was  Dr.  Brigham,  then  in  charge  of  the  Utica  State 
Lunatic  Asylum.  His  opinion  was  clear  and  decided  that  Freeman 
was  not  only  insane,  but  that  his  disease,  as  not  unfrequently  happens, 
had  now  taken  the  form  of  dementia,  nearly  approaching  to  idiocy. 
Dr.  McCall  and  others  concurred.  Dr.  Doane,  the  former  Health-Officer 
at  New  York,  was  also  among  them,  and  shared  in  their  opinions. 

The  testimony  in  Wyatt's  case  was  brief.  The  homicide  was  ad 
mitted.  The  defense  rested  upon  the  single  point  of  the  prisoner's 
insanity,  and  that  had  been  prejudged  by  court  and  jury. 

On  Monday,  the  29th,  Seward  occupied  ten  hours  with  the  defense. 
Most  of  the  following  day  was  occupied  by  John  Van  Buren's  able 
speech  for  the  prosecution. 

The  judge  charged  the  jury  very  strongly  against-  the  prisoner. 

One  of  the  jury,  supposed  to  be  favorable  to  Wyatt,  fainted  during 
the  charge.  But  the  verdict  was  brought  in,  unanimously,  in  less  than 
half  an  hour.  In  a  letter  to  her  sister,  Mrs.  Seward  wrote  : 

They  have  brought  in  a  verdict  of  guilty.  "Wyatt  is  made  to  answer  for  the 
murder  committed  by  Freeman ;  and  it  ia  more  than  probable  that  Freeman, 
although  insane  at  the  time  he  perpetrated  the  horrid  deed,  and  now  rapidly 
sinking  into  a  state  of  idiocy,  will  be  another  victim  to  satisfy  popular  vengeance. 

The  village  is  said  to  be  full  of  joy  in  anticipation  of  Wyatt's  execution.  He 
received  his  sentence  this  morning  in  the  presence  of  a  thousand  men  and  two 
or  three  hundred  women.  The  day  of  execution  is  the  18th  of  August.  The 
next  movement  of  the  court  is  to  hurry  on  the  trial  and  sentence  of  Freeman. 
Henry  is,  of  course,  advised  to  cease  all  efforts  to  prevent  so  desirable  an  end. 
He  will  do  what  is  right.  He  will  not  close  his  eyes  and  know  that  a  great 
wrong  is  perpetrated,  without  offering  any  remonstrance ;  and  yet,  this  is  the 
course  advised  by  many  who  call  themselves  his  friends.  I  can  conceive  of  no 
spectacle  more  sublime  than  to  see  a  good  man  thus  striving  to  win,  to  deeds  of 
mercy  and  benevolence,  the  perverse  generation  among  whom  his  lot  has  fallen. 

Even  before  Wyatt's  sentence,  haste  was  made  to  proceed  with  the 
trial  of  Freeman.  The  judge  announced,  on  the  24th,  his  decision  to 
try  the  question  of  sanity  or  insanity  as  a  preliminary  issue  by  a  jury. 
The  Attorney-General  and  district  attorney  appeared  as  counsel  for 
the  people — Seward  with  his  law-partners,  Morgan  and  Blatchford,  for 
the  prisoner.  They  had  also  an  accession  of  strength,  in  the  person  of 
David  Wright,  a  philanthropic  lawyer,  an  old  friend  of  Seward,  who, 
like  him.  volunteered  his  gratuitous  services.  The  iury  was  impan- 


LIFE  AND   LETTERS.  [1846 

eled,  the  witnesses  called,  and  the  trial  proceeded.  It  lasted  a  fort 
night.  Freeman's  relatives  and  acquaintances  were  examined,  and  tes 
tified  to  the  difference  in  his  character  and  behavior,  before  and  after 
he  came  out  of  prison,  his  foolish  talk  and  laugh,  his  moody  brooding 
over  the  idea  of  pay  for  five  years'  enforced  labor.  Drs.  Brigham,  Cov 
entry,  Doane,  McCall,  and  the  other  medical  witnesses,  pointed  out  the 
methods  by  which  science  distinguishes  real  from  pretended  insanity, 
and  unhesitatingly  affirmed  Freeman's  deranged  mental  condition. 
Searching  cross-examination  failed  to  shake  their  testimony. 

There  was  an  array  of  witnesses  on  the  other  side  whose  testimony 
showed  that  they  did  not  believe,  or  did  not  want  to  believe,  that  he 
was  insane  ;  though,  necessarily,  they  had  few  opportunities  to  watch 
his  behavior,  and  most  of  them  were  little  learned  in  that  branch  of 
medical  science.  Nevertheless,  great  as  was  the  weight  of  evidence  on 
the  side  of  his  insanity,  it  was  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  over 
whelming  desire  for  his  execution  that  pervaded  the  community.  The 
close  of  this  extraordinary  preliminary  trial  was  described  by  Seward : 

That  jury  was  selected  without  peremptory  challenge.  Many  of  the  jurors 
entered  the  panel  with  settled  opinions  that  the  prisoner  was  not  only  guilty  of 
the  homicide,  but  sane ;  and  all  might  have  entertained  such  opinions,  for  all 
that  the  prisoner  could  do.  It  was  a  verdict  founded  on  such  evidence  as  could 
be  hastily  collected  in  a  community  where  it  required  moral  courage  to  testify 
for  the  accused.  Testimony  was  excluded  upon  frivolous  and  unjust  pretenses. 
The  cause  was  submitted  to  the  jury  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  under  circumstances 
calculated  to  convey  a  malicious  and  unjust  spirit  into  the  jury-box.  It  was  a 
strange  celebration.  The  dawn  of  the  Day  of  Independence  was  not  greeted 
with  cannon  or  bells.  No  lengthened  procession  was  seen  in  our  streets ;  nor 
were  the  voices  of  orators  heard  in  our  public  halls.  An  intense  excitement 
brought  a  vast  multitude  here,  complaining  of  the  delay  and  the  expense  of  what 
was  deemed  an  unnecessary  trial,  and  demanding  tlie  sacrifice  of  a  victim  who 
had  been  spared  too  long  already.  For  hours  that  assemblage  was  roused  and 
excited  by  denunciations  of  the  prisoner,  and  ridicule  of  his  deafness,  his  igno 
rance,  and  his  imbecility.  Before  the  jury  retired,  the  court  was  informed  that 
they  were  ready  to  render  the  verdict  required.  One  juror,  however,  hesitated. 
The  next  day  was  the  Sabbath.  The  jury  were  called,  and  the  court  remonstrated 
with  the  dissentient,  and  pressed  the  necessity  of  a  verdict.  That  juror  gave 
way  at  last;  and  the  bell  which  summoned  our  citizens  to  church  for  the  evening 
service  was  the  signal  for  the  discharge  of  the  jury,  because  they  had  agreed. 
Even  thus  a  legal  verdict  could  not  be  extorted.  The  eleven  jurors,  doubtless 
under  an  intimation  from  the  court,  compromised  with  the  twelfth,  and  a  ver 
dict  was  rendered,  not  in  the  language  of  the  law,  that  the  prisoner  was  "not 
insane,"  but  that  he  was  "  sufficiently  sane,  in  mind  and  memory,  to  distinguish 
between  right  and  wrong  " — a  verdict  which  implied  that  the  prisoner  was  at 
least  partially  insane. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  6th  of  July,  the  district  attorney 
rose  and  moved  that  the  prisoner  be  brought  into  court  and  arraigned. 


1846.1  TRIAL   OF  FREEMAN.  815 

The  judge  overruled  all  objection,  saying  that  it  was  for  the  court 
alone  to  say  whether  they  were  satisfied  that  the  prisoner  was  sane, 
and  that  the  verdict,  although  not  precisely  a  verdict  of  sanity  in  form, 
had  satisfied  the  court  that  the  prisoner  should  be  tried.  Once  more 
the  sheriff  brought  the  prisoner  to  the  bar.  His  idiotic  smile,  wander 
ing  gaze,  and  stolid  insensibility,  might  have  convinced  an  unbiased 
observer  that  he  knew  and  cared  nothing  of  the  purport  of  the  solemn 
scene  in  which  he  was  the  central  figure. 

The  district  attorney,  shouting  in  his  ear,  bade  him  rise,  and,  read 
ing  to  him  one  of  the  four  indictments,  asked  loudly,  "  Do  you  plead 
guilty  or  not  guilty  to  these  indictments  ?  " 

Freeman.  "Ha?" 

District  Attorney.  (Repeating  the  question.) 

Freeman.  "  I  don't  know." 

District  Attorney.  "  Are  you  able  to  employ  counsel  ?  * 

Freeman.  "No." 

District  Attorney.  "  Are  you  ready  for  trial  ?  " 

Freeman.  "  I  don't  know." 

District  Attorney.  "  Have  you  any  counsel  ?  " 

Freeman.  "  I  don't  know." 

District  Attorney.  "  Who  are  your  counsel  ?  " 

Freeman.  "  I  don't  know." 

The  prisoner  responded  with  a  stupidity  that  astonished  even  his 
prosecutors. 

"  Will  any  one  defend  this  man  ?  "  inquired  the  court. 

There  was  a  pause  of  death-like  silence.  David  Wright  arose,  and 
declared  he  could  not  consent  longer  "  to  take  part  in  a  cause  which 
had  so  much  the  appearance  of  a  terrible  farce"  The  spectators 
looked  at  each  other  in  breathless  silence,  broken  only  when  Seward, 
pale  with  emotion,  but  with  inflexible  determination  in  every  feature, 
rose  and  said  : 

"  May  it  please  the  court,  I  shall  remain  counsel  for  the  prisoner 
until  his  death."  A  murmur  of  indignation  ran  round  the  crowded 
court-room  at  this  continued  defiance,  as  it  was  regarded,  both  of  pub 
lic  opinion  and  of  public  justice. 

The  trial  at  once  went  on.  As  Freeman  was  incapable  of  pleading 
either  guilty  or  innocent,  the  judge  directed  the  clerk  to  enter  a  formal 
plea  of  "  not  guilty,"  in  order  that  the  case  might  proceed.  Seward 
moved  a  postponement  of  the  trial  till  another  term,  when  a  calmer 
state  of  feeling  might  prevail.  The  motion  was  denied.  He  moved 
that  the  indictment  be  quashed,  interposing  a  plea  to  that  effect.  The 
plea  was  overruled.  He  challenged  the  array  of  the  panel.  The  court 
overruled  the  challenge,  and  ordered  the  prisoner  to  be  put  upon  trial. 

The  jury  was  impaneled.     The  district  attorney  opened  the  case, 


816  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  [1846. 

and  the  witnesses  were  called.  The  horrible  scene  of  the  murder  was 
reproduced  by  their  descriptions  in  all  its  bloody  details.  The  neigh 
bors  of  Van  Nest  testified  to  the  shocking  sight  that  greeted  them  at 
the  house,  and  their  passing  glimpses  of  the  flying  murderer.  Helen 
Holmes,  the  young  girl  who  was  staying  with  the  family,  described 
how  she  was  roused  by  the  fearful  attack.  The  wounded  man,  Van 
Arsdale,  pale  and  enfeebled,  narrated  the  struggle  of  the  encounter 
which  had  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  The  doctors  described  the  gaping 
wounds  in  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  The  constables  testified  to  the  pur 
suit  and  arrest  of  the  murderer.  There  was  no  denial  of  any  of  this 
proof  ;  already  the  case  seemed  made  up. 

Mr.  Wright,  who  at  the  solicitation  of  the  court  had  again  con 
sented  to  take  part  in  the  case,  opened  for  the  defense.  Witnesses 
were  called,  who  demonstrated  the  prisoner's  unsoundness  of  mind. 
Ethan  A.  Warden,  president  of  the  village,  John  R.  Hopkins,  Rev. 
John  M.  Austin,  Ira  Curtis,  Justice  Paine,  Warren  T.  Worden,  James 
R.  Cox,  and  other  prominent  citizens  of  Auburn  who  had  known  Free 
man,  or  who  had  had  interviews  with  him  in  prison  since  his  crime, 
described  his  confused  replies,  his  idiotic  look,  his  lack  of  all  remorse, 
or  even  of  consciousness  of  his  condition. 

Their  testimony  was  fortified  by  that  of  the  doctors.  Auburn  phy 
sicians — among  them  Drs.  Fosgate,  Briggs,  Hermance,  Bigelow,  and 
others — pronounced  him  insane.  The  medical  gentlemen  summoned 
from  abroad,  to  whom  were  now  added  Drs.  Hun  and  McNaughton,  of 
Albany,  strongly  corroborated  their  views,  and  pointed  out  the  indica 
tions  which,  as  experts,  they  deemed  infallible.  Then  followed  the 
touching  evidence  of  his  mother,  Sally  Freeman  ;  of  his  youthful  asso 
ciates,  Deborah  and  John  Depuy,  and  Mary  Ann  Newark  ;  and  of  his 
friends,  David  Winner  and  Aaron  Demun.  All  were  straightforward 
and  truthful  in  their  narrations  of  such  incidents  in  domestic  life  as 
betray  insanity  to  intimate  friends.  That  the  whole  case  might  be 
clearly  laid  before  the  jury,  the  prison-keepers  and  others  were  sum 
moned,  who  narrated  his  unjust  conviction,  five  years'  imprisonment, 
flogging,  deafness,  loss  of  intelligence,  and  monomania  on  the  subject 
of  "  getting  his  pay." 

All  the  proceedings  were  followed  by  the  crowd,  not  only  within, 
but  all  around  the  court-house,  with  close  interest.  There  were  no  dis 
putes  or  outbreaks  of  violence,  for  the  gathering  was  nearly  all  of  one 
mind,  and  intensely  anxious  for  the  prisoner's  condemnation  and  exe 
cution.  Maledictions  and  denunciations  of  his  counsel  were  common 
enough  ;  they,  and  the  little  body  of  friends  who  had  come  by  this 
time  to  believe  that  Freeman  was  insane  and  that  Seward  was  right, 
were  like  an  isolated  group  of  prisoners  in  a  hostile  camp,  needing  to 
guard  their  utterances.  The  counsel  for  the  people  were  under  no  such 


1846.J  DR.   BRIGHAM.  817 

restraint.  Every  word  of  scorn,  invective,  or  ridicule,  they  chose  to 
bestow  upon  the  poor  fool  or  his  defenders,  found  ready  echo  in  the 
breasts  of  audience,  jury,  bench,  and  bar.  Their  sallies  of  wit  were 
applauded  ;  their  dogmatic  assertion  accepted  as  convincing  proof. 
The  Attorney-General,  keen,  able,  and  adroit,  was  the  popular  idol  of 
the  hour  ;  to  him  the  community  looked  for  protection  against  assas 
sins  and  their  defenders.  The  torment  of  witnesses  under  his  scath 
ing  cross-examination  seemed  actually  to  give  pleasure  to  the  admiring 
throng.  One  witness,  however,  was  more  than  a  match  for  his  exam 
iner.  Dr.  Brigham,  who  had  passed  so  many  years  of  his  life  in  firm 
yet  kindly  dealing  with  an  asylum  full  of  lunatics,  was  not  to  be  dis 
turbed,  even  by  rebukes  and  pungent  witticisms  from  an  Attorney- 
General.  His  equanimity  was  unruffled.  With  clearness,  precision, 
and  polished  courtesy,  he  seemed  not  to  tire  of  again  and  again  pre 
senting  scientific  facts  that  were  invulnerable  to  attack.  Each  time 
his  cross-examiner  would  ingeniously  seek  to  draw  him  into  contradic 
tion  of  some  previous  statement,  his  reply  would  be  an  illustration 
that  made  the  matter  clearer. 

"  Suppose,  doctor,"  said  the  counsel,  with  a  sneer,  "  that  I  should 
go  out  and  steal  a  hundred  dollars,  and  then  come  in  again  and  sit 
down  here,  would  you  swear  I  was  insane  ?  " 

"  I  think  I  should,"  calmly  replied  the  doctor. 

"  Why  should  you  swear  so  ?  " 

"  Because  it  would  be  so  contrary  to  your  character." 

"  Do  you  consider  yourself  a  better  judge  of  insanity  than  Squire 
Bostwick  ?  " 

"  I  think  I  can  judge  of  it  better  than  one  who  has  observed  it 


"  Don't  you  believe  his  mother,  who  is  a  common  drunkard,  is  un 
safe  evidence  ?  " 

"  No.  If  drunkards  were  never  to  be  believed,  a  great  many  peo 
ple  would  never  be  permitted  to  testify." 

"  Is  suicide  contagious  ?  " 

'*  I  think  it  was  in  the  French  army  until  Napoleon  put  a  stop  to  it.w 
A  titter  in  the  audience,  and  the  Attorney-General  renewed  the  charge. 

"  Are  hysterics  contagious  ?  " 

"  They  seem,"  said  the  doctor,  placidly,  "  to  be  catching." 

Adverting  to  the  escape  as  a  proof  of  sanity,  the  Attorney-General 
said,  "  Does  not  the  celerity  of  his  getting  thirteen  miles  in  fourteen 
hours  strike  you  as  being  speedy  under  the  circumstances  ?" 

Answer.  "I  do  not  think  it  was  very  fast  traveling  on  horse 
back." 

The  doctor  was  said  to  be  a  New  England  man,  and,  in  the  course 
of  the  cross-examination,  the  Attorney-General  said,  "Is  not  the  ask- 
52 


818  LIFE  AND   LETTERS,  [1846. 

lag  of  many  questions  peculiar  to  a  certain  class,  to  the  Yankees,  as 
they  are  called?" 

Answer.  "  I  think  not  .peculiar  to  the  Yankees,  although  it  has  been 
•o  stated.  I,  however,  think  it  a  slander.  The  English,  as  a  general 
rule,  ask  more  questions  than  we  do." 

"  How  is  it  with  the  Turks  ?  " 

Answer.  "  I  have  no  acquaintance  with  them." 

"  How  do  you  know  that  the  prisoner's  smile  is  without  a  prompting 
motive?" 

Answer.  "  I  am  not  omniscient,  and  therefore  do  not  know." 

"Suppose  he  should  happen  to  think  of  hooking  eggs,  sixteen 
years  ago,  might  he  not  smile  ?  " 

Answer.  "  Yes,  he  might ;  but  I  regard  his  constant  smiling  as  in 
dicating  insanity,  rather  than  a  recollection  of  hooking  eggs." 

"  Suppose  he  thought  he  was  blowing  us  all  up  in  this  trial,  would 
he  not  smile  ?  " 

Answer.  "If  he  knew  what  was  meant  by  such  a  remark,  he 
might." 

rt  Would  not  a  sane  man,  if  he  thought  so  ?  " 

Answer.  "  I  think  a  sane  man,  situated  as  Freeman  is,  would  not  be 
yery  apt  to  say  so,  nor  to  smile  at  it." 

So,  day  after  day,  the  weary,  unequal  contest  went  on.  It  drew  at 
last  to  an  end  in  the  closing  days  of  July.  Seward's  argument,  the 
most  impassioned  that  ever  passed  his  lips,  fell  upon  unheeding  ears  : 

For  William  Freeman,  as  a  murderer,  I  have  no  commission  to  speak.  If  he 
had  silver  and  gold  accumulated  with  the  frugality  of  Oroesus,  and  should  pour 
it  all  at  my  feet,  I  would  not  stand  an  hour  between  him  and  the  avenger.  But 
for  the  innocent,  it  is  my  right,  my  duty  to  speak.  If  this  sea  of  blood  was 
innocently  shed,  then  it  is  my  duty  to  stand  beside  him  until  his  steps  lose  their 
hold  upon  the  scaffold. 

I  plead  not  for  a  murderer.  I  have  no  inducement,  no  motive  to  do  so.  I 
have  addressed  my  fellow-citizens  in  many  various  relations,  when  rewards  of 
wealth  and  fame  awaited  me.  I  have  been  cheered  on  other  occasions,  by  mani 
festations  of  popular  approbation  and  sympathy ;  and  where  there  was  no  such 
encouragement,  I  have  had,  at  least,  the  gratitude  of  him  whose  cause  I  de 
fended.  But  I  speak  now  in  the  hearing  of  a  people  who  have  prejudged  the 
prisoner,  and  condemned  me  for  pleading  in  his  behalf.  He  is  a  convict,  a 
pauper,  a  negro,  without  intellect,  sense,  or  emotion.  My  child,  with  an  affec 
tionate  smile,  disarms  my  careworn  face  of  its  frown  whenever  I  cross  my 
threshold.  The  beggar  in  the  street  obliges  me  to  give,  because  he  says,  "  God 
bless  you,"  as  I  pass.  My  dog  caresses  me  with  fondness,  if  I  will  smile  on  him. 
My  horse  recognizes  me  when  I  fill  his  manger.  But  what  reward,  what  grati 
tude,  what  sympathy  and  affection  can  I  expect  here  ?  There  the  prisoner  sits. 
Look  at  Mm!  Look  at  the  assemblage  around  you!  Listen  to  their  ill-sup 
pressed  censures  and  their  excited  fears,  and  tell  me  where  among  my  neighbors 


1846.]  THE   ARGUMENT.  $1 O, 

or  my  fellow-men,  where  even  in  his  heart,  I  can  expect  to  find  tLe  sentiment, 
the  thought,  not  to  say  of  reward,  or  of  acknowledgment,  but  even  of  recog 
nition.  .  .  . 

I  would  disarm  the  injurious  impression  that  I  am  speaking  merely  as  a  law 
yer  speaks  for  his  client.  I  am  not  the  prisoner's  lawyer.  I  am,  indeed,  t 
volunteer  in  his  behalf;  but  society  and  mankind  have  the  deepest  interests, 
I  am  the  lawyer  for  society,  for  mankind ;  shocked,  beyond  the  power  of  ex- 
preasion,  at  the  scene  I  have  witnessed  here,  of  trying  a  maniac  as  a  male 
factor.  .  .  . 

Gentlemen,  yon  may  think  of  this  transaction  what  yon  please,  bring  in 
vf hat  verdict  yon  can ;  bnt  I  asseverate,  before  Heaven  and  you,  that,  to  the 
best  of  my  knowledge  and  belief,  the  prisoner  at  the  bar  does  not  at  thia 
moment  know  why  it  is  that  my  shadow  falls  on  you  instead  of  his  own.  .  .  . 

An  inferior  standard  of  intelligence  has  been  set  up  here  as  a  standard  of 
the  negro  race.  Indications  of  manifest  derangement,  or  at  least  of  imbecility, 
approaching  to  idiocy,  are  therefore  set  aside,  on  the  ground  that  they  har 
monize  with  the  legitimate  but  degraded  characteristics  of  the  race  from  which 
he  comes.  You,  gentlemen,  have,  or  ought  to  have,  lifted  your  souls  above  the 
bondage  of  prejudices  so  narrow  and  so  mean  as  these.  The  color  of  the 
prisoner's  skin,  and  the  form  of  his  features,  are  not  impressed  upon  the  spirit 
ual,  immortal  mind  which  works  beneath.  In  spite  of  human  pride,  he  is  still 
your  brother  and  mine,  in  form  and  color  accepted  and  approved  by  his  Father, 
and  yours,  and  mine ;  and  bears  equally  with  us  the  proudest  inheritance  of  our 
race — the  image  of  our  Maker.  Hold  him,  then,  to  be  a  man ;  exact  of  him  all 
the  responsibilities  which  should  be  exacted,  under  like  circumstances,  if  he  be 
longed  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  race ;  and  make  for  him  all  the  allowances,  and  deal 
with  him  with  all  the  tenderness,  which,  under  the  like  circumstances,  you  would 
expect  for  yourselves.  .  .  . 

Is  there  reason  to  indulge  a  suspicion  of  fraud  here  ?  Look  at  this  stupid, 
senseless  fool,  almost  as  inanimate  as  the  clay  moulded  in  the  brick-yard;  and 
say,  if  you  dare,  that  you  are  afraid  of  being  deceived  by  him !  Look  at  me  • 
You  all  know  me.  Am  I  a  man  to  engage  in  a  conspiracy  to  deceive  you,  and 
defraud  justice?  Look  on  us  all!  Is  any  one  of  us  a  man  to  be  suspected? 
The  testimony  is  closed.  Look  through  it  all.  Can  suspicion  or  malice  find  in 
it  any  ground  to  accuse  us  of  a  plot  to  set  up  a  false  and  fabricated  defense  ?  I 
will  give  you,  gentlemen,  a  key  to  every  case  where  insanity  has  been  wrong 
fully  and  yet  successfully  maintained :  gold,  influence,  popular  favor,  popular 
sympathy,  raised  that  defense,  and  made  it  impregnable.  But  you  have  never 
seen  a  poor,  worthless,  spiritless,  degraded  negro,  like  this,  acquitted  wrong 
fully.  I  wish  this  trial  may  prove  that  such  a  one  can  be  acquitted  rightfully. 
The  danger  lies  here.  There  is  not  a  white  man,  or  white  woman,  who  would 
not  have  been  dismissed  long  since  from  the  perils  of  such  a  prosecution.  .  .  . 

An  excited  community,  whose  terror  has  not  yet  culminated,  declare  that, 
whether  sane  or  insane,  he  must  be  executed  to  give  safety  to  your  dwellings 
and  theirs.  I  must  needs,  then,  tell  you  the  law,  which  will  disarm  such  cow 
ardly  fear.  If  you  acquit  the  prisoner,  he  cannot  go  at  large,  but  must  be  com 
mitted  to  jail  to  be  tried  by  another  jury  for  a  second  murder.  Your  dwellings, 
therefore,  will  be  safe.  If  such  a  jury  find  him  sane,  he  will  then  be  sent  to  nil 
fearful  account ;  and  your  dwellings  will  be  safe.  If  acquitted,  he  will  be  re- 


820  LIFE   AND   LETTERS.  ^1846 

manded  to  jail,  to  await  a  third  trial ;  and  your  dwellings  will  be  safe  If  that 
jury  convict,  he  will  then  be  executed ;  and  your  dwellings  will  be  safe.  It 
they  acquit,  he  will  still  be  detained  to  answer  for  a  fourth  murder ;  and  your 
dwellings  will  be  safe.  Whether  the  fourth  jury  acquit  or  convict,  your  dwell 
ings  will  still  be  safe :  for  if  they  convict,  he  will  then  be  out  off ;  and  if  they 
acquit,  he  must,  according  to  the  law  of  the  land,  be  sent  to  the  lunatic  asylum, 
there  to  be  confined  for  life.  You  may  not  slay  him,  then,  for  the  public  secu 
rity,  because  the  public  security  does  not  demand  the  sacrifice.  No  security  for 
home  or  hearth  can  be  obtained  by  judicial  murder.  .  .  . 

When  the  prisoner  was  discharged  from  the  State-prison,  two  dollars,  the 
usual  gratuity,  was  offered  him,  and  he  was  asked  to  sign  a  receipt.  "  I  ain't 
going  to  settle  so."  For  five  years,  until  it  became  the  ruling  thought  of  his 
life,  the  idea  had  been  impressed  upon  his  mind  that  he  had  been  imprisoned 
wrongfully,  and  would,  therefore,  be  entitled  to  payment  on  his  liberation. 
This  idea  was  opposed  "  ~by  the  judgment  and  sense  of  all  mankind."  The  court 
that  convicted  him  pronounced  him  guilty,  and  spoke  the  sense  and  judgment  of 
mankind.  But  still  he  remained  unconvinced.  The  keepers  who  flogged  him 
pronounced  his  claim  unjust  and  unfounded,  and  they  were  exponents  of  the 
"  sense  and  judgment  of  all  mankind."  But  imprisonment,  bonds,  and  stripes, 
could  not  remove  the  one  inflexible  idea.  The  agents,  the  keepers,  the  clerk, 
the  spectators,  and  even  the  reverend  chaplain,  laughed  at  the  simplicity  and  ab 
surdity  of  the  claim  of  the  discharged  convict,  when  he  said,  "  Pve  worked  foot 
years  for  the  State,  and  ain't  going  to  settle  «<?."  Alas  1  little  did  they  know 
that  they  were  deriding  the  delusion  of  a  maniac.  Had  they  been  wise,  thej 
would  have  known  that — 

"  So  foul  a  sky  clears  not  without  a  storm." 

The  peals  of  their  laughter  were  the  warning  voice  of  Nature  for  the  safety  of 
the  family  of  Van  Nest.  .  .  . 

There  is  proof,  gentlemen,  stronger  than  all  this.  It  is  silent,  yet  speaking. 
It  is  that  idiotic  smile  which  plays  continually  on  the  face  of  the  maniac.  It 
took  its  seat  there  while  he  was  in  the  State-prison.  In  his  solitary  cell,  under 
the  pressure  of  his  severe  tasks  and  trials  in  the  workshop,  and  during  the  so 
lemnities  of  public  worship  in  the  chapel,  it  appealed,  although  in  vain,  to  his 
taskmasters  and  to  his  teachers.  It  is  a  smile  never  rising  into  laughter,  without 
motive  or  cause — the  smile  of  vacuity.  His  mother  saw  it  when  he  came  out  of 
prison,  and  it  broke  her  heart.  John  Depuy  saw  it,  and  knew  his  friend  was 
demented.  Deborah  Depuy  observed  it,  and  knew  him  for  a  fool.  David  Win 
ner  read  in  it  the  ruin  of  his  friend  Sally's  son.  It  has  never  forsaken  him  in 
his  later  trials.  He  laughed  in  the  face  of  Parker  while  on  confession  at  Bald- 
winsville.  He  laughed  involuntarily  in  the  faces  of  Warden  and  Curtis,  and 
Worden  and  Austin,  and  Bigelow  and  Smith,  and  Brigham  and  Spencer.  He 
laughs  perpetually  here.  Even  when  Van  Arsdale  showed  the  scarred  traces  of 
the  assassin's  knife,  and  when  Helen  Holmes  related  the  dreadful  story  of  the 
murder  of  her  patrons  and  friends,  he  laughed.  He  laughs  while  I  am  pleading 
his  griefs.  He  laughs  when  the  Attorney-General's  bolts  would  seem  to  rive  his 
heart.  He  will  laugh  when  you  declare  him  guilty.  When  the  judge  shall  pro 
ceed  to  the  last  fatal  ceremony,  and  demand  what  he  has  to  say  why  the  sen 
tence  of  the  law  should  not  be  pronounced  upon  him,  although  there  should  not 


1846.]  THE   SENTENCE.  821 

be  an  unmoistened  eye  in  this  vast  assembly,  and  the  stern  voice  addressing  him 
should  tremble  with  emotion,  he  will,  even  then,  look  up  in  the  face  of  the 
court,  and  laugh,  from  the  irresistible  emotions  of  a  shattered  mind,  delighted 
and  lost  in  the  confused  memory  of  absurd  and  ridiculous  associations.  Follow 
him  to  the  scaffold.  The  executioner  cannot  disturb  the  calmness  of  the  idiot. 
He  will  laugh  in  the  agony  of  death.  .  .  . 

I  have  heard  the  greatest  of  American  orators.  I  have  heard  Daniel  O'Con- 
nell  and  Sir  Robert  Peel.  But  I  heard  John  Depuy  make  a  speech  excelling 
them  all  in  eloquence :  "  They  have  made  William  Freeman  what  he  is,  a  brute- 
beast;  they  don't  make  anything  else  of  any  of  our  people  but  brute-beasts; 
but  when  we  violate  their  laws,  then  they  want  to  punish  us  as  if  we  were 
men !".... 

Although  we  may  send  this  maniac  to  the  scaffold,  it  will  not  recall  to  life 
the  manly  form  of  Van  Nest,  nor  reanimate  the  exhausted  frame  of  that  aged 
matron,  nor  restore  to  life  and  grace  and  beauty  the  murdered  mother,  nor  call 
back  the  infant  boy  from  the  arms  of  his  Saviour.  Such  a  verdict  can  do  no 
good  to  the  living,  and  carry  no  joy  to  the  dead.  If  your  judgment  shall  be 
swayed  at  all  by  sympathies  so  wrong,  although  so  natural,  you  will  find  the 
saddest  hour  of  your  life  to  be  that  in  which  you  will  look  down  upon  the  grave 
of  your  victim,  and  "  mourn  with  compunctious  sorrow  "  that  you  should  have 
done  so  great  injustice  to  the  "  poor  handful  of  earth  that  will  lie  mouldering 
before  you." 

Seward  was  followed  by  the  Attorney -General,  who  summed  up  in 
a  long,  elaborate,  and  powerful  argument.  The  judge's  charge  to  the 
jury  was  accepted  as  leaning  strongly  toward  conviction,  but  the  jury 
needed  no  additional  spur.  They  went  out,  and  promptly  returned  with 
a  verdict  of  "  Guilty."  The  judge  announced  that  he  would  pronounce 
sentence  upon  the  prisoner  the  next  morning,  at  half -past  six  o'clock. 

The  sun  had  hardly  risen  on  the  morning  of  July  24th,  when  the 
impatient  crowd  gathered  in  and  around  the  court-house  for  the  last 
time,  to  hear  the  doom  pronounced,  and  be  assured  that  their  wishes 
were  accomplished.  It  was  a  grim  spectacle  for  a  summer  morning. 

The  poor  idiot,  roused  from  his  cell,  was  brought  into  the  court 
room,  and  ordered  to  stand  up.  As  he  was  so  deaf,  the  judge  directed 
him  to  be  brought  close  to  his  side,  and,  leaning  over  from  the  bench, 
said  to  him  : 

"  The  jury  say  you  are  guilty.     Do  you  hear  me  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  replied  Freeman. 

"  The  jury,"  repeated  the  judge,  "  say  you  are  guilty.  Do  you  un 
derstand  ?  " 

"  No,"  said  the  negro. 

"  Do  you  know  which  the  jury  are  ?  "  inquired  the  court. 

"  No,"  answered  the  prisoner. 

"Well,  they  are  those  gentlemen  down  there,"  continued  Judge 
Whiting,  pointing  to  the  jurors  in  their  seats  ;  "  and  they  say  you  are 
guilty.  Do  you  understand  ?  " 


822  LIFE   A*™   LETTERS.  [184d 

"No." 

"  They  say  you  killed  Van  Nest.     Do  you  understand  that  ?  " 

"Yes." 

«  Did  you  kiU  Van  Nest  ?  " 

"Yes." 

"I  am  going  to  pass  sentence  upon  you.  Do  you  understand 
that?" 

"No." 

"I  am  going  to  sentence  you  to  be  hanged.  Do  you  understand 
that?" 

"No." 

It  was  so  manifestly  a  mockery  to  address  a  sentence  of  death  to  a 
creature  who  could  not  comprehend  a  word  of  it,  that  the  judge,  de 
parting  from  the  usual  form,  addressed  it  over  his  head  to  the  audience. 
Speaking  of  the  prisoner  at  the  bar  in  the  third  person,  he  informed 
them  that  Freeman,  on  Friday  the  18th  of  September,  would  be  taken 
to  the  place  of  execution,  and  hanged  by  the  neck  until  dead.  The  vast 
crowd  dispersed  exultant,  and  the  only  one  in  the  court-room  who  was 
unconscious  of  the  result  of  the  trial  was  taken  to  his  cell  to  await  the 
time  when  he  should  be  taken  to  the  gallows. 

Seward  walked  sadly  to  his  home,  though  he  had  anticipated  no 
different  termination.  In  his  argument  on  the  preliminary  trial  in  ref 
erence  to  Freeman's  insanity,  he  made  allusion  to  the  feeling  which  had 
been  kindled  against  him  for  his  fidelity  in  a  cause  where  he  was 
doomed  to  defeat  : 

In  due  time,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  when  I  shall  have  paid  the  debt  of 
Nature,  my  remains  will  rest  here  in  your  midst,  with  those  of  my  kindred  and 
neighbors.  It  is  very  possible  they  may  be  unhonored,  neglected,  spurned  1 
But,  perhaps,  years  hence,  when  the  passion  and  excitement  which  now  agitate 
this  community  shall  have  passed  away,  some  wandering  stranger,  some  lone 
exile,  some  Indian,  some  negro,  may  erect  over  them  an  humble  stone,  and 
thereon  this  epitaph,  "  He  was  faithful !  " 

More  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  has  passed  since  these  painful 
scenes.  Judge  and  culprit,  prosecutor  and  defender,  all  have  gone  to 
gether  to  their  long  account.  The  passion  and  excitement  which 
agitated  the  community  at  that  hour  have  long  since  passed  away,  and 
he  from  whom  this  appeal  was  wrung  sleeps  peacefully  in  their  midst, 
not  unhonored  or  neglected,  for  no  day  passes  that  his  grave  is  not 
visited  by  reverent  hearts,  or  strewed  with  flowers  by  loving  hands.  On 
the  marble  above  him  is  carved  the  epitaph  of  his  choice  : 

"HE  WAS  FAITHFUL." 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


RSITY    1 


INDEX. 


A.  PAGE. 

Abolitionists 594 

Albany  Atlas 661 

Albany  Evening  Journal  established. ...  77 

Albany  Female  Academy 614 

Albany  Lobby 213 

Albany  Regency 87 

Albany  social  life 177 

Albany  Typographical  Society 399 

Anti-Masonic  party 71,  147,  231 

"Anti-rent"  wars 449,  450,  453 

Anti-alayery  interrogatories 377 

Anti-slavery  laws 465 

Ashburton  treaty 614 

Auburn  and  Owasco  canal 293 

Auburn  and  Syracuse  railroad 356 

Auburn,  President  Van  Buren's  visit  to.  435 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  mention  of,  55,  60,  62 

63,  64,  06,  70,  85,  88,  89,  90,  144,  192,  208 

221,   306,  405,   448,  465,  529,  531,  545,  565 

570,  572,    580,    616,  622,  627,  660,  669,  671 

674,  688,  713,  722,  770,  774,  775,  781 

Adams  and  Jackson 63 

Alden,  James 611 

Alexander,  Major  William,  of  Georgia,  39 

Allen,  Darius,  of  Troy  623 

Allen,  John,  of  Rochester 689 

Allen,  Stephen,  of  New  York  225 

Amory,  Colonel,  mention  of.... 41 8,  451,  457 

513 

Anderson,  Robert,  U.  S.  A 589 

Andrews,  George 523,  561 

Andrews,  S.  G 582 

Anthon,  John 417,  585,  634 

Anthon,  Rev.  Charles 609 

Arthur,  Sir  George 410 

Ashburton,  Lord,  mention  of... 581,  598,  603 

615 

Ashmun,  George 783 

Austin,  Rev.  John  M 816,  820 

Averill,  Horatio 427,  451,  453 

Averill,  Lewis 501 

Ayrault,  Allen , 569 

B. 

Baltimore  Anti-Masonic  Convention.  .89,     94 

"  Barn-Burners  " 654 

Boston  and  Albany  Railroad  celebration.  575 
Boston,  scenes  in  and  memories  of  201 


PAGE. 

Bucktails,  the 50 

Bulwer's  "Last  Days  of  Pompeii" 243 

Bunker  Hill  monument 665 

Bingenon  the  Rhine 120 

Bacon,  William  J 569 

Bagot,  Sir  Charles,  mention  of,  580,  604,  612 

621 

Bancroft,  George 555,  780,  783 

Bangs,  Rev.  Nathan 416 

Barker,  George  P 501,  586 

Barnard,  Daniel  D 569 

Barnard,  Henry 419 

Barings  Brothers  &  Co 109 

Bashford,  Coles 469 

Beach,  John  H  380,  681 

Beach,  Nelson  J , . . .  569 

Beach,  William 681,  704 

Beardsley,  Levi 144,  182 

Beardsley,  Nelson,  mention  of.  193,  240,  252 
263,  269,  294,  301,  388 

Beardsley,  Samuel 330 

Beck,  Lewis  C 397,  609 

Bell,  John,  mention  of.... 521,  527,  545,  564 

Beinan,  Rev.  Dr.,  of  Troy 38 

Bement,  C.  N 609 

Benedict,  Lewis,  mention  of... 225,  242,  500 

612,  635,  643,  645,  648,  663,  694,  720,  787 

Benedict,  Spencer  S 384,  451,  535 

Benjamin,  Orson,  of  Ontario 469 

Benson,  Egbert,  of  New  York 520 

Benton,  N.  S.,  of  Herkimer 84 

Bentou,  Thomas  H.,  mention  of.  .85,  252,  327 

493,  562,  696,  712,  716,  773,  775,  783,  7S4 

793 

Berrien,  John  M 564 

Biddle,  Nicholas 340,  445 

Bigelow,  Dr.,  of  Auburn 816,  820 

Bird,  William  A.,  of  Erie 57S 

Birdsall,  Benjamin 543 

Birdseye,  Victory,  of  Onondaga. . .  .375,  4<i5 

Birnev,  James  G.,  mention  of.. 490,  503,  542 

727,  732,  742 

Bissell,  Daniel  P 5St> 

Blatchford,  Richard  M.,  mention  of,  504,  5! 3 

543,  547,  551,  553,  560,  653,  658,  665,  6ri$ 

740,  769,  774,  775,  776 

Blatchford,  Samuel,  mention  of,  383,  384,  429 

492,  563,  582,  613,  760,  761,  767,  784,  813 

Bliss,  George,  of  Massachusetts 549 

Bloodgood,  Major  William  452 

Blunt,  Joseph 240,  609> 


824 


INDEX. 


Bockee,  A 577 

Bockee,  David  A 501,  596 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  of  Bordentown,  207,  285 

Bottsf  JohnM 558 

Bouch,  William  C.,  mention  of,  211,  474,  501 
611,  622,  638,  642,  644,  648,  679,  682,  738,  808 

Boughton,  George  N 474 

Bowen,  James,  mention  of 504,  513,  543 

551,  560,  658,  681,  747,  754,  769 

Bradford,  John  M , 560 

Bradish,  Luther,  mention  of  . .  .240,  345,  357 

365,  372,  373,  383,  384,  428,  500,  516,  523 

549,  611,  615,  622,   639 

Brady,  James  T 585 

Briggs,  Dr.  Lansing,  of  Auburn 816 

Brigham,  Dr.,  of  Utica,  mention  of,  813,  814 

817,  82C 

Broadhead,  John  Romeyn 520 

Bronson,  Greene  C 227,  540,  552 

Bronson,  Parliament 237 

Brown  Brothers  &  Co 436,  445 

Brown,  William,  of  Auburn. 75 

Bryant,  William  Cullen 637 

Buchanan,  James,  mention  of.. 561,  775,  781 

783,  784 

But.1,  Jesse 156,  210,  318 

Burr,  Aaron,  mention  of..  .97,  169,  170,  227 

326 

Burr,  Calvin  261 

Burt,  James.... 500,  513 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  of  New  York,  men 
tion  of 96,  245,  555,  609 

C. 

Campaign  poetry 239 

Canadian  ' '  patriots  " 353,  527 

Canal  enlargement  stopped „ 597 

Canal  system „ .     94 

Constitution  of  New  York 763 

Conventions: 

National  Republican  of  1833. 99 

World's  Anti-Slavery,  in  London,  1840.  490 

Christian  life  and  duty 300 

Church  experiences 313 

City  of  Cincinnati 797 

"  Clintonians,"  the 50 

Croton  water  celebration 625 

Cady,  Daniel 96,  469,  678 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  mention  of,  60,  62,  63,     73 
74,  85,  96,  184,  206,  228,  298,  338,  396 

Campbell,  Rev.  Dr.,  mention  of 196,  513 

553,  609,  678 
Campbell,  Judge  W.  W.,  of  Otsego.489,  718 

Cannon,  Le  Grand  B 623 

Carroll,  Charles 90 

Carroll,  Charles  H 501 

Cary,  Trumbull,  mention  of... 181,  216,  226 
242,  243,  245,  246,  301,  335,  434,  467,  560 

646 

Cass,  Lewis,  mention  of... 146,  670,  688,  714 
715,  767,  775,  776 

Catherwood,  artist 609 

Cambreling,  C.  C 240 

Chandler,  Adoniram  . .    240,  393 

Chandler,  Joseph  R 544 

Channing,  Rev.  William  Ellery 490 

Chase,  Salmon  P 742 

Chatfield,  Levi  S.,  mention  of,  517,  534,  569 

577 


PAGE. 

Chedell,  John  H.,  of  Auburn 193 

Chitteuden,  Thomas  C 515 

Church,  Sanford  E.,  of  Orleans..  ,.569,  578 

Clarke,  Charles  E .  374 

Clark,  Lewis  Gay  lord,  mention  of..  .455,  545 

552,  632 

Clark,  John  C 684 

Clark,  Matthew  St.  Clair,  of  Pennsylva 
nia 545,  598 

Clark,  Stephen 586 

Clark,  Willis  Gaylord,  mention  of  ...282,  320 

492,  544 

Clay,  Cassius  M 729,  759,  799 

Clay,  Henry,  mention  of.. 60,  62,  63,  64,     85 

89,  93,  96,  99,  100,  102,  103,  150,  184,  206 

298,  338,  396,  409,  428,  431,  446,  448,  493 

498,  515,  533,  545,  555,  561,  571,  594,  597 

611,  613,  615,  622,  626,  654,  676,  688,  692 

694,  698,  700,  706,  712,  717,  720,  723,  726 

728,  731,  733,  760,  772,  7S2 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  mention  of,  35,  48,  50,     55 

61,  62,  63,  66,  67,  238,  382,  420,  426,  494 

574,  660 

Clinton,  George  M.,  of  Buffalo 689 

Clowes,  Thomas 725 

Cobb,  E.  B.,  of  Montezuma 470 

Cobb,    Lyman,    author    "Cobb's    Read 
ers"  722 

Cobbett,  William  Ill 

Cole,  A.  H.,  of  Albion 369 

Cole,  Cornelius 704 

Cole,  David  H.,  of  Albion 469 

Cole,  John  0.,  Clerk  of  Assembly 578 

Coleman,  Robert  B.,  of  "  The  Astor"  . .  682 

Collier,  John  A.,  mention  of 501,  521,  611 

615,  655,  712,  721,  768 

Colt,  John  C 628,  630,  635 

Colt,  Roswell,  of  Patterson 741 

Conkling,  Judge  Alfred,  mention  of,  175,  211 
242,  609,  691 

Cook,  Bates,  of  Niagara 393,  521 

Cook,  Horace  T.,  of  Auburn 704 

Cook,  James  M.,  of  Saratoga. 808 

Cook,  Robert,  of  Cayuga 218 

Coombs,  General  Leslie 799- 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  mention  of,  91,  582 
639,  667,  740,  754 

Cook,  Charles,  of  Chemuug 343 

Corning,  Erastus,  of  Albany 569,  577 

Corwin,  Thomas,  mention  of... 498,  744,  754 

772,  783 

Coventry,  Charles  B 535 

Cox,  James  R.,  of  Auburn 704,  816 

Cramer,  John,  of  Saratoga 578 

Crane,  Albert 514 

Crandall,  Prudence' 146 

Crary,  John 78 

Crawford,  William  H.,  mention  of. .  .60,     62 

63,     85 

Crittenden,  John  J.,  mention  of 498,  521 

527,  540,  562,  609,  616 

Croswell,  Edwin,  mention  of. .  .196,  381,  398 
415,  534,  575,  609,  646,  648,  663,  689 

Croswell,  Rev.  William,  of  Auburn 371 

Curtis,  Edward,  mention  of,  379,  524,  526,  564 

775.  776 

Curtis,  George 524 

Gushing,  Caleb ,..491,  588 

Cushman,  Robert  M 505 

Curtis,  Ira,  of  Auburn 816,  820 


IXDEX. 


825 


B. 

Daguerreotypes  first  made 467 

Democrats  again  in  power 647 

Davis,  George  K.,  mention   of,  569,  577,  578 

611,  643 

Davis,    Governor   John,  of    Massachu 
setts,  mention  of.. ..548,  590,  664,  699,  744 
772,  782,  784 

Davis,  Joseph,  of  Albany 505 

Davis,  Mathew  L., "  Life  of  Aaron  Burr  "  326 
Dallas,    Commodore;    Brig   "Somers" 

court  of  inquiry 640 

Dallas,  George  M 715 

Dawson,  George,  mention  of 656,  719 

De  Grand,  P.  P.  F.,  of  Boston 556 

De  Haven,  Edwin  J 610 

De  Joinville,   Prince 572 

De  Kay,  James  E 397,  609 

Delatield,  General,  Commandant  of  West 

Point 714 

Delavau,  Edward  C 211,  243,  558 

Delancey,  Bishop 371 

Denuiston,  Robert 427 

Derby.  Earl 113 

Derby,  James  C.,  Chairman  of  Auburn 

Committee 503 

De  Smet,  Father 662 

Devereux,  Nicholas,  trustee  State  luna 
tic  asylum 535,  561 

Dexter,  Chauncey 427 

Dexter,  S.  Newton,  Canal  Commissioner. 474 

Dickens,  Charles 581,  590,  627 

Dickinson,  Daniel  S.,  mention  of... 343,  466 

501,  622,  639,  642,  654,  679 

Dickinson,  A.  B.,  mention  of. .  .445,  523,  536 

555,  579,  583,  585,  589,  620,  656,  682,  724 

Dickson,  Moses 73 

Disraeli's  new  novel 196 

Dix,  John  A.,  mention  of.  .227,  466,  569,  575 

578 

Doane,  Dr.  A.  Sidney,  mention  of,  468,  563 
740,  813,  814 

Dodd,  Edward 808 

Dorr,  Governor  Thomas  W.,  of  Rhode 

Island,  mention  of.. 601,  604,  606,  613 

the  Dorr  war 603 

Doubleday,  Ulysses  F.,  of  Auburn.  196,  294 

Doughty,  Major-General 500 

Douglas,   Stephen  A 113,  766 

Downing,  Andrew  J... 419,  609 

"  Downing,  Major  Jack  " 500 

Draper,  Simeon,  mention  of ,  604,  513,543,  653 

Duane,  William  J  146 

Duer,  John,  mention  of 47,  523,  641 

Duer,  William 477 

Durant,  Clark 505 

E. 

Eaton,  John  H 86 

Eaton,  Mrs.  John  H 86 

Earll,  Jonas,  mention  of 474,  58*5 

Earll,  Thomas 509 

Edwards,  Monroe 607 

Ellmaker,  Amos,  mention  of 99.  100 

Emmet,  Robert,  mention  of 628,  632 

Emmet,  Thomas  Addis 113 

Emmons,  Professor 542 

Enos,  Benjamin 586 

Evans,  George 772 

Everett,  Horace 564 


PAGE. 
Everett,  Edward,  mention  of..  145,  391,  515 

560 
Ewing.  Thomas,  mention  of... .521,  540,  545 

562 

F. 

Federalists  and  Republicans , . .     59 

Female  convicts 94 

Financial  crash  of  1837 331 

Foreign-born  citizens 405 

Forty  million  debt  503 

Farnngton,  Thomas 586 

Fosgate,  Blanchard 193,  816 

Faulkner,  Senator 614 

Faxton,  Theodore  S 535 

Fillmore,  Millard,  mention  of  ..174,  186,  189 

232,  336,  339,  369,  372,  374,  379,  408,  516 

519,  522,  564,  569,  611,  622,  647,  655,  669 

671,  681,  688,  690,  699,  716,  723,  725,  730 

757,  759 

Fish,  Hamilton 240 

Fitch,  Abijah 230 

Flagg,  Azariah  C.,  mention  of.. 227,  403,  433 
586,  635,  639 

Flagler,  T.  C 569,  578 

Folsom,  George 609 

Forbes,  John  G 467 

Forrest,  Edwin 224 

Forsyth,  James  C 808 

Forsyth,  John,  mention  of 519,522,  527 

Forward,  Walter 562,  654 

Fosdick,  Charles 704 

Foster,  Henry  A 84,  584 

Fox,  British  Minister,  mention  of.  ..519,  529 

551,  561 

Francis,  John  W 609 

Franklin,  Benjamin 98 

Franklin,  Morris 577,  579 

Franklin,  William  B .   671 

Freeman  murder  case ^^i- 

Freeman,  William,  trial  of SW 

Fremont,  John  C 773 

Freeman,  William,  mention  of,  786,  787,  8QJi 
-"-  812. 

Frelinghuysen,  Theodore,  mention  of,  22,  699 
712,  717,  732 

Furman,  Gabriel,  mention  of. ..466,  578,  583 

585,  609,  622 

Fuller,  Philo  C.,  mention  of.... 182,  526,  614 

G. 

Georgia  slave  case 547 

Glentworth  case,  the 505 

Greeley  and  Cooper  case 741 

Greeley's  "Log  Cabin" 496 

Gaines,  Major-General 437 

Gallatin,  Albert 178 

Gardner,  Hiram 567 

Gardner,  David 696 

Gardner,  Addison 725 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  mention  of,114,   146 

292,  490 

Garrow,  Nathaniel 244 

Genet,  Edmond  C.,  mention  of.. 97, 170,  197 

Gerard,  James  W 569 

Gilmer,  Governor,  mention  of,  462,  492,  509 

528,  696 

Glentworth,  James  B.,  mention  of.  .504,  509 
523,  543,  570 


826 


IIS'DEX. 


Gould,  James 505 

Gould,  John  Stanton 737 

Graham,  David,  Jr.,  mention  of,  237,  247,  632 

Granger,  Francis,  mention  of,  70,  71,  77,     96 

99,  156,  171,  211,  240,  299,  323,  336,  343 

349,  362,  364,  366,  372,  379,  408,  516,  519 

521,  545,  562,  565,  570,  671,  744 

Granger,  Amos  P.,  mention  of,  569,  665,  668 

Gray,  Henry  Peters 653 

Grant,  U.  S 671 

Greeley,  Horace,  mention  of  ...368,  381,  395 

412,  496,  509,  534,  553,  607,  609,  626,  656 

665,  667,  674,  676,  689,  700,  712,  721,  730 

740,  754,  769,  770 

Green,  Archibald 72,    73 

Greig,  John ..369,  614 

Gridley,  Abraham 467 

Gridley,  Judge 567 

Griffin,  John 152 

Griffin,  George 96 

Grinnell,  Moses  H.,  mention  of,  364,  379,  504 
509,  533,  543,  653 

H. 

Haarlem,  the  great  organ  at 118 

Harpers  Ferry,  visit  to 267 

Helderberg  war 451 

Holland  Land  Company 301 

Haight,  Jacob 521 

Hale,  John  P 759 

Hall,  J  ames  397 

Hall,  Nathan  K 469 

Hall,  Taylor,  mention  of 670,  733,  769 

Hall,  Willis,  mention  of.  ..237,  243,  247,  393 

523,  567,  622,  626,  632,  643,  696 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  mention  of,  68,  97,     98 

409,  636 
Hamilton,  Mrs.  Alexander,  mention  of. .  198 

781,  784 

Hamilton,  Henry  474 

Hamilton,  James  A 724 

Hamilton,  John  C  , 569 

Hammond,  Jabez  D.,  mention  of,  86, 145,  488 

530 
Hard,  Gideon,  mention  of .  .569,  577,  579,  584 

Hardenbergh,  J.  H 218 

Harding,  Chester,  mention  of.. 609,  649,  653 
655,  659,  664,  673,  677 

Harper  Brothers 442 

Harper,  James. .  , 698 

Harper's  School  Library 522 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  mention  of  . .   297 

299,  318,  409,  470,  498,  501,  509,  513,  515 

524,  531,  693 

Harrison  nominated  for  President 448 

Harrison,  General,  election  of 506 

Harrison,  General,  inauguration 526 

Harrison,  General,  death  of 531 

Harvey,  Jacob 543 

Hasbrouck,  William  C 501 

Hathaway,  Charles , 469 

Hawks,  Francis  L.,  D.  D.,  mention  of. . .  247 

371,  609 

Hawley,  Gideon 609 

Hawley,  Seth  C.,  mention  of. .  ..388,  508,  560 
566,  664,  676,  678,  725,  747,  757,  799 

Henshaw,  Secretary 668 

Henshaw,  Caroline  M.,  mention  of.. 631,  633 

634 
Hermance,  Levi,  Dr 816 


PACK. 

Hickok,  L.  P.,  Rev 427 

Higher  Law,  speech  on 472 

Hinman,  Lyman 193 

Hoffman  and  Seward 51 

Hoffman,  Charles  Fenno,  mention  of  ...  4t>7 

520,  609 

Hoffman,  Michael,  mention  of,  540,  569,  579 
593,  611,  617,  654.  808 

Hoffman,  Ogden,  mention  of... 48,  240,  338 
379,  498.  640 

Holley,  John  M 676 

Holley,  Myron,  mention  of 79,  509 

Holley,  Orville  L 521,  609 

Hone,  Philip 364 

Hooker,  James 586 

Hopkins,  James  G 412,  445 

Hopkins,  John  R 816 

Hopkins,  Samuel  Miles,  mention  of.. 92,  164 

Hornblower,  Joseph  C 122 

Horner,  James,mention  of,  244,  501,  645,  762 

7«S 

Hosack,  Dr 635 

Howe,  Thomas  Y 222 

Hubbell,  General 520 

Hubbell,  Levi 569 

Hudson,  David 474 

Hughes,  Bishop,  mention  of  ...502,  586,  598 

662 

Hulburd,  Calvin  T 569,  578 

Hulbert,  Colonel 64 

Humphrey,  Charles 611 

Humphrey,  Friend .445,465,  645 

Humphreys,  George 322 

Hun,  Dr 609,  816 

Hunt,  Alvah 372,  466 

Hunt,  Washington,  mention  of,  626,  770,  773 
775,  780,  782 

Hunter,  R.  M.  T 449 

Hunter,  Robert 505,  645 

Huntington,  Daniel 653 

Huson,  Calvin 704 

I. 

Imprisonment  for  debt 191 

Incendiary  publications 291 

Indian  chief' s  address 390 

Inventors  and  inventions 443 

Ingalls,  Ruf us 671 

Inman,  Henry,  mention  of,  649,  653,  673,  675 

677 
Irving,  Washington 371    466 

J. 

Jefferson's  statue,  General  Jackson  criti 
cises 278 

Jackson,  Andrew,  mention  of,  60,  62,  63,  67 

70,  73,  74,  75,  86,  87,  95,  100,  103,  144,  232 

245,  252,  292,  318,  327,  328,  329,  746 

Jacobs,  A.  P 560 

Jay,   William 609,  «60 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  mention  of.. 98,  518,  627 

Jennings,  Isaac 19 

Jennings,  Mary 20 

Johnson,  A.  B 609 

Johnson,  A.  P 501 

Johnson,  Colonel 699 

Johnson,  Reverdy 773,  774 

Johnson,  Thomas  A 626 


INDEX. 


827 


PAGE. 

Jones,  Adjutant-General 441 

Jones,  Commodore 640 

Jones,  David  R.  Floyd 569 

Jones,  Major-General 441 

Jones,  Nathaniel 586 

Jordan,  Ambrose  L 721,  808 

Joy,  Alderman 681 

K. 

Knights  of  Golden  Circle 148 

Know-Nothing  party 148 

Knower,   Benjamin 234 

Knowles,  James  Sheridan  243 

Kane,  James 469 

Kellogg,  Charles  73 

Kellogg,  Day  Otis 372,  535 

Kellogg,  Palmer  V  368 

Kemble,  Gouverneur 379,  808 

Kempshall,  Thomas 379 

Kennedy,  John  A 808 

Kennedy,  John  P 409,  564 

Kent,  James,  Chancellor,  mention  of,  29,     99 

143,  247,  332,  360,  441,  609,  678 

Kent,  William,  Judge,  mention  of.. 198,  219 

238,  246,  427,  520,  536,  555,  628,  634 

Ketchum,  Hiram,  mention  of.  ..536,  549,  502 

Keyes,  E.  V   589 

King,  Charles,  mention  of 246,249,  363 

King,  John  A.,  mention  of,  211,  371,  465,  554 
599,  681,  720 

King,  James  G.,  mention  of. ...240,  246,  248 

416 

King,  Preston 240,  776 

Kins,  Rufus,  General,  mention  of.. 246,  3b4 

401,  432,  487,  516,  532,  551,  641,  645,  649 

681,  722 

King,  Thomas  Butler  775,  783 

Kirkland,  Charles  S 808 

Kirk,  Rev.  Edward  N 188 


Law  reform 467 

Law,  the  Electoral 61 

Law,  the  Small  Bill 299 

Legislative  sessions 94 

Loco-Foco,  origin  of 299 

Long  Branch,  life  at 287 

Lafayette,   General 155 

Lafayette,  General,  reception  of 64 

Lafayette's  welcome  to  Seward 134,  140 

Lafayette,  George  Washington 139 

Lake,  Jarvis  N 868 

Lansing,  Gerrit  Y 196,  240 

Lansing,  Jacob 505 

Lansing,  Rev.  D.  C 64 

Latch-string  pulled  in 565 

Lawrence,  Abbott 241,  744 

Leavenworth,  E.  W 501,  689 

Lee,  Gideon,  mention  of 514,  520,  577 

Lee,  John 731,  733 

Legare,  Hugh  S.,  mention  of.. 498,  502,  562 

666 

Leigh,  Benjamin  Watkins 777 

Leitch,  George  F 662 

Leland,  General 581 

Levy,  Jefferson  M 274 

Lewis,  Morgan 637 

Lewis,  Samuel 742 


Lewis,  Tayler 427 

Lincoln,  Governor. ...    548 

Lincoln,  Levi 241 

Linn,  Archibald  L ...427,  469 

Little,  George  W 586 

Livingston,  JSdward 145 

Livingston,  Edward  P 78,  211 

Livingston,  Peter  R 500 

Lloyd,  Major-General 441 

Locke,  John  A 569 

Loomis,  Arphaxad 569,  579 

Lord,  Daniel 416,  569 

Lott,  John  A 578 

Love,  Harlow  C 560 

Love,  Thomas  C 469 

Loveridge,  Cicero 514 

Luckey,  Rev.  Dr 460,  502 

Lyell, 'Charles 555,  557 

Lyons,  James 778 


M. 

Magnetism,  animal 

Mass  meetings,  women  at 

Mexican  war 

Militia  reviews 

' '  Mohicans,  Last  of  " 

Mont  Blanc 

Moon  hoax,  the 

Mac  Kenzie,  Alexander  S 640, 

Macomb,  Major-General 

Madison,  Mrs.  James,  mention  of.. 770, 


Mahan,  Professor 

Mangurn,  Willie  P.,  mention  of,  319, 

Mann,  Abiiah,  Jr 

Marcy,  William  L.,  mention  of.. 59 
170,  240,  241,  249,  299,  365,  381, 
450,  494,  583,  638,  639,  660,  679, 

Marshall,  Chief  Justice 

Marshall's  Life  of  Washington 

Martin,  Enos  T.  Throop,  mention  of, 


609, 
580, 
775, 


,  84, 
415, 
763, 
774, 
.90. 


164, 


Marvine,  E.  E 

Marvin,  R.  P.,  mention  of,  360,  379,  434, 

Matsell,  Justice 

Matthew,  Father,  mention  of... 528,  576, 

Maxcy,  Virgil 

Maxvvell,  Hugh 373, 

Maynard,  John,  mention  of,  466,  477,  564, 

Maynard,  William  H.,  mention  of,  77,  83, 
99,  165,  166,  182,  188,  209, 

Mayuard,  William  H.,  death  of 

McCall,  Dr 813, 

McCauley,  Thomas,  D.  D 

McDonough,  Commodore 

McKown,  Recorder 

Mclntyre,  Archibald 513, 

Mclntyre,  Donald 

McLane,  Louis 

McLeod,  Alexander,  mention  of,  519,  522, 
534,  538,  540,  551,  568, 

McLeod,  trial  of 

McLean,  Captain 

McLean,  Judge  John,  mention  of,  79,  89, 
206,  252,  279,  297,  754,  770,  773,  784, 


414 
729 
755 
441 
198 
125 
289 
•  5S 
441 
772 
7S1 
714 
772 
783 
240 
150 
433 
771 
780 

91 

98 
177 
758 
769 
808 
504 
593 
677 
696 
375 
577 
682 

95 
341 
2-20 
814 

30 
470 
450 
645 
469 
146 
526 
611 
567 
625 
184 
798 


828 


INDEX. 


McNab,  Allen 567 

McNaughton,  James 535 

Miller,  Elijah,  Judge,  mention  of,  52,  62,     75 

91.  159,  175,  227,  232,  234,  256,  288,  294 

303,  341,  379,  655,  663,  671 

Miller,  Frances  A 55 

Miller,  Killian 569 

Miller,  Paulina 290 

Miller,  Rutger  B 358,  653,  740 

Minturn,  E 501 

Monroe,  James 379 

Monroe,  President 50,     85 

More,  Hannah,  life  of. .  . . 244 

Morehead,  Senator 773,  806 

Morgan,  Christopher,  mention  of... 351,  370 

379,  468,  487,  516,  547,  552,  555,  557,  565 

611,  626,  648,  659 

Morgan,  E.  B 340 

Morgan,  William,  mention  of,  69,  77,  83,  147 

Morgan,  abduction  of 83 

Morpeth,  Lord 573,  662 

Morris,  George  P 624 

Morris,  Recorder,  mention  of.. 523,  534,  598 

676,  808 

Morris,  Thomas 542 

Morse,  S.  F.  B 609,  685 

Murray,  John  B 388 

Myers,  P.  Hamilton 468 

Mynderse,  Colonel  Wilhelmus,  mention 
of 55,  231,  261 

N. 

National  Anti-Masonic  Convention 79 

New  England,  the  sons  of 247 

New  York,  colonial  history  of 521 

New  York,  common  schools  in 535 

Nullification  movement 211 

Nelson,  John 668 

Nelson,  Judge  Samuel,  mention  of..  179,  415 
466,  516,  527,  552,  566,  720 

Newton,  Isaac 650,  662 

Nicholas,  Robert  C 372,  808 

Noah,  Mordecai  M 502 

Northrup,  Henry  B 501 

Nott,  Ehphalet,  mention  of.. 29,  84,  179,  380 

382,  414,  420,  427,  460,  488,  502,  593,  605 

609,  669,  718,  754 

Nott,  Joel  B 501,  581,  664 

Noxon,  B.  David 689 

Noyes,  William  Curtis 237 

o. 

Old  Hunkers. 654 

Oregon  question,  the 793 

O'Conor,  Charles 808 

O'Connell,  Daniel,  mention  of,  112,  113,  490 
576,  659,  661,  668,  686,  697 

O'Connell  and  slavery 661 

Ogden,  David  B 96,  496 

0' Sullivan,  John   L 520,  609 

Overbaugh,  John  L 501 

P. 

Parties,  origin  of 57 

Pittsburg  and  its  manufactories.... 776,  794 

Paige,  Alonzo  C 466 

Parker,  A.  J 343 

Parmelee,  William 645 


PAGE. 

Parsons,  Charles  A 704 

Patten,  Moses 469 

Patterson,  George  W.,  mention  of.. 240,  385 
459,  466,  470,  482,  569,  636,  655,  664,  722 

808 

Patton,  John  M 529 

Payne,  George  R 505 

Payne,  John  Howard 520 

Peacemaker,  explosion  of 695 

Peel,  Sir  Robert 113 

Penrose,  Speaker 447 

Perry,  Commodore  O.  H 611,  640 

Perry,  M.  C 551 

Phelps,  Senator 773 

Philippe,  Louis,  Paris  under 137 

Phillips,  Wendell . .  490 

Pickens,  F.  W 240 

Platt,  Isaac 5Q1 

Polhemus,  Henry , 294,  652 

Polk,  James  K.,  mention  of 714,  715,  716 

732,  743,  770 

Polk  and  Dallas,  election  of 731 

Pomeroy,  Charles  W 194 

Pomeroy,  Theodore  M 704 

Porter,  John,  mention  of 294,  301 

Porter,  John  K 808 

Porter,  Peter  B.,  mention  of  ...368,  414,  500 

514,  516,  561 

Potter,  Alonzo,  mention  of 217,399,  427 

Potter,  Horatio,  mention  of 232,  398,  427 

Prindle,  P.  B 578 

Pringle,  Benjamin 560 

Pruyn,  Robert  H.,  mention  of.. 368,  381,  535 

Pumpelly,  H 645 

Purcell,  Bishop 662 

Putnam,  Harvey,  mention  of..  379,  469,  626 

Q. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  mention  of,  548,  574,  591,  606 

K. 

Railroads .' 94 

Rebellion  in  Rhode  Island 599 

Recollections  of  Law  Student  (Cox) 704 

Red  Jacket 92 

Rent,  down  with 450 

Removal  of  U.  S.  Bank  deposits 149 

Rhode  Island,  rebellion  in 599 

Randall,  Josiah 409,  769 

Randall,  S.  S.,  mention  of 586,  661,  725 

Rathbone,  Jared  L 505 

Rathbun,  Benjamin 55,  57 

Raynor,  Kenneth 564 

Redfield,  Professor 609 

Renwick,  Professor 443,  609 

Rexford,  B.  F 501 

Reynolds,  J.  J 671 

Rhett,  R.  B 688 

Richardson,  General 623 

Richardson,  John  L 678 

Ritner,  Governor 368 

Rives,  William  C 498,  502 

Roberts,  Marshall  0 501 

Robinson,  William 523 

Rodgers,  Commodore 640 

Rodgers,  Mary 557,  566 

Roe,  Captain*. 625,  769 

Romeyn,  Herman  M 514 


INDEX. 


829 


Root,  Erastus,  mention  of.. 86,  211,  348,  445 

459,  462,  501,  523,  559,  579,  583,  591,  620 

622,  688,  723 

Roosevelt,  James  J 240 

Ruger,  Senator 656 

Ruggles,  F.  H 368,  501 

Ruggles,  Samuel  B.,  mention  of,  341,  359,  363 
374,  380,  394,  439,  560,  609,  624,  653,  791 

Rumsey,  David 469 

Rutnsev,  Phineas 501 

Rush,  Dr 737 

Rush,  Richard,  mention  of 145,  206,  230 

s. 

School  district  libraries 405 

School  question,  the 463 

Secession,  prediction  of 727 

Senate,  battle  with  the 583 

Senate,  first  Whig 445 

Seward  Institute,  the  S.  S 761 

Shakers,  visit  to  183 

Shinplasters,  origin 332 

Slavery,  movement  against 145 

Slavery   question 743 

South  "Carolina  nullification 103 

Search  Law 587 

Speculation,  the  year  of  315 

State  Convention,  National  Republican.     70 

State  slave-holding 101 

Staten  Island,  celebration  at 417 

Swiss  mountains 121 

Sackett,  W.  A 378 

Sackett,  Gary  V.,  mention  of.. 520,  550,  646 

664 

Sanford,  General,  mention  of.. 416,  441,  451 

551 

Sanford,  Mitchell 445,  459 

Sargent,  John 99,  100 

Schoolcraft,  John  L.,  mention  of. ..501,  645 
659,  662,  718 

Schoolcraft 751,  753 

Schultz,  Captain 625 

Schuyler,  Major 176 

Schuyler,  Moses 537 

Schuyler,  Philip 781 

Scoles,  John  B 482 

Scott,  Wmfield,  mention  of 360,  447,  527 

571,  663,  770,  771,  772,  774,  775 

Seaton,  W.  W 646,  774 

Selden,  Dudley 628,  632 

Sessions,  John 704 

Sevvard,  William  Henry 

Aaron  Burr  and  Seward'  s  children 227 

A  bloody  mystery 787 

Address  at  tlnion  College 721 

A  dislocated  shoulder 736 

Advice  to  Thurlow  Weed 259 

Agricultural  address 643 

Anti-slavery  record 377 

A  school  teacher  in  Georgia 39 

Birth  and  parentage 19 

Birth  of  his  daughter  Frances 735 

Buying  a  house 75 

Ceases  to  be  Governor 507 

Close  of  legislative  life 153 

Closing  year  at  college 45 

College  escapade 36 

Croton  water  celebration 624,  625 

Death  of  his  brother  Jennings 525 


PAGE. 
Seward,  William  Henry 

Death  of  his  mother 735 

Death  of   his  only  sister 392 

Debut  at  Auburn 52 

Defeated  for  Governor ...159,  241 

Delegate  to  Baltimore  Convention. . . .   206 

Delivers  an  address  at  six  years 21 

Discourse  on  education 337 

Elected   Brigadier-General 194 

Elected  Captain  of  militia. r. 193 

Elected  Governor 378,  379 

Elected  to  State  Senate 80 

Experiments  in  silk  manufacture 479 

First  essay 25 

First  experience  in  debate 80 

First  legislative  experience 163 

First  meets  Thurlow  Weed 56 

First  railway  ride 195 

First  steamboat  journey 29 

First  voyage  to  Europe 104 

Fourth  of  July  orations 192 

Georgia  slave  case 547 

Given' s  Hotel 30 

Habits  in  money  matters 651 

Habits  of  smoking 481 

His  infant  daughter's  death 324 

His  mother's  advice  about  the  Sabbath  658 

His  mother's  illness 229 

His  views  on  temperance 577 

Introduction  to  the  Geological  Survey,  609 

J  oins  debating  society 25 

Joins  Episcopal  Church 54 

Journey  to  Albany 1 62 

Lafavette's  welcome  to  Seward,  men 
tion  of 134,  137,  139,  140 

Last  month  in  office 637 

Last  year  in  Senate 149 

Loses  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. ..     45 

Marries  Frances  A.  Miller 62 

Militia  reforms 82 

Nicholas  and  Harriet  Bogart 308 

Nominated  for  Governor 158,  236,  373 

Notes  on  New  York 608 

Oration  at  Syracuse 88 

Reading  novels 181 

Received  in  New  York  by  his  mother.  142 
Receives  John  Quincy  Adams  at  Au 
burn 672 

Recommends  William  H.  Harrison  for 

President 252 

Refuses  Benjamin  Rathbun's  pardon..  4*4 

Refuses  to  pardon  John  C.  Colt 630 

Removes  to  Auburn  51 

Resumes  law  and  chancery  practice. .  249 

646 

Returns  home  with  his  father  141 

Returns  to  Union  College 44 

School  life  in  Orange  county 21 

Second  inauguration  message 516,  517 

Seward  and  the  Court  of  Errors 230 

Six  months  in  Georgia 37 

Speech  on  Higher  Law 472 

Speech  on  removal  of  deposits 149 

Speech  on  United  States  Bank 96,  209 

Studying  law 47 

Talk  with  the  Onondaga  Indians 473 

"  Tell  Chapman  to  crow  " 499 

The  last  message 619 

The  old  writing  chair 461 

The  red-headed  woodpecker 658 


830 


INDEX. 


PAGE. 

Seward,  William  Henry 

Traveling  through  Holland 117 

Trout  fishing  experience 264 

Views  of  future  life 351 

Visits  Chamber  of  Deputies. 131 

Visits  Henry  Clay  at  Ashland 799 

Visits  Scotland  and  England 107 

Visits  the  Tuileries 129 

Visit  to  Boston 203 

Visit  to  General  Jackson 277 

Visit  to  Harper's  Ferry  267 

Visit  to  John  Quincy  Adams 88,  205 

Visit  to  Mt.  Vernon 275 

Visit  to  Park  Theatre 37 

Visit  to  the  Shakers 183 

Year  of  misfortune 323 

Seward,  Augustus,  mention  of,  235,  283,  305 
351,  383,  657,  774 

Seward,  Butler 801,  803 

Seward,  Colonel  John 19,   288 

Seward,  Clarence  A.,  mention  of.  ..525,  691 

740,  802 

Seward,  Frances  A.,  mention  of,  162,  257,  264 

272,  277,  282,  290,  343,  385,  411,  465,   657 

663,  675,  703,  720,  722,  735,  744,  767 

Seward,  Frederick  W.,  mention  of.. 80,  161 

200,  277,  305,  351,  355,  740,  802 

Seward,  Israel 801,802 

Seward,  Jennings,  mention  of,  328,  336,  492 

525 

Seward,  Samuel  S.,  mention  of,  19,  104,  186 
335,  343,  657,  663 

Seward,  Weed  and  Greeley 760 

Seward,  William  Henry,  Jr 44,  802 

Seymour,  Horatio,  mention  of.. 358,  569,  578 

784 

Shaw,  Robert  G 488 

Shepard,  William  W 704 

Sherman,  Isaac 518 

Sherman,  Willett  H 535 

Sherman,  William  T 589 

Sherwood,  John  M 294 

Sibley,  Mark  H.,  mention  of.  ...240,  335,  338 
415,  445,  466,  577,  666 

Sigpurney,  Mrs.  L.  H 181 

Silliman,  Benjamin  D 507 

Simmons,  George  A.,  mention  of. .  .501,  569 
578,  579,  655,  808 

Skinner,  George  C 218 

Slidell,  John,  mention  of 640,  792,  806 

Smith,  Truman 783 

Smith,  George  W 708 

Smith,  Gerrit,  mention  of,  490,  582,  594,  676 

733 

Smith,  Governor 777 

Smith,  John  Cotton 407 

Smith,  S.  McCune 782 

Smith,  Vivus  W 665 

South  wick,  Solomon 71,     73 

Spencer,  Chief   Justice  Ambrose,   men 
tion  of 48,  49,  51,  184,   617 

Spencer,  John  C.,  mention  of,  77,  89,  90,     96 

99,  165,   167,  189,  335,  371,  380,  393,  411 

415,  419,  457,  514,  535,  543,  564,  588,   606 

613,  626,  646,  654,  676,  689,  721 

Spencer,  Joshua  A 240,  393 

Spencer,  Midshipman  Pkilip 640 

Sprague,  William  B.,  mention   of.. 419,  532 

636 
Spring,  Gardner 416 


PAGE. 

Squire,  Benjamin  ......................  716 

Stanly,  Edward,  mention  of  .  .  .492,  498,  554 

558,  769 

Stanley,  Lord  ..........................  113 

Starr,  Chandler  ...................  373,  467 

Stevens,  Thaddeus  .................  79,  90 

Stevens,  John  L.,  mention  of  .  .466,  520,  609 

Stevens,  Samuel,  mention  of..  78,  83,  99,  156 

198,  373,  393,  501,  632,  645,  737 

Stetson,  Lemuel  ...................  569,  578 

Stewart,  Alvin,  mention   of  ____  509,  582,  732 

Stewart,  Commodore  ..................  640 

Stilwell,  Silas  M.,  mention  of..  158,  238,  248 

St.  John,  D.   B  ......  ........    ......  372 

Stockton,  Commodore  .................  696 

Stone,  William  L.,  mention  of,  186,  238,  246 

358,  520,  535,  609,  624 

Storms,  George  H  .....................  586 

Strong,  Theron  R.,  mention  of,  569,  578,  584 

Strong,  William  K  ....................  626 

Stryker,  Major-  General  .    .............  441 

Swackhamer,   Conrad,  mention  of  .  .535,  579 

617 

Swartwout,  Samuel  ....................  141 


T. 


Truman,  Lyman  ...................... 

Tucker,  Luther  ........................ 

Turner,  William  ....................... 

Tyler  grippe,  the  ..................... 

Tyler,  John,  inauguration  of  ........... 

Tyler's  vetoes  ....................... 

Tyler,  John,  mention  of...  448,  513,  532, 

545,  554,  560,  562,  611,  615,  621,  626, 

694, 

Thatcher,  George  H  ................... 

Thompson,  Judge  .................... 

Thompson,  Smith  ..................  70, 

Thompson,  B.  F  ...................... 

Thompson,  Robert  ..................... 

Thomas,  David  S  ......  ................ 

Throop,  Enos  T.,  mention  of.  .71,  75,  78, 

164,  177,  223,  296,  494,  660, 

Thurman,  John  R  ..................... 

Tilden,  Samuel  J  ...................... 

Tobey,  William  N  .................... 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  mention  of,  35,  36, 

66,  238,  382,  400,  420,  583, 

Tomlinson,  Theodore  A  ............... 

Torrey,  John,  mention  of  .....  397,  557, 

Townsend,  John  F  ................... 

Townsend,  General  .................... 

Tracy,  Albert  H.,  mention  of,  77,  83,  99, 

156,  165,  206,  213, 

Tracy,  John...  ......  '.  ................. 

Temperance  reform  ................  589, 

Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too  .............. 

Tribune,  New  York,  founding  of  ........ 

Tabor,  Azor  .........  ..............  453, 

Tallmadge,  F.  A  ...................  466, 

Tallmadge,  James  ..................  62, 

Tallmadge,  Nathaniel  P.,  mention  of,  84, 

361,  394,  462,  498,  558,  564,  580. 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  mention  of...  147,  298, 

Tappan,   Arthur  ...................... 

Tappan,  Lewis,  mention  of,  146,  572,  595, 
Taylor,  John  .....................  505, 

Taylor,  Henry  W.,  mention  of,  359,  392, 
Taylor,  John  P  .......................  . 


560 
609 

39 
659 
533 
561 
539 
665 
711 
535 

51 

73 
442 
501 
612 

80- 
758 
501 
308 
501 

50 
660 
379 
609 
384 
623 
151 
676 
808 
590 
497 
534 
569 
523 
182 
227 
669 
327 
146 
636 
645 
465 
588 


INDEX. 


831 


Taylor,  General  Zachary 792,  807 

Taylor,  Colonel  Joseph 755 

Ten  Eyck,  General 623 

Ten  Eyck,  Visscher 645 

u. 

United  States  Bank,  speech  on 96 

Underwood,  Amos 294 

Underwood,  George 704 

Underwood,  Henry,  mention  of,  551,  563,  578 

691 
Upshur,  A.  P    mention  of 562,  668,  696 

V. 

Van  Dieman's  Land  prisoners 621 

Van  Nest  tragedy 786,  787 

Virginia,  a  warning  from 93 

Virginia  controversy 437 

Virginia  Non-intercourse  Law 529 

Virginia  Requisition 429 

Virginia  Search  Law 600 

Virginia,  slave  life  in 271 

Virginia,  Valley  of 268 

Vail,  Captain 625 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  mention  of.. 36,  60,  61 
67,  71,  73,  74,  75,  84,  85,  86,  100,  189,  221 
22*,  232,  238,  252,  296,  317,  327,  338,  340 
352,  401,  416,  445,  494,  499,  501,  515,  524 
525,  554,  562,  572,  611,  647,  654,  656,  659 
668,  670,  677,  681,  682,  683,  691,  714,  722 
739,  763 

Van  Buren,  Smith  T 435 

Van  Buren,  John,  mention  of,  343,  450,  456 
482,  759,  812,  813,  817,  820,  821 

Van  Bergen ,  Judge 576 

Van  Cortlandt,  Pierre 513 

Vanderpoel,  Aaron 585 

Van  Rensselaer,  Solomon 50,  526 

Van  Rensselaer,  Stephen,  mention  of..  211 

392,  394 

Van  Reusselaer,  Patroon 449 

Van  Vechten,  Mayor 576,  645 

Varian,  Isaac  L    577 

Van  Zandt,  Rev.  Washington 675 

Vassar,  Matthew 368 

Verplanck,  Gulian  C.,  mention  of.. 154,  157 

240,  246,  364,  442,  466,  492,  514,  537,  553 

569,  577,  655 

Viele,  Egbert  L  623 

Vinton,  Francis 608 

w. 

Whig  discord 757 

Whig  party,  origin  of 154,  237 

Whig  victories 343 

Whigs  and  the  foreign  vote 507 

Whigs,  defeat  of 241,  571 

Whigs,  triumph  of 343 

Wyatt  murder  case,  the 785 

Wadsworth,  James 230 

Walworth,  Chancellor,  mention  of,  384,  516 

593 

Wai  worth,  Lyman  J 490 

Warren,  George  B 689 

Ward,  Henry  Dana 77 

Washington"  George 98 

Watson,  Elkanah 432 

Wavland,  Francis 29,  427 


PAOE. 
Wayne,  James  M 240 

Weed,  Thurlow 

Advises  Seward  to  write  out  his  re 
marks  191 

Advises  the  Governor          380 

Albany  Evening  Journal  established. .     77 

Anti-Masonic  party 90 

Anti-rent  troubles 756 

Clamor  against  Abolitionists 293 

Clever  caricature  of  Weed 433 

Contemplates  leaving  the  Journal. ...   719 
Declines  Clerkship  with  the  Assembly  349 

Defeat  of  Henry  Clay 732,  735 

Describes  Maynard's  death 220 

Elected  State*  Printer 462 

Embarked  on  a  sea  of  difficulties 374 

Establishes  Jeffersonian  newspaper..  354 
Evening  Journal  as  an  advertising  me 
dium 641 

First  meeting  with  Seward 56 

God  be  thanked,  we  are  victorious 87& 

His  daughter's  recovery 738 

His  departure  for  Europe 662 

His  generous  and  faithful  friendship..  639 

His  letters  to  the  Evening  Journal 609 

His  painful  accident 196 

His  political  responsibilities 348 

In  a  very  critical  situation 224 

Introduces  Horace  Greeley 395 

Interesting  letters  from  Europe  .  .680,  688 
J.   Fenimore  Cooper  commences    his 

libel  suit 582 

Late  printer  and  late  dictator . .   648 

Meeting  at  the  Eagle  Tavern 184 

Murder  of   William  Morgan 83 

National  Anti-Masonic  Convention...     79 

Never  forgets  his  friends 172 

New  York  and  Erie  railroad  convention  341 
One  of  the  great  politicians  of  the  age,  179 

Political  advice  to  Seward 353 

Presaging  disasters  to  the  Whig  party  560 

Recommended  for  Governor 693 

Returns  from  Santa  Cruz 740 

Sails  with    his  daughter    Harriet    to 

Santa  Cruz 738 

Saves  the  State  several  thousand  dol 
lars 534 

Seward' s  friendship  for 166 

Seward  and  the   Constitutional  Con 
vention 790 

Seward' s  father  confessor  194 

Searching  for  a  candidate 156,  158 

Sustains    defeat  with   firmness    and 

spirit 218 

Sympathy  with  Seward' s  affliction...  325 

The  Albany  Lobby 213 

The  Whigs  defeated 241 

The  year  of  financial  collapse 323 

Trial  of  the  negro  Freeman 810,  812 

Urges  right  of  suffrage  to  colored  peo 
ple 465 

Visit  to  Daniel  O'Connell 674 

Webb,  Henry  L 645 

Webb,  James  Watson,  mention  of.. 248,  358 
636,  656,  676,  683,  769 

Webster,  Daniel,  mention  of,  96, 150,  228,  237 

252,  299,  318,  338.  447,  493,  498.  515,  521 

526.  527,  551,  553,  555,  563,  565,  603,  615 

622,  623,  625,  658,  661,  664,  681,  692,  765 

772,  774,  776,  782,  783,  793,  80S 


832 


INDEX. 


PAGE. 

Webster,  Horace  B 609 

Weed,  Harriet  A.,  mention  of.. 248,  251,  256 

364,  663,  665 

Weir,  Professor 609,  649 

Welch,  Rev.  Dr 165 

Wells,  Alexander  H 492 

Wells,  Henry 678 

Wetmore,  Prosper  M 240 

Wetmore,  R.  C.,  mention  of 412,  504 

Wheaton,  Henry  G.,  mention  of,  453,  645,  766 

White,  Drs.  W.  &  G.  H 737 

White,  John 505,  545 

Whitehouse,  Bishop 677 

Whiting,  Bowen , .  .709,  809 

Whiting,  John 501 

Whitney,  Asa 474 

Whittlesey,  Elisha 526 

Whittlesey,  Frederick,  mention  of.. 77,  157 

182,  244,  369,  434,  723,  730,  757 

Wickliffe,  Postmaster-General 606 

Wilder,  MyronO 704 

Wilkes,  Commodore 609 

Wilkeson,  Judge 56 

Wilkin,  S.  J 722,  725 

Willard's,  Mrs.,  Seminary 55 

Williams,  Dr 660 

Williams,  Elisha 96 

Wilson,  James  G.,  mention  of,  670,  762,  798 

Wilson,  John  Q 575 

Winthrop,  R.  0 772,  774 


1  /  PAGE. 

1/WiTt,  William,  mention  of... 90,  99,  100,  156 

208 

Wise,  Henry  A 559 

1  Witherell,  Colonel  H.  G ,'. 77 

Wood,  Bradford  R 766 

Wood,  George  H 294,  469 

Wood,  George 96 

Wool,  General  John  E 601 

Wood,  Jethro,  mention  of 761,  768,  772 

Wood,  Seneca „ ....  M 

Wood,  William 737 

Worden,  Alvah,  mention  of.. 501,  528,  534 

790,  808 
Worden,  Mrs.  Alvah,  mention  of..  .290,  335 

722,  813 

Warden,  Ethan  A 816,  820 

Worden,  Warren  T 816,  820 

Wright,  David  813,  816 

Wright,  Silas  ....226,  655,  715,  722,  725,  759 

763,  789 
Wright,  William  B 469,  808 

Y. 

Young  Men' s  State  Convention 68,  230 

Yates,  Joseph  C 61,  494 

Young,  John 560 

Young,  Samuel,  mention  of,  61,  403, 474,  501 
586,  611,  639,  654,  676,  679 


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